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Based on data from South Africa's research and development (R&D) surveys, the country's R&D expenditure has grown in real terms by 52% over the period 2001 to 2012. This growth has been driven by government funding, which rose from 34% of the total funding in 2003 to 45% by 2012. Much of the additional funding has been granted to universities, with government support of R&D in this sector rising 450% in nominal terms, or 250% in real terms, over the same period. This funding focus, indicative of a growing role for universities as R&D performers within the national system of innovation, follows a pattern set earlier in many developed countries and reflects a revision in the state's steering of knowledge creation. The R&D Survey also revealed a decline in the average cost of research, as expressed by expenditure per full-time equivalent researcher. This finding suggests that the researcher labour market is being better supplied and the constraints identified by earlier reviews are slowly being overcome. Both trends are highly positive for the research system. However, the 34% decline in business R&D expenditure since its peak in 2008 is a matter of concern and needs to be addressed. In particular, the level of state-industry embeddedness must be increased to encourage private investment and to overcome South Africa's present growth constraints in respect of developing competitive medium- to high-technology sectors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores, using a qualitative case study design, the role of entrepreneurship in the public sector in South Africa. A "private sector" framework through which to view a public sector organisation's activities is used to examine if entrepreneurial activity is present. As entrepreneurial strategy development and entrepreneurial orientation are evidence of "entrepreneurship", including corporate entrepreneurship, these constructs are explored in this research. The findings suggest that significant entrepreneurial activity is present in the public sector organisation studied. Further, the research reveals and reinforces the view of entrepreneurship as universal, and takes the position of corporate entrepreneurship in established organisations beyond the sole remit of private enterprises. Although the particular organisation that has been studied is unique in its makeup, the public organisation itself contributes, through innovative and proactive practices, to this uniqueness. The implications of this research are important to other government departments and entities in South Africa. One of these implications is that possibilities for entrepreneurship reside within these organisations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The South African democratic government is now responsible for providing public services to all of its citizens. To increase accountability, enhance good governance and improve service delivery for all citizens, in 2009/2010 the Presidency shifted the public sector from the input-output performance management (PM) framework to the Outcomes Approach (OA). Questions presented are (1) whether the African National Congress as ruling party, renowned for a successful liberation struggle, has fostered results-oriented PM? (2) In importing the international best practice of the OA did the South African government take African epistemologies into account? It is argued that African epistemologies, such as Afrikology (Nabudere, 2011) offer a strategy for putting people first to improve service delivery for all South Africans. The mixed method research design applied case study strategy to draw upon 44 senior managers in the Department of Agriculture and Environmental Affairs as respondents. Content, matrix and thematic analyses were employed to analyse qualitative data. Stata software was used to analyse quantitative data. Unlike results from qualitative data, results of quantitative data yield some evidence of political accountability and PM effectiveness through the OA. Change management for OA implementation appears elusive. It does not seem that African epistemologies are incorporated into change management and OA implementation. It is recommended that the South African government take cognisance of African ways of knowing and be at the forefront of decolonising the Public Service by using Afrikology to promote new knowledge production for employee development and citizen driven PM to improve service delivery. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we analyze the economy-wide impact of an increase in property tax in South Africa by disaggregating the real property sector into three subcomponents: property-owning, subletting of fixed property, and other activities of estate agencies. Use is made of the computable general equilibrium model for this end. The results of the simulation show that increasing taxation in the property sector reduces demand for all types of labor in South Africa. Moreover, the results of the simulations show that a tax increase in the property sector reduces economic activity in the country and offsets a possible increase in government revenue. We suggest that the South African government should be cautious about resorting to an increase in tax in the property sector to raise revenue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cases of the African National Congress (ANC) in South Africa and the Movement for Multiparty Democracy (MMD) in Zambia show major differences in the extent to which incoming ruling parties after a regime change build strong party systems. The ANC institutionalised a hegemonic party apparatus after coming to power, while the MMD did not. These differences, we contend, are related to the ANC's history of a prolonged struggle that included violent conflict in contrast to the MMD's peaceful pro-democracy campaign. Theorising this contrast provides a framework for investigating causes of different outcomes in party institutionalisation after regime change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the black consciousness and development in South Africa. Topics include the limitations of technocracy in the country as evident in the housing policies of the African National Congress, the government's efforts to alleviate poverty in the country, and the role of black students in the emancipatio of their communities.

