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National Security Presidential Memorandum-20 (NSPM-20) (Launch of Spacecraft Containing Space Nuclear Systems) provides updated guidelines for launch authorization for three categories of proposed ...

PURPOSE: The article aims to identify the economic and legal framework of Polish-Japanese economic cooperation and to establish the cultural and business determinants of entrepreneurship in Japan., APPROACH/METHODOLOGY/DESIGN: Literature studies and analysis of primary sources (reports) were used as the research method., FINDINGS: More and more Japanese organizations notice the investment potential of Poland for its political stability and highly qualified workforce. Japan's FDI is innovative, as demonstrated by numerous examples. For example, in early 2019 in Warsaw, representatives of the Ministry of Energy and the Japanese Ministry of Industry and Trade signed a Memorandum of Cooperation in the area of Clean Coal Technologies (CTW). The agreement is to establish a framework for Polish-Japanese cooperation and support in the context of the development and promotion of clean coal technologies, including in particular coal gasification., PRACTICAL IMPLICATIONS: For Poland, the important task seems to be the presence of Japanese investors in all provinces of the country. Therefore, respective provinces must consider infrastructure development, strengthening research centers, especially technical universities, and the development of human capital. Such an approach would prevent the outflow of the workforce by reducing the intensity of work migration to other provinces in the country and abroad. If this tendency were to persist, it would contribute to reducing the imbalance in the level of development of the provinces., Publication financed by the subsidy granted to the Cracow University of Economics, peer-reviewed

The outstanding product of the MOC (Memorandum of Cooperation) between the IBO (International Baccalaureate Organization) and the DMOE (Daegu Metropolitan Office of Education), Korean Dual Language Diploma Programme of International Baccalaureate (IB), is the result of meeting bottom-up research and practices by teachers who’ve made efforts for classroom innovation by focusing on learners’ competences along with top-down actions by DMOE shifting its pedagogical paradigm towards a goal of developing future competences of students for future society. Although it is not easy to adopt pedagogical reform to improve the limited and rigid educational situation which has been geared toward the framework of college entrance systems, efforts to pursue the essence of education have taken form connected with IB, which has been internationally refined and verified over a significant period of time. Each part of the IB programmes has been used for college application worldwide by operating stable ‘criterion referenced assessment.’ This could suggest us a lot in solving such issues as student-centered learning, growth-oriented evaluation, and differentiated education, which are key factors for the full implementation of the high school credit system and its successful settlement. Here I provide the past two years of efforts and actions which Kyungpook National University High School has made from the phase of consideration up to the current candidacy phase of consultation visit with its overall influences on the school community.

The Daegu Metropolitan Office of Education (DMOE) is introducing and implementing the International Baccalaureate (IB) program in public education in order to foster future global talents with creativity and critical thinking skills in preparation for the 4th Industrial Revolution society, to develop the efforts with teachers to improve class instruction, integrating a consistent ‘Curriculum-Teaching & Learning-Assessment-Records’ system into classes, and to bridge the regional educational gap by providing priority support for schools in areas with difficult educational conditions. In particular, in order to implement the Diploma Programme without language barriers, DMOE and the IB has singed a Memorandum of Cooperation (MOC) and the Dual Language (English & Korean) Diploma Programme (DLDP) is being introduced. Currently, there are 9 IB candidate schools and 6 IB interested schools, a total of 15 schools, under the support of DMOE, and the first IB World School in the language of Korean in public education field is expected to come out early next year. DMOE is spurring the implementation of the IB programmes as an educational model to develop students’ future essential competencies preparing for the future society, through various efforts such as strengthening teacher training and drawing support from the community on the policy.

Following 9/11, the United States of America set new goals such as the global fight against terrorism, intervention in countries supporting terrorism, and the provision of democracy. It created a common threat perception and implemented policies of cooperation with other western states. Turkey became an essential ally for the US as it has a Muslim identity and has close ties with the Middle East, which the US wants to shape due to the common terror perception. However, while the US-Turkey relations continue positively in general, it witnessed some unforgettable developments. We can exemplify the events that directly affect the security dimension of Turkish-US relations following the 9/11 as following: March 1 Memorandum, the raid by US soldiers with peshmerga to the outpost that is used by Turkish Special Forces, US support to PKK, April 24 statement on Armenian Issue, Wikileaks documents along with US policy toward Turkey, extradition of Fethullah Gulen, leader of FETO/PYD terrorist organization, the trial of Pastor Brunson, S-400 crisis, Syria cross-border intervention.

A comprehensive analysis of the influence of the Crimean Crisis (2014) on the international legal order through the prism of realpolitik was carried out in the article. There is the lack of realpolitik in the foreign policy and defence strategies of Western Europe and the idealistic vision of the European community of world order development in the XXI century provoked gross violations of international law by the Russian Federation. It is noticeable that Moscow annexed part of Ukraine's territory with bilateral violation and multilateral agreements. The existing system of guarantees for the Ukraine's territorial integrity protection (Budapest Memorandum) undermined the established international legal order and dealt a significant blow to the reputation of West, which did not provide Kyiv with adequate support in protecting the territory and restoring its integrity. Doubtless, the problem of studying the impact of the Crimean crisis on the international legal order became especially relevant due to the need to improve the use of key postulates of political realism and realpolitik to understand the actions of geopolitical players towards Ukraine in the period before and after Russia's annexation of the Crimean peninsula 2014. The method of studying the issue of the "Crimean crisis" on the international legal order through the political philosophy – realpolitik. To draw the conclusion, one can say that the Crimean crisis of 2014 is not only local as well as threatens the unity of the EU, and has demonstrated to the world the imperfection of international legal norms based on political idealism, when it comes to protecting the national interests of major powers and consolidating areas of geopolitical influence.

