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This work examines in detail the biography and ideological and political views of Prince Hall, one of the most authoritative and at the same time one of the most mysterious representatives of the black rights movement in the United States. In the course of the analysis, the author dwells in detail on the circumstances of the formation of his socio-political philosophy. He comes to an unambiguous conclusion that it is impossible to attribute the theoretical views of this public figure either to black nationalism or to Pan-Africanism. At the same time, the author acknowledges that the views of the Grand Master of the African Lodge have a number of similarities with both of these ideologies. In particular, Prince Hall adhered to the concept of Ethiopianism and was among the first to put forward the idea of compensating African Americans for the years of slavery and return to the Black Continent. This certainly makes him related to such well-known ideologists of black nationalism as Martin Robison Delany, Henry McNeal Turner, Marcus Garvey, and Malcolm X. But unlike those listed above, Hall remained a staunch egalitarian, a patriot, and an opponent of violent methods of struggle until the very end of his life, which contradicts this doctrine. In addition, this personage was at the origins of the repatriation movement and black Freemasonry, which earned him his great fame. The great contribution of Prince Hall to the cause of struggle against slavery as well as his place among the first and foremost abolitionists has never been questioned by researchers. At the same time, it had to be pointed out the significant degree of mythologization of the image of the Great Master and his biography which still causes a lot of controversy not only in the academic but also in the political and public community. That is why the work provides a number of versions and interpretations of the “well-known facts” of Hall’s biography. The author exposes them to a detailed critical analysis. In Russian historical science, this study is the first work to offer a critical scholarly interpretation of the biography of Prince Hall, the founder of black Freemasonry and the Back-to-Africa Movement. A number of sources are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time.

Sociologists commonly trace the concept of racial capitalism to Cedric Robinson. However, this lineage is problematic because it strips the theoretical framing of its radical origins. Recent scholarship argues the term racial capitalism originates earlier in the Marxist tradition in South Africa. Furthermore, the broader problematic of racism as integral to the maintenance and promotion of capitalism, originates even earlier than the term itself. I argue, the problematic of racial capitalism, in which ideologies of human differentiation are used to maintain and promote dispossession and coerced labor within capitalism, is integral to W.E.B. Du Bois’ scholarship on US imperialism during the Cold War. Furthermore, Du Bois articulated a critique of racial capitalism that also functioned as a critique of the American sociology of race. However, the Phelps Stokes Fund promoted American sociology’s ‘race relations’ paradigm to marginalize this critique. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The First Congress of Black Culture of the Americas, held in Cali, Colombia, in August 1977 and organized by Afro-Colombian intellectual Manuel Zapata Olivella, was the first Pan-Africanist conference held in Latin America. This paper examines the obstacles Afro-Latin American activists faced in organizing a racially defined event and analyzes how they articulated their own interpretations of black radical politics. It shows that a Pan-Africanist event in Latin America had to account for ideologies of racial harmony and mixture. Observers throughout the region mobilized these ideas to discredit the First Congress as a racist and illegitimate threat to mestizo nationhood. Afro-Latin American activists used it as a platform to debate and denounce ideologies of racial harmony and mixture which many argued cloaked racism and impeded black mobilization. However, for many of the delegates engaging with black radical politics did not imply an absolute rejection of these ideas, but instead highlighted the varying ways in which Afro-Latin American activists understood and contested these concepts in the 1970s. Many Afro-Latin American delegates, even those who were openly critical of ideologies of racial harmony, called for multiracial forms of solidarity and expressed support for culturally mixed visions of the nation-state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Xenophobia has been described as one of the most endemic life-threatening obstacles confronting foreign nationals in the contemporary South Africa. The spate of this hate crime has increased unabatedly in the Kwa Zulu-Natal province of the country in recent years, diffusing to other regions such as Johannesburg, Pretoria, Limpopo and Cape Town. The study aims at establishing xenophobia as an untreated anti-immigrant violence and potential snag for national development in South Africa. It utilised data collected from previous research inquiries to achieve the expected results. The phenomenon was discussed within a criminological framework. The study projects that until South Africans are drawn back the memory lane to realise the benefits of pan-Africanism, the terroristic culture will continue to recur and eat deep into the socio-economic fabric of the nation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