Street trader organisations are paradoxical objects of study. Their claims resist being analysed through the ‘right to the city’ lens, so contested are rights to inner city spaces between multiple users, not all of them in dominant socioeconomic positions; and so ambiguous is the figure of the street trader, oppressed but also appropriating public space for profit, increasingly claiming, in neoliberalising cities, an entrepreneurial identity. In the aftermath of the 2013 ‘Operation Clean Sweep’ (in which the City of Johannesburg unsuccessfully attempted to evict street traders from its inner city), this paper unpacks the politics of street trader organisations: how they organise their constituencies, frame their claims, forge unlikely alliances and enter into disempowering conflicts in engagements with a divisive municipality. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This paper considers the extent to which South Africa utilises positive economic statecraft to promote human rights in the region – that is, the degree to which it mobilises its economic engagement to affect a desirable political outcome in its foreign engagements in Southern Africa. The country's reaction to crises in Zimbabwe and Swaziland over the past 20 years is a strong indicator of the limits of South Africa's statecraft in this regard. These engagements highlight the inevitable clash between the country's principled preference for ‘non-interference’ in the affairs of sovereign states and its constitutional mandate to respect and promote human rights. Despite eschewing the role of ‘regional hegemon’, there is an expectation that South Africa will play an integral role in securing regional stability. Yet there is little evidence to suggest that the country chooses to approach resolving regional challenges with a co-ordinated political and economic approach. This paper argues that, to be more effective in spreading a progressive regional agenda that encourages democracy, governance and human rights, South Africa needs to incorporate a stronger element of positive economic statecraft in its foreign policy implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Review of African Political Economy is the property of Review of Political Economy (ROAPE) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The rhino-poaching crisis in South Africa, according to many concerned citizens, conservation organisations and governments, is ‘out of control’. With over 1000 rhinos poached in each of 2013, 2014 and 2015, the crisis has triggered a massive response, much of which heavily depends on online tools to raise funds and awareness. The paper analyses emotive discourses and imaginaries as part of dominant online responses to the rhino-poaching crisis and found that these are predominantly espoused by whites and show a worrying penchant towards (extreme) violence. Building on a theorisation of the links between race, nature, affect and control, the paper hypothesises that these responses reflect a ‘politics of hysteria’. This politics captures the employment of affective and emotive expressions as a way to demand control over a situation ‘out of control’ in the context of historical and contemporary South African political economies of racial inequality. And as these expressions often tend towards exaggerated or extreme violence, they become potent forms of political mobilisation and intervention. New media are a crucial ingredient of this potency, and the paper concludes that this opens up important new questions about the relations between race, nature and violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents a reprint of the article "The Jewish Connection in the Rivonia Trial, 1963-4" by Gene Eisen and Les Glassman, which appeared in the 2015 issue of "The Israel Philatelist." Topics mention including the draconian apartheid laws, Jewish participation in the trial such as prosecution, defense and accused and Rivonia Trial which began on October 9, 1963.

The article discusses the Grahamstown libel trial of 1934 based from the book "The Lie That Wouldn't Die: The Protocols of the Elderly of Zion" by Hadassa Ben-Itto. Topics mention including the South African Jewish Board of Deputies who submitted a case against the members of the South African National Party, Reverend Abraham Levy and the first case where the book was discredited in the court of law.

The article discusses the politics and rabbinate in South African from 1898. Topics mention including the leading Jewish congregations in Johannesburg, Reverend Doctor Joseph Herman Hertz as the Minister of the Jewish congregation Witwatersrand Old Hebrew Congregation (WOHC) in 1898 and Rabbi Doctor Judah Leo Landau as the minister of the Johannesburg Hebrew Congregation (JHC) in 1903.

Copyright of History in Africa: A Journal of Method is the property of Cambridge University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on the trial of South African president Jacob Zuma for rape in 2005, to explore the post-apartheid period in South Africa. Topic discussed include citation of Rudyard Kipling's poem "If -" by Judge Willem J. van der Merwe in his verdict, political asylum sought by the victim in the Netherlands after dismissal of chargers on Zuma, and accusation on the judge for being ignorant about African notions of kinship, as the victim called Zuma her uncle.