This paper reports on the relationship between the pre-service teachers’ enacted Topic Specific Pedagogical Content Knowledge (eTSPCK) observable in the classroom teaching of Organic Chemistry and learner achievement in the topic. The study employed a mixed-methods research design with a sample of 17 pre-service teachers (PSTs). The PSTs were drawn from a Chemistry methodology class exposed to an intervention which focused on the pedagogical transformation of content knowledge of Organic Chemistry at a South African University. A sub-set of 4 of the PSTs was followed during a teaching practicum where the PSTs conducted lessons on Organic Chemistry with 88 Grade 12 Secondary School physical sciences learners in South Africa. Data collected were the video-recordings of the 4 PSTs’ classroom teachings, lesson plans, pre-and post-lesson interviews, and learners’ content knowledge pre-and post-achievement tests on Organic Chemistry prior to and immediately after the PSTs’ teachings, respectively. The video recorded lessons were analysed using an in-depth qualitative method of identifying TSPCK episodes and the interviews were analysed using content analysis. The learners’ achievement tests were scored using a memorandum of correct responses. The Rasch Model Analysis, Analysis of Covariance and Correlation analysis were employed in determining the relationship between PSTs’ eTSPCK and learner achievement. The analysis revealed a statistically significant difference across the means of the learners’ pre/post-tests, as well as a significant positive correlation between pre-service teachers’ eTSPCK and learners’ post-test achievement following the teaching. The correlation was found to increase in positive strength with the displayed higher quality categories of TSPCK episodes. The implications and recommendations for science teacher education are discussed.

The motive for this research was an ongoing debate over whether firms’ mission is solely to make profits or should contribute to the social and environmental concerns that accompany the practice of Corporate Social Responsibility (CSR). More and more firms are reporting CSR activities either because due to the legislative framework or cause of the benefits derived from the engagement with sustainability goals. Corporate Social Responsibility constitutes an activity in the modern business environment and attracts the interest of the stakeholders. It is related to the firms’ activities for the protection of the environment and contributes to the society since firms offer resources in the society, take care of employees’ improvement, become respectful to their customers and co-operate with suppliers who are also oriented to the responsibility. Through this research, we investigate the relationship between CSR activities and Corporate Financial Performance (CFP) during 2016-2017 in Greece. Our sample consisted of companies, listed on the Athens Stock Exchange, during the years of capital controls implementation and before the end of the bailout memorandum with EU (in August 2018). We examine the effect of CSR disclosure on firms’ financial performance and also if the better financial performing firms tend to issue significantly more CSR reports. The results reveal that there is no significant correlation between CSR and Corporate financial performance though a high percentage of the sample discloses CSR activities.

The new Hungarian Civil Code regulates the memorandums of association of companies in its Third Book, while the Sixth Book contains the provisions of (other?) contracts. The memorandum of association is quite different from typical civil law contracts. Its most characteristic feature is that it establishes a legal entity. In most cases, the regulation of the memorandum of association is different from the provisions on contracts set out in the Civil Code, and there is no provision in the law according to which the latter should also be applied to the memorandum of association. But should they?

Türk hukuk tarihinde 1961 Anayasası, dördüncü anayasa olma özelliğine sahiptir. 27 Mayıs 1960 Askerî Darbesi sonucunda ve Millî Birlik Komitesi (MBK) öncülüğünde hazırlanan bu anayasa, temel hak ve hürriyetlere ayrıntılı bir şekilde yer verdiğinden ve özgürlükçü-çoğulcu bir anlayışı yansıttığından Türk demokrasisinin gelişmesine önemli bir katkı sağlamıştır, ancak anayasanın söz konusu hürriyetçi yönü, kabul edilişinden sonraki yıllarda anayasayı eleştirilerin odağı hâline getirmiştir. Özellikle, anayasanın benimsemiş olduğu ideoloji ve bu çerçevede yapılan özgürlükçü uygulamalar, bu uygulamalardan kaynaklanan ve 1960’ların sonları ile 1970’lerin başlarında yaşanan öğrenci ve siyasal şiddet olayları, Süleyman Demirel başta olmak üzere dönemin siyasetçileri ve Türk Silahlı Kuvvetleri (TSK) tarafından tepkiyle karşılanmıştır. Bu doğrultuda TSK, 12 Mart 1971’de Cumhurbaşkanlığına bir muhtıra vererek meşrû hükûmetin istifasını istemiştir. “12 Mart Muhtırası” olarak da adlandırılan bu olayın etkisiyle Türkiye’deki siyasal yaşam, 27 Mayıs Askerî Darbesi’nden sonra yeniden kesintiye uğramıştır. Muhtıra, Türkiye’deki siyasal hayatı olduğu gibi mevcut hukuksal düzeni de önemli ölçüde etkilemiştir. Bu kapsamda, 1961 Anayasası’nda birtakım değişikliklerin yapılması gündeme gelmiş ve anayasa, muhtıranın etkilerinden kaynaklı olarak 1971 ve 1973 yıllarında değiştirilmiştir. Bu değişiklikler, anayasada yapılan en geniş çaplı düzenleme niteliğine sahip olmuştur. Söz konusu düzenlemelerle anayasanın içeriği kapsamlı bir şekilde değiştirilmiş ve uygulanış biçimi ilk hâline göre önemli ölçüde farklılaşmıştır. Bu da, anayasanın ilk hâlinden farklı bir niteliğe sahip olmasına neden olmuştur. “12 Mart Muhtırası Sonrası 1961 Anayasası’nda Yapılan Değişiklikler Üzerine Bir Değerlendirme” isimli çalışmanın hazırlanmasındaki asıl amaç, 1961 Anayasası’nın hangi süreçten geçilerek kabul edildiğini, 12 Mart Muhtırasının verilmesine hangi siyasal olayların neden olduğunu, muhtıra kapsamında anayasada ne gibi değişikliklerin yapıldığını ve bu değişikliklerin Türk demokrasisinde ne gibi etkiler meydana getirdiğini hukuksal ve tarihsel bir perspektifle ortaya çıkarmaktır. Adı geçen çalışma, telif eserlerden ve süreli yayınlardan yararlanılarak oluşturulmuştur. Ayrıca bu makale, nitel bir çalışma olup, doküman analizi yöntemi kullanılarak hazırlanmıştır., The 1961 Constitution has the distinction of being the fourth constitution in the history of Turkish law. This constitution, which was prepared as a result of the May 27, 1960 Military Coup, made a significant contribution to the development of Turkish democracy, as it included fundamental rights and freedoms in detail and reflected a liberal-pluralist understanding. However, the aforementioned libertarian aspect of the constitution had made the constitution the focus of criticism in the years after its adoption. In particular, the ideology adopted by the constitution and the liberal practices carried out within this framework had been met with reaction by the Turkish Armed Forces (TAF). In this context, the TAF gave a harsh memorandum to the Presidency on 12 March 1971, which demanding the resignation of the legitimate government. With the effect of this event, which has been also called the “March 12 Memorandum”, the political life in Turkey was interrupted again after the May 27 Military Coup. The memorandum had a significant impact on the current legal order as well as the political life in Turkey. In this context, some amendments to the 1961 Constitution came to the fore and the constitution was amended in 1971 and 1973 due to the effects of the memorandum. These amendments had the characteristics of the most extensive regulation made in the constitution. With the these regulations, the content of the constitution was changed extensively and the way of its implementation differed significantly from its original version. This caused the constitution to had a different character from the original version, too. The main purpose of this study is to analyze the process through which the 1961 Constitution was adopted, what political events caused the 12 March Memorandum to be given, what changes were made in the constitution within the scope of the memorandum, and what effects these changes had on Turkish democracy with a legal and historical psychology. The aforementioned work was created by using copyrighted works and periodicals. In addition, this article is a qualitative study and was prepared using the document analysis method.

