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Only two republics have ever adopted national alcohol prohibition in peacetime, and they did so at almost exactly the same time. For these reasons and others, historians of temperance have considered prohibition in Finland and the United States to be essentially similar. In fact, despite originating at the same time, the two are quite dissimilar. American prohibition came out of Protestant revivalism and a capitalist desire for worker efficiency. By the late nineteenth century two powerful temperance organizations, the Women’s Christian Temperance Union and the Anti- Saloon League, had emerged to lead the movement for domestic prohibition and to evangelize for prohibition abroad. Prohibition in Finland came out of the movement to achieve a cultural and political nationalism. Temperance was part of the Turku academics’ attempt to create a virtuous unified peasantry and working class. The working class, in particular, used the temperance movement to organize their movements. While the United States and Finland were the only two republics to undertake national prohibition, the US largely ignored the Finnish experiment. They praised it in the early 1920s only to emphasize its later failures as a way of trying to obscure their own inability to achieve a viable policy.

The period from 1865 to 1900 proved to be one of tremendous growth for music education in the United States, as well as a time of renewed activity for the temperance movement. Numerous single-volume school songbooks were published, and several sources note the inclusion of temperance songs in these songbooks. By conveying the temperance message to school children, reformers both indoctrinated those children to temperance ideology and used them as intermediaries to convey the message of temperance to their parents and other adults. This study examines temperance songs included in sixty-seven school songbooks from this period, noting common themes and tactics employed by temperance lyricists as well as variations in dominant themes across this thirty-five-year span.

In 1907, the Utah State Legislature created the Library-Gymnasium Commission; by 1909, 8 cities had approved a tax, with 18 others in the preliminary stages. The movement was intended to counteract delinquency among young unemployed males on the theory that they would be attracted to the gymnasium and eventually the library, where they would be influenced by the moral and socially improving materials found there. However, none of the cities ever built a structure to house both a library and gymnasium. The commission was abolished in 1911. Factors that played a role in the movement’s trajectory are the social construction of the public library as an instrument of civic reform, the social philosophy of mens sana in corpore sano, the temperance movement, the Carnegie Corporation’s refusal to provide funds for the joint venture, the increase in high school gymnasiums, and the Panic of 1910–11.

This research note is designed to shed light on seafaring life during the first half of the nineteenth century by examining a contemporary work, Incidents of a whaling voyage by F. A. Olmsted (1841). Olmsted recorded the shipboard routine of both an American whaler and a merchantman over the course of a sixteen-month voyage, resulting in a rich description of the ships and their crews. His personal conviction regarding abstinence from alcohol also provides insights into the Temperance movement in this period. The result is a unique source for the study of seafaring life and material culture in mid-nineteenth century American seafaring communities as seen through the lens of a young educated physician from Connecticut.

This article studies the interwar international conferences on the alcohol problem. How did they view the alcohol problem and its causes; what were the consequences for the individual and the society as a whole; and which solutions merited discussion? The first post-war conferences enjoyed an optimistic and internationalistic atmosphere, added to by American prohibition, which had given the temperance movement plenty to be hopeful about. But when the 1920s turned to the 1930s, the conferences were transformed into arenas for national solutions and into outright propaganda pieces. The responses to the alcohol problem debated in the interwar conferences built on a combination of scientifically masked ideological conviction and ideologically inspired passion for science. The apparently neutral ethics of such thinking was manifested in various radical measures to combat alcohol abuse.

The histories of nationalism and temperance in India were closely intertwined from their very inceptions. While the former is the topic of frequent study, the latter has rarely been examined—in fact, Indian temperance is often taken as an axiom. My dissertation argues that the Indian temperance movement, like the nation, was a timely innovation. It explains the specific history of why and how temperance activism came to be an important facet of the struggle for Indian independence. It will also show how this close relationship played out globally, when Indians exported nationalist sentiments abroad and when the cause of Indian self-rule became an unavoidable question in temperance journals and at temperance meetings in Britain and the United States. Both scholarly and popular works of history assume that alcoholic beverages were introduced into India by the British. I demonstrate that some Indians consumed alcoholic beverages on a large scale well before high colonialism, but that British rulers made drinking an issue for the first time when, in the 19 century, they introduced a new tax policy favoring the use of European-style liquors over those that had traditionally been produced in India. This resulted in a large protest movement in which thousands of drinking Indians refused to purchase Indian-made alcoholic beverages until the taxes on

Opening with the story of the Talbot Hotel in Harcourt, central Victoria, which was closed then re-opened as an alcohol-free Coffee Palace, in this chapter Taylor describes the emergence and influence of the anti-alcohol temperance movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. With international examples but focusing on Australia, Taylor characterises temperance groups and beliefs, highlighting the sometimes-surprising roles of Liberal ideals, and of responses to domestic violence. While temperance influence is better known for failed national prohibition, Taylor shows alliances earlier converging on calls for local rights, and argues democratic vetos on alcohol have had lasting but overlooked legacies. The chapter considers liquor licensing within the historical context of local laws, property rights and voting rights; pointing to shifts accompanying industrialization and suburbanization. It concludes by examining features of Local Option, Local Veto, and Permissive Bill policies including in Canada, the US, New Zealand, Scotland and Australia.