Positioned within a nexus of themes in early 21st-century South Africa,Winnie: The Operareflects the nation's desire to re-define itself artistically after its brutal colonial and apartheid history. Through the subject matter of a living controversial woman in politics (Winnie Madikizela-Mandela), the use of English and isiXhosa languages along with video excerpts from the South African Broadcasting Corporation coverage of the Truth and Reconciliation Commission, and a musical language that includes traditional African music integrated with a western European operatic style, the opera brings together modern sensibilities that help express who South Africa is in the early millennium. In an analysis that positionsWinniein dialogue with traditional western European opera, this article also looks to opera in the United States a model for how stories about politics, race and ethnicity, and controversy are well borne out in opera as a genre. By highlighting the TRC in the beginning and finale,Winnie: The Operapresents new opportunities for South Africa and the world to deal with a horrendous past that wraps gender, politics, and nation together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Grassroots political organising came to dominate the political landscape in South Africa in the early 2000s. The main impetus for new forms of community-based protest was the rightward shift in the government's economic policies and the related cut-backs to basic services, such as water and electricity, to township and other impoverished black communities. One of the country's largest and leading social movements during this time was the Anti- Privatisation Forum (APF). This article provides a rare insider's look at the APF - its structures, strategies, politics, tactics and internal challenges. The article draws attention to the considerable success the organisation had both in terms of forcing the state to reform some of its policies in favour of the poor and also in terms of creating new spaces and opportunities for political engagement, although it concludes with a sobering reminder that many of the key factors required to support and sustain democratic and accountable community-based organisations were not present in the APF or other social movements in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an attempt to reflect on nationalist politics and its accompanying political imaginations in South Africa, in the process questioning the assertion of a single ‘rainbow nation’, by locating the ways in which community is imagined in post-apartheid South Africa. It looks at the ‘other’ South Africa, which has yet to realise the gains of political modernity. For these citizens of South Africa, modernity is but a distant project. Its consequences in most parts of this ‘other’ South Africa have been not only extreme poverty, social marginality or political exclusion, but also the emergence and formation of new subjectivities and collective agency. This article seeks to theorise the modern political subject in the ‘other’ South Africa that has not actively participated in the project of modernity and globalisation. In the process, it seeks also to examine how citizen–subject positions are being constituted – particularly in the interaction between state and non-state actors, as a precursor to a future study of the broader interplay of citizenship, governmentality and political subjectivity in contemporary South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article explores the electoral performance of the African National Congress (ANC) to argue that there is evidence of a two-fold movement. On the one hand the ANC is weakening as a national organization, and on the other the ANC is strengthening as a regional party based in KwaZulu-Natal. This article explores the significance of these developments for democracy in South Africa today and, more importantly, for the integrity of the South African nation. The article argues that the ANC has historically been the main mover of an inclusive (‘cosmopolitan’) vision of South Africa. As it weakens and metamorphoses, what will happen to its commitment to this brand of African nationalism? Furthermore, are the conditions of a South African nation sufficiently in place that the future of the country as a national community is secure, even as the ANC’s commitment to such a vision weakens? [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Democratic consolidation relies on a degree of political trust and support for new democratic institutions and actors. A decline in political trust threatens the legitimacy of institutions, and democracy itself. Using Ipsos Khayabus 2014 national public opinion survey data, the paper explores levels of political trust in South Africa's transitional society in late 2014. It asks whether there is a sufficient mass of ‘critical citizens’ to ensure accountable government, and trust expressed towards key objects in the political system. We find that a majority of South Africans are critical citizens, offering conditional support based on performance evaluations. However, we also find little distinction in the minds of citizens between political institutions and the actors that inhabit them. Low levels of trust in political actors tend to erode trust in institutions. In turn, political trust in democratic institutions is also linked to evaluations of the ruling party; signalling the dangers of a prolonged stay in power by a dominant party. Finally, we conclude with possible implications for democratic consolidation by arguing that if despondence with current actors and institutions increases citizens may become less satisfied with democracy and less inclined to embrace the dream of a democratic, unified nation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

This article considers the South African Constitution as a living text that founds the new democratic state and asks about its politics of memory. By its very nature, a constitution looks simultaneously backwards and forwards: the promise of the constitution cannot be understood separately from its memory of the apartheid past, and vice versa. The past continuously gets rewritten and reframed as we always reinterpret it anew in light of current concerns and power distributions. It is argued that these politics do not fade away but rather intensify as we move further away from the constitutional moment in time. Focusing on the urgent problem of on-going very high levels of sexual violence in South Africa, the article tries to capture the ways in which constitutional memory and promise function and should function in this respect. Two strategies of memory, namely the memorial and the monumental, are distinguished and applied to the constitutional promise to end sexual violence. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The article discusses the importance of having stable wind turbine foundations to eccentric and gapping loading. Topics covered include the shift of the global development model to the promotion of sustainable development. Also mentioned is the focus of the government of South Africa on energy production to become more sustainable.