OBJECTIVE: Collaboration between groups can facilitate the development of high-quality guidelines. While collaboration is often desirable, misunderstandings can occur. One method to minimize misunderstandings is the pre-specification of terms of engagement in a memorandum of understanding (MOU). This study considered when an MOU may be most helpful, and which key elements should be included.STUDY DESIGN AND SETTING: An international panel of representatives from guideline groups was convened. A literature review to identify publications and other documents relevant to the establishment of MOUs between two or more guideline groups, supplemented by available source documents, was used to inform development of a draft MOU resource. This was iteratively refined until consensus was achieved.RESULTS: The level of detail in an MOU may vary based on institutional preferences and the particular collaboration. Elements within an MOU include those pertaining to: (1) scope and purpose; (2) leadership and team; (3) methods and commitment; (4) review and endorsement; and (5) publication and dissemination.CONCLUSION: Since groups may have different expectations regarding how a collaboration will unfold, an MOU may mitigate preventable misunderstandings. The result may be a higher likelihood of producing a guideline without disruption and delay.

The Declaration of State Sovereignty of Ukraine was adopted in 1990 and declared Ukraine a non-nuclear state. However, Kyiv was not eager to surrender the nuclear arsenal that it had inherited from the Soviet Union. It is possible to divide Ukraine’s denuclearisation process into two different phases. The first phase consisted of bilateral discussions between Russia and Ukraine, which ended due to Russia’s inability to understand Ukraine’s security concerns. In 1993, the United States joined the discussion, and the trilateral phase began. The involvement of the United States helped to reach a consensus and promote nuclear non-proliferation in Ukraine by providing security assurance and some economic benefits. The case of Ukraine’s nuclear non-proliferation was supposed to be one of the most exemplary cases of denuclearisation in the last two decades. But in light of the Ukrainian crisis which started in 2014, the world recognizes that the security assurances provided in the Budapest Memorandum ultimately failed to deter Russian aggression towards Ukraine. Scott Sagan believes that the international norms and an image of ‘a good international citizen’ that can integrate into the Western economic and security system while maintaining good relations with Russia mattered the most in view of Ukraine's decision to give up nuclear weapons. This article suggests that the Ukrainian denuclearisation is the fusion of both the norms and domestic factors that Ukraine faced in 1990s. The article will review Ukraine’s decision to return the nuclear weapons, despite the ongoing Russian threat. It will also clarify Ukraine’s decision to not pursue nuclear proliferation, despite recent trends within Ukraine’s political circle that would be in support of this decision.

This article deals with the requirements of the International Maritime Organization for the legal regulation of Port State Control, which is an effective mechanism for ensuring the safety of navigation and protecting the environment from marine pollution from vessels. The need to strengthen control over ships by the port state is determined by the following circumstances – the aging of the world fleet, reduction of ship crews, complication of technical equipment and transportation technology. A necessary condition for the safety of navigation should be sufficiently complete and strict control in ports over the application of the provisions of international conventions on ships. The purpose of such control is to identify vessels that do not comply with current international standards and take the necessary measures (detention of a vessel in the port, termination of cargo operations, delay in departure) to correct the deficiencies. The legal basis for such control is the international conventions of the International Maritime Organization and the International Labor Organization. Regional Organization of Port State Control – Paris Memorandum on Port State Control of Ships, was established in 1982 by 14 European countries to coordinate efforts to inspect foreign ships in European ports. The Paris Memorandum of Understanding Committee on Port State Control on 17 May 2010 at its 43rd session in Dublin, Ireland, finally approved the new inspection regime. A feature of the new inspection regime is the division of ships into three levels of risk: low, medium and high. The Black Sea Memorandum of Understanding (BS MOU) was established in April 2000. The member countries are Bulgaria, Georgia, Romania, Russian Federation, Turkey and Ukraine. The scope of BS MOU is the geographical coverage of ports located on the Black Sea coast. Currently, the Port State Control procedure is carried out based on the requirements of IMO resolution A.1119 (30). As the experience of states that have acceded to the International Maritime Organization (IMO) conventions on the safety of navigation shows, flag states did not fully exercise control over compliance with and implementation of the convention requirements. As a result, there has been a significant increase in ship accidents, so further expansion and strengthening of control over ships by the port State of visit becomes an important task for IMO at present.