From the 1940s to the mid-1950s, South African intellectual and political activist, Jacob Mfaniselwa Nhlapo, championed the forging of African political unity through harmonising writing systems for mutually related African language varieties. Owing to his diverse intellectual, professional and political background – a scholar, lawyer, journalist, and political activist – Nhlapo proposed harmonisation not as a purely linguistic enterprise, but as a project centred on the political economy of language. The motivation was to push back the frontiers of colonially imposed fragmentation of African identities through leveraging African language diversity for the political goals of uniting and empowering African people. The fragmentation of African people along ethnic and linguistic lines that prompted Nhlapo's ideas remains to this day, which means the political imperatives of harmonisation are still relevant now, probably more than ever before. In this article, I revisit the harmonisation proposal to explore those spheres of possibility and promise that it holds for mapping pan-African identities and literacies that transcend current inward-looking, nativist and nation-state-centric conceptions of being and becoming African. What promises do common writing systems for mutually related varieties of African languages hold for enhancing pan-African literacies, education and cross-cultural understanding both in and out of school contexts? To support the arguments advanced in this article, I draw on examples of Nguni languages and the Shona group of languages, with some passing remarks on the Sotho/Tswana group of languages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The idea disseminated and sometimes taught about Pan-Africanism is that it is a movement and an ideology that promotes autonomy in all forms of Africa and that favors solidarity between black and mainly African communities. However, very little is said about the route taken by this concept coined by Henry Sylvester William. It is therefore in this article to revisit the traveling idea of Pan-Africanism, through the great moments that engenders it until its parturition. It is precisely a question of recalling the origins, both distant and recent, of PanAfricanism by exhuming the historical events that have contributed to placing the said movement at the heart of the struggles and aspirations of black people in Africa and around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Christopher Ouma, a literary critic and professor of African literature, discusses his experiences as an African intellectual in South Africa and the role of the African intellectual in the country. He reflects on the impact of the anti-apartheid movement on his education and the importance of Pan-Africanism in shaping his identity. Ouma also discusses his early interest in African literature, which was sparked by a rigorous reading program in primary school and exposure to popular African novels. The text is a conversation between two individuals, CJL and CO, discussing CO's interest in literature and his experiences as a student. CO expresses his passion for reading and writing, particularly during his high school years, where he found solace in poetry after the loss of his parents. He also discusses his undergraduate studies in Kenya, where he was exposed to African literature and the works of authors such as Ayi Kwei Armah, Buchi Emecheta, and Derek Walcott. CO eventually pursued graduate studies in African literature at Wits University in South Africa, influenced by the connections between the literature departments at Moi University and Wits. The conversation between CJL and CO explores the changing dynamics of African academia, particularly in South Africa. They discuss the impact of exile on African intellectuals, with Mphahlele's memoir serving as an example of personal growth during exile. They also highlight the role of universities in facilitating exile and fostering connections between African countries. The conversation then shifts to the current state of South African universities, [Extracted from the article]

As the COVID-19 pandemic continues to rage and disproportionately affect BIPOC, we keep count of the death toll around the world, in the U.S., in our own communities and in our own families. How can we have a "wish to live," while so many around us die? Does a space exist between fateful (faithful) optimism present in Aretha Franklin's, "Mary Don't You Weep?" and the ever-present power structure, that as Reverend Al Sharpton noted, has always had its knee on our necks? More concretely, how do we reconcile what Aisha Durham discusses as "weathering and wounded," as we sit in the space of being both and not wanting to endure much more. This piece articulates some of the conversations that we have stumbled upon, worked through, and raged against from the space of our collective homes and fatigued spirits. It addresses notions of Afro-Pessimism and the intersection of Black Feminist Theory, the role that grief plays in Black Feminist praxis, the role of Diaspora in the historical imagination, and asks the question, "Did COVID and the state sanctioned killings of Black people make us Afro-Pessimists?" [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Africa is one of the world's forerunners in terms of political integration. Already in the 1960s, the Organisation of African Unity had 32 states united under a common charter. Moreover, through joint projects with Latin American and Asian partners, African states have joined some of the primary experiences of South-South Cooperation, particularly in the areas of healthcare and infrastructure. Taking this historical context into account, this paper examines how the highly competitive reality of the COVID-19 pandemic has impacted the continent. We argue that the constraints imposed by the new coronavirus outbreak have strengthened the African Union's role in advancing collective action and encouraged self-sufficiency. Furthermore, we analyse how South-South Cooperation offered a platform for immediate response when access to disputed medical supplies in the world market was difficult. We conclude that the COVID-19 crisis has contributed to consolidating African regional integration in the long-term, as well as its coordination with partner emerging countries, with consequences for the African Union's priorities in terms of foreign affairs in the future. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Présence Francophone is the property of College of Holy Cross, Department of Modern Languages & Literatures and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The African continent, long on the fringes of history, after more than half a century of independence, continues to ask questions about its future. After having missed the appointment of development and then that of globalization, the time has come, in this context of integration, since it is not necessary to reinvent the wheel, for Africa to assume and to take off. There is nothing new, the European experiences of integration, enriched by centuries of world domination and nourished by years of planetary conflicts, constitute a boon of theories and doctrines in the light of the current processes of integration. The proximity of cultures, values and history is a major player in the sharing of customs. In order to constitute its own model, the culmination of African integration is the genius of the synthesis resulting from the dialectic between its tradition and Western modernity. This is an effective approach to overcoming regionalism on African soil for integration on a continental scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article interrogates the influence of Ghana and Kwame Nkrumah on the development of contemporary Pan-African consciousness in the USA. The research occurred between December 2018 and January 2020 in Accra Ghana, Washington, DC, and the San-Francisco Bay Area. The study included in-depth interviews, focus group discussions, and participatory observation at Pan-African events such as Kwanzaa, PANAFEST, and African Liberation Day. The findings suggest the development of Pan-African consciousness is obtained through engagement and interaction with historical and contemporary Pan-African leaders. Two main themes emerged they are (1) Linkages exist between the development of Pan-African consciousness among the Diaspora and Kwame Nkrumah and Ghana's historical role in the Pan-African Movement, and (2) Pan-African institutions that engage in political education contribute to exposing the Diaspora to Pan-African consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After many years of low growth, are opportunities for fast-tracked development opening up for Africa? Will the large increase in population be used as an opportunity for development or will it still keep some African countries in the poverty zone? For years, public opinion has been created that the "black continent" is the poorest region in the world, a place of the hungry and the poor, of diseases, misery and suffering. Yes, of course there is poverty in Africa, but not all countries in Africa are poor, and based on a number of parameters, many countries in Asia are poorer than many African countries. Centuries of exploitation of Africa by colonial powers have certainly left their mark, but the African continent has enormous potential and resources that have not been fully utilized. Africa's opportunities are in their economy, social development and population, agriculture, education, health, infrastructure and mineral exploitation, but it all requires investment. This is well known by the former colonial powers and China, which all return to the African continent with different intensities, strategies and interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Direito e Práxis is the property of Editora da Universidade do Estado do Rio de Janeiro (EdUERJ) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is 129 years since an African-American journalist in Chicago coined the word “Pan-Africanism”. Pan-Africanism began as a gift of the diaspora to the African continent. These civil society initiatives in the diaspora culminated in an elaborate permanent, continental, state-centric institutionalisation, starting six decades ago with the Organisation of African Unity (OAU) in 1963. Its current dispensation is the African Union, and sub-regional organisations such as the Economic Community of West African States, the East African Community, and the Southern African Development Community. Diplomacy, peace-making, and economic integration have been prominent dimensions of Pan-African endeavours. As well as the continuing growth of African diasporas in countries ranging from the USA to China, we need to note the precarious position of growing intra-African diasporas in other African countries. Pan-Africanism will remain fragile until it can grow mass support, as opposed to being usually limited to intellectuals and some members of the ruling elites. African integration has not yet achieved the extraordinary supra-national aspirations enunciated in its treaties. Taken literally, they would require such significant concessions of national sovereignty as to amount to a post-Westphalian dispensation. But dense, overlapping networks of inter-governmental organisations, and continental NGOs, continue to proliferate and have substantial successes to date. These range from multi-lateral peace-enforcement expeditionary forces, to free trade areas and the start of common markets. Diplomatic alliances mark the essence of most sub-regional organisations and explain why they continue to thrive, notwithstanding the “spaghetti bowl” incomprehension of some economists and law scholars about their entanglement. We can confidently predict the continued growth of inter-governmental organising, sub-regional and continental NGOs, and Pan-African corporate expansion of an order of magnitude above what currently exists.