The study investigates and entails a crossed analysis of the legal and constitutional processes through which a state o f emergency and a state of siege are brought into being within the contexts o f Cameroon and South Africa. In both countries, a presidential act is required to enforce these institutions. However, the significant fact is that the status and the legal regime o f such an act are different and lead to some major consequences on human rights and the rule of law. In the case of Cameroon, the presidential act declaring a state of emergency or a state of siege is an Act of state whereas in the case of South Africa, it is an Act of Parliament. The latter is subject to judicial review and parliamentary appreciation whereas the former is linked to the idea of raison d'état and is a completely presidential matter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent scholarly attention has focused on weak governance and the negative effects of corruption on the provision of health services. Employing agency theory, this article discusses corruption in the South African health sector. We used a combination of research methods and triangulated data from three sources: Auditor-General of South Africa reports for each province covering a 9-year period; 13 semi-structured interviews with health sector key informants and a content analysis of print media reports covering a 3-year period. Findings from the Auditor-General reports showed a worsening trend in audit outcomes with marked variation across the nine provinces. Key-informants indicated that corruption has a negative effect on patient care and the morale of healthcare workers. The majority of the print media reports on corruption concerned the public health sector (63%) and involved provincial health departments (45%). Characteristics and complexity of the public health sector may increase its vulnerability to corruption, but the private-public binary constitutes a false dichotomy as corruption often involves agents from both sectors. Notwithstanding the lack of global validated indicators to measure corruption, our findings suggest that corruption is a problem in the South African healthcare sector. Corruption is influenced by adverse agent selection, lack of mechanisms to detect corruption and a failure to sanction those involved in corrupt activities. We conclude that appropriate legislation is a necessary, but not sufficient intervention to reduce corruption. We propose that mechanisms to reduce corruption must include the political will to run corruption-free health services, effective government to enforce laws, appropriate systems, and citizen involvement and advocacy to hold public officials accountable. Importantly, the institutionalization of a functional bureaucracy and public servants with the right skills, competencies, ethics and value systems and whose interests are aligned with health system goals are critical interventions in the fight against corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abortion is a common medical experience, globally and in South Africa. Worldwide, approximately one in five pregnancies ends in abortion. But many societies understand abortion as a moral transgression, even if its benefits to public health are sanctioned legally. South Africa’s abortion culture reveals this paradox: abortion is often publicly condemned – by political authorities, healthcare workers, patients and their families – but privately sanctioned. The apartheid state sought to control the sexual behaviour of its subjects, and passed laws to regulate reproduction. These laws were defied en masse, by patients, doctors and clandestine providers. This article explores the apartheid state’s failure to police abortion, arguing that post-apartheid abortion culture has powerful continuities with the past. Abortion was legalised in 1996, during South Africa’s transition to democracy. While the Choice on Termination of Pregnancy Act has reduced mortality and morbidity resulting from unsafe abortion, illegal abortion remains popular. Unsafe abortion is notoriously difficult to quantify. In South Africa, high rates of maternal morbidity and mortality, including from uterine sepsis, point to the persistence of unsafe, illegal abortion. Women continue to terminate unwanted pregnancies as they always have: away from the glare of public censure, in the shadows of the reproductive arena. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Twenty years after the end of apartheid, South Africa’s Constitutional Court is one of the few meaningfully independent public institutions in the country. While not wholly autonomous from politics, the Court has shown itself to be detached enough on occasion to hold the ruling African National Congress (ANC) to account. This article explores how the Court has come to play this role. It starts by identifying two contrasting currents in the literature on the conditions for independent judicial decision-making: one that emphasises the determining influence of contextual factors and another that stresses constitutional courts’ capacity strategically to build their institutional power. The article then uses these two currents to suggest a qualified feedback-loop theory of the role of constitutional courts in processes of democratic consolidation. By carefully managing public perceptions of their appropriate role in national politics, the theory runs, constitutional courts may be able to expand the range of democratic rights that they are able to enforce. In turn, this may contribute to improvements in the functioning of the democratic system in ways that sustain the court’s democracy-strengthening capacity over time. The second half of the article illustrates the explanatory power of this theory in the South African case. While the Constitutional Court has been reluctant to offer a substantive theorisation of the threat posed by the ANC’s ongoing electoral dominance, it is argued, it has not been an entirely passive actor in the drama of South African politics. Using traditional formalist methods of legal reasoning, it has been able to expand the reach of the Constitution into areas traditionally thought to be off limits. In this way, the Court has been able to counteract some of the more pernicious effects of the country’s slide into maladministration, patronage politics and corruption. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Why do autocratic regimes use paramilitary groups, death squads, vigilantes, gangs, and other types of irregular, non-state actors to suppress popular opposition movements? We argue that the use of this type of state repression is a way for political leaders to lower the transaction costs of repression. Contrary to the use of regular security forces, which may trigger a host of consequences ranging from international economic sanctions to strikes and boycotts, irregular non-state violence specialists constitute an alternative governance structure for repression that, potentially, is less costly to elites. To substantiate this argument, the article investigates the use of informal violence to suppress opposition movements in South Africa, Kenya, and Egypt. It demonstrates how repression was shaped by the transaction costs that political leaders were confronting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper calls attention to how “the black lesbian”—as a figure and an idea—is emerging as a model of the ideal postapartheid citizen. I argue that this figure is both instituted and undermined at the point at which the nation becomes vexed by its own limits. Within this symbolic politics, “the black lesbian” is staged as a traumatized victim. To track how black lesbians have become enmeshed in debates about defining citizenship, I revisit the rape trial that was initiated when the pseudonymous “Khwezi” made a rape complaint against Jacob Zuma. I examine how “Khwezi” and Zuma came to represent competing ideas about citizenship. Drawing on Berlant’s analysis of the crucial role that “official sexual underclasses” play in the production of “national symbolic and political coherence,” I argue that the trial evidences how “the black lesbian,” a simultaneously abjected and idealized figure, is produced and mobilized as a political resource in South Africa’s citizenship politics. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Throughout the later twentieth century, Britain's Anti-Apartheid Movement (AAM) sat at the heart of a transnational advocacy network. From the mid-1980s, the increased repression of child and youth activists in South Africa became a particular topic of concern for the AAM, which launched a campaign to investigate and globally disseminate information about the brutality inflicted against black children. This network, in both its formal and informal forms, helped to garner essential international support for young activists detained by the apartheid regime. Yet, as children and youth's own stories were collected and rewritten for global audiences, they were abstracted from their political and cultural contexts, simplified into neat binaries of right and wrong, and framed according particular areas of moral global concern. While this strategy earned the AAM unprecedented media and governmental attention, it simultaneously denied children's resilience and political agency. This case study thus reveals the asymmetrical functioning of many transnational advocacy networks, which despite their good intentions, tend to privilege the connected over the disconnected. Exploring the AAM through a network approach reveals a web of connections among multiple individuals, groups and geographical sites, which complicate spatial conceptions of empire and postcolonial humanitarianism. Such an approach to global history exposes not just how metropole and periphery were mutually constituted, but also how they were mis-constituted through uneven exchanges or overlooked connections. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the application of principles governing public–private partnerships (PPPs) to a particular case in South Africa and suggests ways in which governance principles could be incorporated more effectively within its designated objectives. Despite an increasing recognition of the need for active research into the effectiveness of governance principles within PPPs, there remains very little research about the effectiveness of PPP governance as a developmental project. The Gautrain Rapid Rail Link is a project by the Gauteng provincial government (GPG) to provide efficient public transport options and good governance, using the build, operate and transfer type of PPP. This article draws on both a background case study of the Gautrain and the conceptual framework of governance to evaluate the extent to which effective governance has been achieved through the Gautrain. It sheds light on some governance issues and on the lessons learned that might be useful in enhancing governance in PPPs in South Africa. If the PPP mega-rail transportation system is to provide a new approach to delivering