In this chapter Taylor argues that the often overlooked “local option” policies introduced through the temperance movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries form part of the genealogy of zoning and planning. The early twenty-first century is a useful time to reflect on this history, as while some temperance era controls are being reformed or scaled back, essentially identical controls are put forward apparently for much the same reasons. The chapter shows how contemporary planning debates around alcohol-related land uses, and other developments seen as polluting, re-enact local option debates. Examples of divisive bottle shop and electronic gaming machine developments (including the Highland Society proposal in Castlemaine) are given. The chapter critically examines ways in which tensions between individual and local rights, as between localism and centralism; the promise and perils of direct democratic rights; and the persistence of domestic violence, continue to catalyse local controls on alcohol.

In this chapter Taylor introduces the influence of local anti-alcohol policies of the temperance movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, using an 1882 incident at a hotel in Barkers Creek, central Victoria, as an illustration. Taylor suggests that the closure of all the hotels in Barkers Creek and neighboring Harcourt by the 1920s as a result of local temperance policies and groups reflects a larger story of legal and political change. The chapter introduces “local option” rights and controls of the temperance era, suggesting these smaller prohibitions have been overlooked and warrant re-examination in light of contemporary planning challenges. With international examples but focusing on Victoria, the structure of the “Dry Zones” book is outlined, seeking to offer a new perspective on the rise of democratic controls on alcohol, their influence on liquor licensing and early zoning ideas, and their legacies for cities and planning today.

Beginning with recent reports that Melbourne’s two “dry zones” had been relegated to the history books, in this chapter Taylor proposes instead that contemporary urban planning continues to bear traces of the temperance movement of the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries. These range from idiosyncratic dry zones and covenants; to ideas of residential amenity, separation and zoning; and objection rights of property owners. Taylor argues temperance ideas are still recognisable in the ways cities like Melbourne are organised. Characterising local option controls as a form of “planning before planning”, the chapter critically examines how liquor licensing, zoning and metropolitan planning converged over the twentieth century in Victoria, reinforcing similar ideas around alcohol and land use and reshaping hotels into car and parking-oriented formats. Examples are given of planning conflicts—live music venues, packaged liquor outlets, fast food restaurants—with historical roots in local option politics of the temperance era.

Although America was most famously temperate in the late nineteenth and early twentieth century, the temperance movement was not something created by the Women’s Christian Temperance Union. The roots were men controlling men for economic advancement in pre-Revolutionary War America. The goal of temperance remained thus until speakers during the Second Great Awakening began preaching on the topic of temperance and calling on women to further the cause. Temperance became a woman’s issue with women as the natural leaders of the movement because of the place women— as moral authorities—occupied in society. Literature written by women in the 1830s and 40s furthered the cause and helped women relate to the movement, using the accepted religious rhetoric and sentimental “womanly” emotionalism to convert new female activists. Religion empowered temperance, temperance empowered women, and women then used temperance and the new religious rhetoric to justify their cause and to further woman’s entry into politics.

Taking a series of popular jokes about fictitious “anti-societies” as its point of departure, this article explores the responses to the transformation of reform in the decade between 1825 and 1835 and places them in the context of social and political change brought about by Jacksonian democracy. Rooted in the tradition of the moral reform society, through specialization of its aims, the anti-society seemed to become a democratic pendant of older reform societies and was thought to play a more divisive role in local communities. Critics denounced the new societies for their prescriptive character, the prominent role women played, and the “spirit of opposition” they triggered. Contemporaries increasingly understood the evolution of reform culture from the relatively harmonious religious and moral reform societies of the Benevolent Empire of the first quarter of the 19th century to the oppositional and highly contested organizations of radical antislavery and temperance of the 1830s as a serious threat to the social order and the future of the United States. Using the Benign Violation Theory of Humor, this article argues that the American reaction to anti-societies suggests that while they were broadly perceived as a threat to the social order from the late 1820s on, this threat was at first understood to be benign, and thus could be laughed off, while from 1833 on, anti-societies were increasingly regarded as a destructive force, and provoked substantial fears that could justify violent responses as an alternative way to reinforce the “normal” order of things.