On July 29, 2019, the Department of the Interior and Local Government (DILG) issued Memorandum Circular 2019-121 (DILG MC 2019-121), ordering the local chief executives to clear roads, sidewalks, and rights-of-way of obstructions. The descriptive-comparative research design was used to describe the economic and social implications of their relocation. A validated and reliability-tested survey questionnaire was used to gather data from 197 displaced vendors peddling in the downtown of a highly urbanized city. The findings of the study showed that the relocation of the displaced vendors did not change their economic conditions in terms of their average monthly sales, expenses, and income, but significantly differ when grouped and compared according to their age, educational attainment, family size, years of vending, and types of merchandise. Likewise, their social well-being did not change in terms of education and health and significantly differ when grouped and compared according to the aforementioned variables. Moreover, the major challenges faced by the relocated vendors were as follows: their means of livelihood is very difficult; not enough financial support is given during their relocation; limited space/trading site; and lack of access to the credit facility. The local government may utilize the study to implement a transit-oriented development of these vendors.

This memorandum offers some incomplete thoughts on the process through which Paul Cardan became Cornelius Castoriadis. This involves some examination of the connection, alignments and dissonances between the Johnson-Forest Tendency in Detroit, and Socialisme ou Barbarie in Paris. Special emphasis is placed on the pioneering work of Stephen Hastings-King and the notion that these intellectual movements centred their energies around the search for the proletariat. Cardan spent more time with Marx; Castoriadis, professionally, spent more time with Freud, and after. The spectre of Freud is as central to these inquiries as is the ghost of Marx. If the spectre of the Worker needs to be dispelled, after Socialisme ou Barbarie, then the dynamics of suffering and creativity also need yet to be maintained in tension.

Policy writing is an effective skill that history instructors should teach their students for life after their undergraduate degree. This article proposes that instructors encourage their students to learn policy writing through experiential learning practices. In particular, it advocates for the use of live simulations in the undergraduate history classroom that emphasize policy writing solutions. In this case, the collaboration between historians and librarians is demonstrative of effective historical analysis and fundamental research practices. This article uses a third-year history course in Canadian External Relations as the primary example to share this model. In a simulation, upper-year students are situated within a particular historical event and are tasked to complete a group-based action memorandum writing exercise during a timed in-class period. This simulation policy writing exercise gives students first-hand experience working collaboratively with one another in a political decision-making setting. The simulation can be supplemented with an independent writing assignment that also emphasizes policy writing, such as an action memorandum or a briefing note, in place of the traditional history research paper. This article examines a Canadian history simulation which situates students within the Canadian Department of External Affairs during the Suez crisis. It demonstrates the enhancement of student learning through a practice-based, hands-on approach, that requires collaboration and semester-long learning. The simulation challenges students to act and resolve the scenario at hand. Policy writing is the process by which “government employees and non-governmental organizations create written documents for lawmakers and policy professionals to read.” Policy documents can be a variety of lengths, ranging from short-briefings to lengthy reports.[1]In the course model proposed in this article, students learn policy writing while they also continue to develop valuable history-related skills such as creativity, research, analysis, and critical-thinking. Victor Asal has argued that “the best way to get educational mileage out of a simulation is to treat it as an interactive case where learning takes place before, during, and after the simulation.”[2]Assigning an independent policy writing assignment in addition to the simulation has significant benefits for student learning. [1]Andrew Pennock, “The Case for Using Policy Writing in Undergraduate Political Science Courses,” PS: Political Science and Politics 44.1 (2011): 141. [2]Victor Asal, “Playing Games with International Relations,” International Studies Perspectives 6 (2005): 362.

The article depict the timeline of the development of the cybersecurity legislation in the USA, which divided into two stages. Thefirst one rises as a response to the large-scale terroristic threats in 2001 and lasted until 2014. The second one starts with the massiveand multisectoral cyber incidents and cyber-attacks the US faced in the last five years. In addition, it was analyzed the changes in institutionalstructure aimed to support the cybersecurity in the US and their branched connections with public and private actors. The mainattention was paid to the content of the Memorandum on Space Policy Directive-5 “Cybersecurity Principles for Space Systems”, whichcould be the example of the best law-making practice not only for space actors within the US, but also for law-making actors of allspace-faring nations.The chronology of the elaboration of cybersecurity legislation and the institutional structure of their support in Ukraine analyzedin the second part of this article. On this ground, we observed some weak aspects of national cyber legislation. First is duplication andinconsistency of the basic terms, like “cyberattack”, “critical infrastructure”. The second one is the absence of an approved list of cri -tical infrastructure facilities and clear requirements for conducting an independent information security audit. The third one is by-lawsare aimed primarily at protecting public information resources and do not take into account the requirements for cooperation betweenthe public and private sectors in the protection of critical infrastructure, regardless of its affiliation to any form of ownership.Analysis of the draft law concerned critical infrastructure permits to make a conclusion about coming to the second stage in thedevelopment of cyber legislation in Ukraine, which will enhance the development of particular legislation within to each sector of criticalinfrastructure. In this regard, it is necessary to elaborate legal background for cybersecurity of space activity. For this aim, we supposeas necessary to designate the State Space Agency of Ukraine as a responsible entity in the field of space activities for the specifiedsector of critical infrastructure. Furthermore, the article suggested prescribing plans to protect against cyber threats (cyber attacks orcyber incidents) as one of the necessary documents for obtaining a permit to conduct certain types of space activities.