goods and services to citizens in post-apartheid South Africa, PPPs will need to be viewed as governance tools, promoting transparency, accountability, risk allocation, responsiveness, collaboration, mutual commitment, social and community obligations and proper strategic representation of costs in their planning and implementation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Since 1990 a rich body of autobiographical writing and interview testimony together with freshly available archival materials can support an assessment of the role played by South African communists in anti-apartheid opposition during the 1950s. Numbering only a few hundred, communists were very influential in leadership positions in the Congress Alliance and shaped programmes and actions in accordance with their own strategy of a united front. This article explores the ways on which the party established its own organisational structures as well as considering the extent and impact of its wider concerns. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent analyses of the continued dominance of the African National Congress (ANC) have centred on its organizational, electoral, governmental and popular bases of power. This paper extends this analysis by arguing that the ANC derives significant political power through its political communications, and particularly its political marketing. Through the lens of the latter, it examines the ANC's strategic political behaviour over time. It extends its analytical purview beyond election campaigns to include the process of creating the symbolic bases of the South African state through the discursive continuity of economic policy. This paper roots the ANC's political marketing within a wider historical, cultural, representational and political setting. It demonstrates the recursive practices and effects of the ANC's communications and the deep entanglement of politics with marketing. This paper makes an initial contribution to reconceptualizing the bases of the ANC's political dominance and sheds light on an understudied aspect of its political and cultural orientation. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

The self-appointed role of good international citizen that South Africa has played since 1994 is the external corollary of its supposed good governance at home. Weaknesses in domestic governance have, however, been evident since early in the life of democratic South Africa. These problems have become more acute, and internal dissatisfaction with and external awareness of ‘poor service delivery’ in South Africa have grown since 2009 when Jacob Zuma became president. The article illustrates that South Africa fails to meet core criteria of good governance and considers the implications of weak governance for the Republic's good international citizenship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I look at the values of freedom, dignity and equality, as they are founded in the Constitution of the Republic of South Africa, 1996 and consider how they ought to constitutionalise the legal concept o f contractual autonomy. I argue that the conception of contractual autonomy in the post-apartheid era has to be a shifting one that at once needs to be sensitive to the factual context, any applicable fundamental human rights (as entrenched in the Bill of Rights, Chapter Two of the Constitution), as well as the broader constitutional vision of a substantively progressive and transformative South Africa. To this end, I develop what I call the foundational constitutional triad' and use it as the framework for my ensuing analysis of the founding values. My analysis of the values then, reveals a distinct leaning toward a more full-bodied, substantive conception of legal autonomy. Indeed, this stands to reason given that the constitutional self is grounded essentially in the broader transformative project of South African society. In the end therefore, I maintain that if such an understanding of autonomy is carried forward into the South African law of contract, it would be able effectively to address the constitutional deficiencies o f the extant conception o f contractual autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Quaestio Iuris (QI) is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Accounts of African American journeys to Africa have long functioned as ways to comment on social, psychological, and political conditions at home. This article surveys a number of such works written since the advent of the Civil Rights Movement, and notes that the trend continues, albeit with different emphases. For Maya Angelou in All God's Children Need Traveling Shoes (1986) and Saidiya Hartman in Lose Your Mother: A Journey along the Atlantic Slave Route (2007), the journey leads to a renewed call for solidarity at home and in the world. Conversely, some journalists such as Howard French provide insightful and moving commentary on a continent all too easily subsumed in a discourse of despair; still others, like Keith Richburg, use Africa as a platform for a radically conservative approach to the politics of the global community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author describes the experience of the Commonwealth Eminent Persons Group while meeting the South African political leader Nelson Mandela. It discusses how Mandela had talked about his idea of a multi-racial society, his stand on violence through the African National Congress (ANC), and his affirmation on being a non-communist and the communist tag on ANC.