This essay presents some brief reflections about “Africa and the production of knowledges at the globalization era” (theme of the international conference for which it was originally prepared) and suggests some possible connections with the same problem in Latin America. This will be done in dialogue with the works of the Congolese academic Valentin-Yves Mudimbe, one of the more important thinkers of the global periphery. To deal with this theme, we must think about African and Black identities, and Mudimbe is essential to do that.

Anna Julia Copper’s life can be considered as the epitome of a continuous sense of estrangement that was translated into intellectual and moral agency, into leadership in the field of education as a vehicle for social, economic, political freedom, into intense community work, and into major activism in black women’s rights organizations. She experienced estrangement on several fronts: towards her condition as a black woman, ex-slave, and the subordinate role often reserved for Afro-American women even within the communities to which they belonged; towards her sense of citizenship in a Western country considered the bulwark of democracy, in which segregation and racial violence were a daily reality; against a nationalism from which she felt distant, as a convinced supporter of Pan-Africanism and a global black community.

This article explores the apprehension white Rhodesians evinced towards the transformation of the Commonwealth and initial signs of African decolonisation, especially in colonial Ghana. Whites informally dubbed these undesired changes 'Gold Coastism'. Rhodesia's ruling party weaponised these fears and argued that a Central African Federation would preserve British influence and forestall African nationalism on Southern Rhodesia's borders. As it became clear this Federation would not significantly obstruct black African political activity, white fears of Gold Coastism accelerated. This resulted in a concerted push for independence and anti-British sentiment in Southern Rhodesia earlier than existing scholarship generally acknowledges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the early 1960s, when a majority of African countries were gaining independence, the training of personnel capable of implementing nation-building projects became imperative for new African governments, even though higher education opportunities on the continent remained scarce. In a context of competition with the former colonial powers and the USSR, the United States decided to set up scholarship programs for the training of postcolonial African elites. Through the analysis of one of these programs, the African Scholarship Program of American Universities (ASPAU), this article will show that in addition to the Cold War motivations of the US government, pan-African connections and university initiatives were essential in laying the groundwork for the project of educating Africans in the United States. It also highlights the too often overlooked role played by African leaders and academics in the concrete realization, reappropriation, and questioning of overseas training projects. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]