The article analyzes military and political events in eastern Ukraine in September–December 2014, considers tactical miscalculations of ATO headquarters. It is noted that since September 2014, ATO forces have been significantly limited in their actions by the President and the Government of Ukraine, who justified their prohibitions by the Minsk Protocol. Despite the fact that the dubious “Minsk Memorandum” was de facto thwarted by pro-Russian terrorists in early October 2014, Ukrainian military aircraft had not been used at all since September 2014, and artillery was under constant restrictions and orders “from above” to hold fire. This enabled the LPR / DPR terrorist groups to rearrange for further aggressive actions, and, under the Kremlin leadership, to create two “army corps” from separate gangs, modelled on modern corps of the Russian Armed Forces. It is argued that since the beginning of the armed confrontation in the spring of 2014 in eastern Ukraine, pro-Russian groups have included a significant number of militants from the Northern Caucasus, controlled by R. Kadyrov. Separate assault units were formed from “Kadyrov soldiers”; such groups, in particular, operated in the Donetsk International Airport area in October–November 2014. It is noted that as a result of the fighting on December 4, 2014 in Grozny (Russian Federation), significant forces of Kadyrov’s terrorist groups were urgently withdrawn from Ukraine to the territory of the Russian Federation (North Caucasus). This significantly weakened the DPR forces, especially in the positions near the Donetsk International Airport, the regrouping and rotation of pro-Russian terrorists lasting for several days. Despite this, the then top Ukrainian officials did not take advantage of the temporary predicament of the aggressor country. Moreover, a ceasefire was declared at the meeting of the National Security and Defense Council, although at that time a tense situation persisted along the entire confrontation line, and violent clashes took place in the area of the Donetsk International Airport. Thus, the lull was beneficial to the terrorist group for the urgent rotation of Kadyrov’s militants, who were spreading to the North Caucasus. It is noted that the analysis of the events of 2014 is extremely relevant due to the possible escalation of the armed aggression of the Kremlin regime.

On 30 January 2019 the Council of Europe adopted guidelines on electronic evidence in civil and administrative law accompanied by the Explanatory Memorandum. The authors summarize and analyse this soft law instrument with respect to intellectual property (hereinafter “IP”) disputes. They explain why its creation is important for the proper administration of justice and how it addresses and reflects technological developments, new business models and evolving case-law. Several conclusions have been identified regarding how use of the Guidelines will address current practical problems for courts in IP disputes. Both authors took active part in the preparatory works and believe it is in the interest of justice and effective IP protection that these guidelines are publicly available in the member states and widely disseminated among professionals dealing with electronic evidence.

Purpose: According to the importance of the refugee issue and refugee rights and since that Hashimte Kingdom of Jordan did not join the 1951 convention of refugees status and its 1967 protocol and managed to sign the memorandum of understanding instead with UNHCR, this study aimed to tackle the issue of refugees rights and duties between reality and implementation in Jordan. Methodology: This study adopted the descriptive, analytical, and comparative methodology of international and regional conventions, in addition to the comparison between the Jordanian legislation and the Memorandum of Understanding on Refugees with the provisions of international law. Also, it utilized the empirical method by conducting a field study. Main Findings: Results gained from the questionnaire concluded the refugees on Jordanian territory got rights more than what was stipulated on in the memorandum of understanding signed between the Jordan government and the United Nations high commissioner for refugees’ affairs (UNHCR). It also found out that the majority of refugees committed to their responsibilities in maintaining general security and order. Implications/Applications: This study has addressed the implications of the memorandum of understanding signed between the Jordan government and the United Nations high commissioner for refugees' affairs (UNHCR) by its analysis and application on a random sample of 150 refugees in Jordan, including Syrians in the biggest refugee camp in Jordan; Al- Zaatari refugee camp, in addition to the implications of the memorandum on Iraqi and Yemeni refugees in Jordan. Novelty/Originality of this study: This study was based on the memorandum of understanding between Jordan and (UNHCR) that was signed in the background of the refugee crisis that our countries witnessed. However, this study was the first to analyze the articles of the memorandum of understanding mentioned above and was backed up with a field study on a random sample of 150 Syrian refugees in Jordan refugees’ camps.

Cooperation is an effort made by several individuals and also groups to achieve an agreedgoal. The collaboration was given as a partnership between the National University and otherdomestic and foreign institutions and companies. With the collaboration program at NationalUniversity, student can carry out activities such as training, research, student exchangesduring partner relations. The process of this collaboration activity can be carried out inmanaging collaborative activities between other agencies, namely requiring a website to builda cooperation program that can express agreement from both parties. In this research, acooperation partner submission system was proposed for submitting a website using thewaterfall method. The application of the partner waterfall cooperation website which isimplemented on the website display page created with the help of web development software isusing Sublime text 3 and data management using Xampp. On the website page there areseveral criteria in the process of submitting cooperation at the National University whichforms the basic of agreement with the National University, namely in the form of an MoA(Memorandum of Agreement) memorandum of agreement and MoU (Memorandum ofUnderstanding) memorandum of agreement. The results of submissions from other agenciesgiven to the National University in the form of the cooperation proposal of each criterion. Theprocess of cooperation agreement with the waterfall method produces agencies and othercompanies that are entitled to the cooperation agreement.)

The Second Semester of Academic Year 2019-2020 was temporarily suspended due to the widespread COVID-19 last March 16, 2020, forcing the President of the Republic of the Philippines, Hon. Rodrigo Roa Duterte imposed an Enhanced Community Quarantine in Luzon which is known as a lockdown closing all the border points of each town and provinces. One of the major problem encountered during the lockdown is the suspension of classes because as per IATF guidelines you need to stay home, the said Memorandum Order was posted in the official gazette, (Medialdea, 2020)The dataset on the features of the Learning Management Systems using Moodle is that Professors will be the one who will set the topics, quizzes, and exercises for his class even the assessment methods on the system. To prevent from slowing down the network, the Team of Seaversity the developer of the learning management systems headed by C/E Ephrem Dela Cernan conducts a ZOOM Training to all Faculty to be familiarized more on the Learning Management Systems of the Philippine Merchant Marine Academy. The Moodle Learning Management Systems is a user-friendly environment because of its features and users can easily adjust from the traditional face to face teaching going to e-Learning approach because of it’s all capabilities as a data mining methods such as statistics, association rule mining, pattern mining visualization, categorization, clustering, and text mining., (AlAjmi & Shakir, 2013)

Colonial educational policies were marked by conflicting interests of different actors who were involved in the provision and consumption of education. Initially, education matters were left to individual colonies and voluntary agencies, but from 1925, Whitehall began to take a keen interest in the development of education in the colonies. Several educational policies were enacted, including Fraser report, the East African Protectorate Education Commission in Kenya, Phelps-stoke commission, Memorandum on education policy in British Tropical Africa, Beecher committee of 1949 and Binns committee report of 1952. These policies sought to inculcate western morals, technical skills, and the need for rural advancement. Africans did not contend with recommendations of these commissions; therefore, several institutions emerged that sought to improve educational conditions for Africans, such as political associations, Local Native councils, and Independent school associations. Data for this study was collected qualitatively; this involved both primary and secondary sources of data. The results of the study indicate that politics has a direct influence on educational policy. The study will be significant to educational stakeholders, educational policy developers, and planners, educational historians and will be used as a basis for teaching politics and education in colonial Kenya and for future research in the history of education.