Purpose – On-premise trading hours are generally decided at the local level. The purpose of this paper is to identify relevant advocacy coalitions and to assess to what extent and how these coalitions used research in the alcohol policy-making process concerning changes in on-premise trading hours in Norway. Design/methodology/approach – Theory-driven content analyses were conducted, applying data from city council documents (24 Norwegian cities) and Norwegian newspaper articles and broadcast interviews (n=138) in 2011-2012. Findings – Two advocacy coalitions with conflicting views and values were identified. Both coalitions used research quite extensively – in the public debate and in the formal decision-making process – but in different ways. The restrictive coalition, favouring restricted trading hours and emphasising public health/safety, included the police and temperance movements and embraced research demonstrating the beneficial health/safety effects of restricting trading hours. The liberal coalition of conservative politicians and hospitality industry emphasised individual freedom and industry interests and promoted research demonstrating negative effects on hospitality industry turnover. This coalition also actively discredited the research demonstrating the beneficial health/safety effects of restricting trading hours. Originality/value – Little is known about how local alcohol policy-making processes are informed by research-based knowledge. This study is the first to analyse how advocacy coalitions use research to influence local alcohol policy-making.

Introduction School songbooks from the pioneering period of music education in the United States (1838-1861) served an important purpose, bridging the years from the introduction of music in the public schools to the time when music series books were well established and providing both song material and rudimentary music instruction. Hundreds of songbook titles were published and millions of copies were sold. Music supervisors often published their own songbooks, consisting of carefully planned lessons. These books primarily utilized the movable "do" system and often included song material focused on nature and social life. (1) From its introduction in the 1830s, public school music was often defended on moral ground as expressed in The Manual of the Boston Academy of Music: We can affect moral character, only through the medium of the feelings. When they are interested, the attention can be fixed, and the mind turned to the most important truths. Most of our feelings are habitual, and connected with our ordinary associations.... No instrument for this purpose is more powerful than vocal music. (2) Mark and Gary note that the school songbooks that followed "were frequently designed to impart secularized lessons drawn from Protestant Christian morality," (3) and Gustafson also acknowledges the role these early songbooks played in civilizing and socializing children by focusing on moral and social issues including temperance reform. While modern readers may find it surprising that temperance songs would have any place in school songbooks, lyrics focused on temperance reform and other social issues of the day were designed to help shape future citizens. (4) Although sources note the presence of temperance songs in school songbooks, little research has been done on how frequently this occurred and which themes of the temperance movement were present in the song lyrics. However, previous sources suggest that the period from 1840 to 1860 marks both the first phase of school music instruction in the United States and the emergence of popular temperance song literature. This study explores the inclusion of temperance songs in school songbooks during this period, noting dominant temperance themes and other related issues. Brief Summary of Early Temperance Reform Like the early stages of public school music instruction, the temperance movement was strongly influenced by Christian morality. The American Society for the Promotion of Temperance, better known as the American Temperance Society (ATS) was founded at Park Street Church in Boston in 1826 by a group of evangelical clergymen. In its early years, the ATS embraced a pledge of abstinence from distilled spirits, but a more restrictive pledge, one of "teetotalism" or abstinence from all intoxicating beverages, contributed to the decline of that organization in the late 1830s. Also, in the late 1830s, the temperance movement began to shift from "moral suasion" as a reform tactic toward "coercion." Moral suasion was a nineteenth-century term referring to reform efforts that appealed to the emotions and intellect of the drunkard while coercion utilized force and legal means such as licensing laws or prohibition to control the alcohol problem. Several counties in Massachusetts enacted laws to prohibit the sale of alcohol, and other laws prohibiting or limiting the sale of alcohol were enacted in Tennessee, Rhode Island, New Hampshire, Connecticut, and Mississippi. (5) In 1840, a new organization was formed when a group of reformed drinkers established the Washingtonians at a Baltimore tavern. The Washingtonians based membership in their organization on personal abstinence and utilized moral suasion as their primary means to induce others to give up alcohol. Music played a prominent role in Washingtonian meetings, both group singing and performances by professional singers, and the first popular temperance songs began to appear in print during this time. …

The aim of this paper is to study of Ellen G. White’s social reform activities in the 19th century in America. At this time, the social reform movement was a core agenda in America. The social reforms were developed before and after the Civil War divided. Before the Civil War, the social reforms were vigorously proceeded to focus on emancipation movement. Changing of healthy lifestyle and transforming of social structure are the main issues of social reform. In addition, the moral self-reform, which was influenced from Transcendentalism, was one of the reform issues. Ellen G. White, who grew up in this contemporary situation, was known as a social reformer in the areas of the health reform. Of course she took part in the emancipation movement and the women’s liberation movement. Her reform movement was based on the perspective of the great controversy. So, she focused on the self-reform of morality rather than the reform of social structure. The feature of her social reform movement was to build the Kingdom of God.