Foreign experience demonstrates that countries’ strategies in cluster policy differ depending on national traditions and culture of their strategy engineering process, as well as on the cluster concept. Analysis of information sources shows that technical and methodological framework for cluster policy formulation have not been clearly and unambiguously studied in science. The most important methodological document on cluster policy is the European Cluster Memorandum signed by the Member States of the European Union in 2006 [3]. It defined the essence and importance of clusters in innovation development and identified the key provisions of cluster policy. One of the essential methodological issues is the role of government in the formation of clusters. The following factors can be associated with the state’s growing influence on clustering processes: market weakness, increase in the volume and value of public goods; an objective priority of public interest in the context of globalization; the need to protect the national economy in the international economic relations; the need for institutional regulations in the national and global economy. Foreign experience demonstrates that the numerous cluster initiatives running in major developed countries over the last few years have been brought forward by local or regional governments. In relatively small developed countries and in a number of developing countries, the government plays an essential role in the cluster development initiative, especially when local and regional government agencies cannot partner with the private sector. A number of decisions on clusters have been adopted at national level in countries with centralized decision-making process.

Mehr als die Hälfte der deutschen Bevölkerung hat Schwierigkeiten im Umgang mit Gesundheitsinformationen. Es ist eine wichtige Aufgabe der Versorgungsforschung zu untersuchen, wie sich die Professionen und Organisationen des Gesundheitssystems dieser Herausforderung stellen können. Das DNVF Memorandums Gesundheitskompetenz (Teil 1) nimmt Begriffsbestimmungen der individuellen und organisationalen Gesundheitskompetenz vor, präsentiert den nationalen und internationalen Forschungsstand und stellt ethische Aspekte der versorgungsbezogenen Gesundheitskompetenzforschung dar. Weiterhin wird die Relevanz der Gesundheitskompetenzforschung in verschiedenen Lebensphasen, bei unterschiedlichen Personengruppen sowie in verschiedenen Kontexten der Gesundheits- und Krankenversorgung erarbeitet. Vor diesem Hintergrund werden zentrale Forschungsgegenstände und zukünftige Forschungsdesiderata abgeleitet., More than half of the German population has difficulties in dealing with health information. It is an important task of health services research to examine how healthcare professionals and health care organizations can meet this challenge. The DNVF Memorandum Health Literacy (Part 1) defines the terms of individual and organizational health literacy, presents the national and international state of research and ethical aspects of health literacy research in health care settings. The relevance of health literacy research is worked out in different phases of life, for different target groups and in different healthcare contexts. Central research topics and future research desiderata are derived. © Georg Thieme Verlag KG Stuttgart · New York.

Fin-de-Siècle A Hungarian version of the present paper was published as “Erósz és Agapé: Erotextus Edward Prime-Stevenson Imre: Egy emlékirat című regényének expozíciójában” (2019) in Literatura affiliated with the Hungarian Academy of Sciences. Supported by the ÚNKP-19-3 New National Excellence Program of the Ministry for Innovation and Technology.” gay literature in English operated with a double narrative: one narrative offers a historical (and “innocent”) reading available to general readership; the other offers a personal (often illicit) reading available to the susceptible and initiated readers only. The double narrative, thus, allowed authors to give subtle visibility to same-sex desire in their works that would evade censorship. This paper argues that there is a similar double narrative in the exposition of Imre: A Memorandum by the American music critic and émigré writer Edward Prime-Stevenson. The double narrative of the novel, however, differs from that of prior gay literature. I argue that Prime-Stevenson thought it was a literary sin that prior gay literature offered a sensual, erotic, or even pornographic, subversive secondary reading to susceptible readers. In my reading, Prime-Stevenson consciously planted cues in the exposition of the novel, thus, created an erotext to trigger a similar subversive and illicit reading of his text. However, Prime-Stevenson used this technique to demonstrate that purely erotic literary representations denigrate same-sex desire; therefore, in what followed, he presented a different, agapeic view on same-sex desire. The paper substantiates that Prime-Stevenson’s intention was to break away from earlier narrative “traditions” of gay literature to offer a naturalised and legitimised representation and “script” of “homosexuality” per se. Prime-Stevenson did so in a crucial period of time, as the term “homosexual” just barely entered the English language and its pejorative connotations may not have been set in stone. The paper, as a result, casts a new complexion on sexuality as a literary phenomenon and the relevance of a complex narrative structure composed of “snares” and “false snares” in the exposition of Imre, which plays a crucial role in Prime-Stevenson authoring one of the very first openly homosexual novels in English, which has a happy ending.

This article uses primary sources to evaluate how Harold Pinter’s screenwriting for the film The Quiller Memorandum (1966) operated in the business context of film production in Britain. In the mid...

The purpose of the article is to answer an historically important question that is relevant in modern Ukrainian society - was it possible to maintain the status of a nuclear state for Ukraine? Find out the possible prospects for maintaining the status of Ukraine as a nuclear state, having studied the historical and source study aspects of the problem. Materials and methods. The regulatory framework of the study is the statement of the Verkhovna Rada of Ukraine “On the Nuclear-Free Status of Ukraine”, The Law of Ukraine “On Ukraine’s Accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of July 1, 1968” dated November 16, 1994, and the Memorandum on Security Guarantees in Connection with Ukraine’s Accession to the Treaty on the Non-Proliferation of Nuclear Weapons of November 5, 1994 and others. The study uses methods of fundamental analysanalysis, synthesis, comparison, generalization. Scientific novelty. The main aspects of the nuclear disarmament of Ukraine are investigated. The possibility of an alternative to its nuclear disarmdisarmament is being examined, as well as the voluntary renuncirenunciation of Ukraine’s nuclear potential is being analyzed. Conclusions. In society and among “young” politicians, the view is spread about the fallacy of denuclearization. The then internal and external problems of Ukraine do not seem very critical now. The leaders of Ukraine in the 1990s consider nuclear disarmament inevitable and agree to recognize only tactical miscalculations. The theoretical possibility of holding and developing nuclear weapons in Ukraine should be recognized as highly probable. Economic and potential allowed this. But foreign policy pressure, primarily from the United States, made this impossible. The Ukrainian leadership was not able to realize all the chances that history provided us, and it was more profitable to convert the renunciation of nuclear weaweapons into economic and political benefits, But de l'étude. Le but de l'article est de répondre à une question urgente et historiquement importante dans la société ukrainienne moderne sur la possibilité de maintenir le statut d'un État nucléaire pour l'Ukraine, de découvrir les perspectives possibles pour maintenir le statut de l'Ukraine en tant qu'État nucléaire, après avoir étudié les aspects historiques et sources de l'étude du problème. Matériaux et méthodes. Le cadre réglementaire de l'étude est la déclaration de la Verkhovna Rada d'Ukraine "Sur le statut dénucléarisé de l'Ukraine", la loi de l'Ukraine "Sur l'adhésion de l'Ukraine au Traité sur la non-prolifération des armes nucléaires du 1er juillet 1968" daté du 16 novembre 1994, "Mémorandum sur les garanties de sécurité liées à l'adhésion de l'Ukraine au Traité sur la non-prolifération des armes nucléaires" du 5 novembre 1994 et autres. L'étude utilise des méthodes d'analyse fondamentale, de synthèse, de comparaison, de généralisation. Nouveauté scientifique. Les principaux aspects du désarmement nucléaire de l'Ukraine sont étudiés. La possibilité d'une alternative à son désarmement nucléaire est examinée et la renonciation volontaire de l'Ukraine à son potentiel nucléaire, à ses motivations, à ses causes et à ses perspectives qui ouvriront à l'avenir le lien diplomatique du pays sont analysées. Conclusions. Dans la société et parmi les «jeunes» politiciens, il existe une opinion largement répandue sur la fausseté de la dénucléarisation, reflétée dans le matériel journalistique des médias. Cependant, après avoir analysé les documents réglementaires, ainsi que les problèmes internes et externes de l'Ukraine au moment de la décision sur le désarmement nucléaire, qui ne semble plus trop critique, les auteurs sont parvenus à la conclusion qu'une telle décision est préférable. Les dirigeants de l'Ukraine dans les années 1990 Ils ont estimé que le désarmement nucléaire était pratiquement inévitable et sont convenus de ne reconnaître que les erreurs de calcul tactiques, car la capacité théorique de détenir et de développer des armes nucléaires en Ukraine devrait être reconnue comme probable du point de vue du potentiel économique et scientifique. Dans le même temps, les pressions exercées sur la politique étrangère, principalement des États-Unis, ont eu un impact sur le processus de désarmement. Les dirigeants ukrainiens ne pouvaient pas réaliser toutes les chances d'une conversion plus rentable de la renonciation aux armes nucléaires en avantages économiques et politiques pour le pays, Цель исследования. Цель статьи предполагает ответ на актуальный, исторически важный в современном украинском обществе вопрос о возможности сохранения для Украины статус ядерного государства, выяснить возможные перспективы сохранения статуса Украины как ядерного государства, изучив исторический и источниковедческий аспекты проблемы. Материалы и методы. Нормативной базой исследования является заявление Верховной Рады Украины “О безъядерном статусе Украины”, Закон Украины “О присоединении Украины к Договору о нераспространении ядерного оружия от 1 июля 1968 г.” от 16 ноября 1994 года, “Меморандум о гарантиях безопасности в связи с присоединением Украины к Договору о нераспространении ядерного оружия ” от 5 ноября 1994 и др. При исследовании используются методы фундаментального анализа, синтеза, сравнения, обобщения. Научная новизна. Исследованы основные аспекты проблемы ядерного разоружения Украины. Рассматривается возможность альтернативы ее ядерного разоружения, а также анализируется добровольный отказ Украины от ядерного потенциала, его мотивы, причины и перспективы, открывающиеся перед дипломатическим звеном страны в будущем. Выводы. В обществе и среди “молодых” политиков распространено мнение об ошибочности денуклеаризации, отраженное в публицистических материалах СМИ. Однако, проанализировав нормативные документы, а также внутренние и внешние проблемы Украины на момент принятия решения о ядерном разоружении, кажущиеся сейчас не слишком критическими, авторы пришли к выводу о предпочтительности принятия такого решения. Руководители Украины 1990-х гг. считали ядерное разоружение практически неизбежным и согласны признавать лишь тактические просчеты, поскольку теоретическую возможность удерживать и развивать ядерное оружие в Украине следует признать вероятной с точки зрения экономического и научного потенциала. В то же время, внешнеполитическое давление, прежде всего со стороны США, оказало влияние на процесс разоружения. Украинское руководство не смогло реализовать все шансы более выгодного конвертирования отказа от ядерного оружия в экономические и политические преимущества для страны, Мета статті передбачає відповідь на актуальне, історично важливе в сучасному українському суспільстві питання про можливість збереження для України статус ядерної держави, з'ясувати можливі перспективи збереження статусу України як ядерної держави, вивчивши історичний і джерелознавчий аспекти проблеми. Матеріали та методи. Нормативною базою дослідження є заява Верховної Ради України "Про без'ядерний статус України", Закон України "Про приєднання України до Договору про нерозповсюдження ядерної зброї від 1 липня 1968 року" від 16 листопада 1994 року, "Меморандум про гарантії безпеки у зв'язку з приєднанням України до Договору про нерозповсюдження ядерної зброї" від 5 листопада 1994 і ін. При дослідженні використовуються методи фундаментального аналізу, синтезу, порівняння, узагальнення. Наукова новизна. Досліджено основні аспекти проблеми ядерного роззброєння України. Розглядається можливість альтернативи її ядерного роззброєння, а також аналізується добровільна відмова України від ядерного потенціалу, його мотиви, причини і перспективи, що відкриваються перед дипломатичним ланкою країни в майбутньому. Висновки. У суспільстві і серед "молодих" політиків поширена думка про помилковість денуклеаризації, відбите в публіцистичних матеріалах ЗМІ. Однак, проаналізувавши нормативні документи, а також внутрішні і зовнішні проблеми України на момент прийняття рішення про ядерне роззброєння, що здаються зараз не дуже критичними, автори прийшли до висновку про перевагу прийняття такого рішення. Керівники України 1990-х рр. вважали ядерне роззброєння практично неминучим і згодні визнавати лише тактичні прорахунки, оскільки теоретичну можливість утримувати і розвивати ядерну зброю в Україні слід визнати вірогідною з точки зору економічного і наукового потенціалу. У той же час, зовнішньополітичний тиск, перш за все з боку США, вплинуло на процес роззброєння. Українське керівництво не змогло реалізувати всі шанси більш вигідного конвертації відмови від ядерної зброї в економічні і політичні переваги для країни

National Security Presidential Memorandum #20 [1] recently superseded National Security Council, Presidential Directive #25 [2] both of which require evaluation of risks associated with launch of radioactive sources into space. This evaluation is conducted by the Interagency Nuclear Safety Review Board (INSRB) * . The Air Force (AF) Chief of Space Safety is a co-chair on the Board representing the Department of Defense. There have historically existed no regulated acceptable risk thresholds within US Government or AF guidance specific to the potential for radioisotope exposure should a launch of this nature fail. To this end, the AF rewrote its existing policy to establish launch safety criteria for use by the AF Launch Decision Authority when approving launches that use radioactive sources. This paper outlines the thought process used while developing launch safety criteria specifically, with regard to when a risk evaluation should be accomplished and what the acceptable risk threshold should be.

The article analyzes and discusses the main government justifications for the public educational policy of the High School Reform (2017), and the Common National Curriculum Base for High School (BNCC-EM, 2018). It demonstrates the conflict between the conception of Education for Integral Formation, explicit in Art. 205 of the Federal Constitution of 1988, with the conception of neoliberal mercantilist education in progress. It affirms the setback of the “New High School” compared to educational reform in Brazil during the military dictatorship and, worldwide, from references such as reforms in France and the United States. The research is based on the hermeneutics of the arguments of the explanatory memorandum to Law 13.415 / 2017, government statements (MEC) in the media, studies and reports on the theme and theoretical basis in Dardot, Laval and others. It concludes by refuting the neoliberal logic present in high school reform and the curriculum for skills and competencies in the BNCC. It suggests the resumption and expansion of the experience of Federal Institutes - IFs from the perspective of comprehensive education and vocational education integrated with high school in public education. Keywords: High School Reform, BNCC, Neoliberalism, Federal Institutes. RESUMEN El artículo analiza y discute las principales justificaciones registradas para una política educativa pública de Reforma del Ensino Médio (2017) y una Base de Currículo Nacional Común para High School (BNCC-EM, 2018). Demuestra o entra en conflicto la Composición Educativa para la Formación Integral, explícita en el Art. 205 de la Constitución Federal de 1988, con la idea de desarrollo para una educación mercantilista neoliberal. Afirma o retira la "Nueva Escuela Secundaria" en comparación con las reformas de la misma etapa durante el período militar y, en todo el mundo, de referencia a las reformas en Francia y los Estados Unidos. Una investigación se basa en dos argumentos hermenéuticos basados en la Ley 13.415 / 2017, declaraciones de gobierno (MEC) al mismo tiempo, estudios e informes sobre el tema, y la justificación de datos teóricos en Dardot, Laval y otros. Concluyo refutando la lógica neoliberal de la reforma ambiental y el currículo de habilidades y competencias en el BNCC. Sugiera retomar y expandir la experiencia de dos Institutos Federales - IF desde la perspectiva de una capacitación integral y educación vocacional integrada o educación pública. Palabras clave: Reforma de la escuela secundaria, BNCC, Neoliberalismo, Institutos Federales - IFs. SOMMAIREL'article analyse et discute les principales justifications gouvernementales de la politique éducative publique de la réforme des écoles secondaires (2017) et de la base nationale commune de programmes d'études pour les écoles secondaires (BNCC-EM, 2018). Il démontre le conflit de compréhension de l'éducation pour la formation intégrale, explicite dans l'article 205 de la Constitution fédérale de 1988, avec l'idée en développement d'une éducation mercantiliste néolibérale. Il affirme le revers de la «New High School» par rapport aux réformes du même niveau d'enseignement sous la dictature militaire et, dans le monde, à partir de références telles que les réformes en France et aux États-Unis. La recherche est basée sur l'herméneutique des arguments de l'exposé des motifs de la loi 13.415 / 2017, des déclarations du gouvernement (MEC) dans les médias, des études et des rapports sur le sujet et la justification du soutien théorique à Dardot, Laval et autres. Il conclut en réfutant la logique néolibérale de la réforme du lycée et le curriculum des aptitudes et compétences du BNCC. Il suggère la reprise et l'expansion de l'expérience des instituts fédéraux - IF du point de vue de l'éducation globale et de la formation professionnelle intégrée à l'enseignement secondaire dans l'enseignement public.Mots-clés: réforme du lycée, BNCC, néolibéralisme, instituts fédéraux - Ifs. RESUMO O artigo analisa e discute as principais justificativas governamentais para a política pública educacional da Reforma do Ensino Médio (2017), e a Base Nacional Comum Curricular para o Ensino Médio (BNCC-EM, 2018). Demonstra o conflito da compreensão de Educação para a Formação Integral, explícita no Art. 205 da Constituição Federal de 1988, com a ideia em desenvolvimento para uma educação mercantilista neoliberal. Afirma o retrocesso do “Novo Ensino Médio” comparado as reformas da mesma etapa de ensino durante a ditadura militar e, em nível mundial, a partir de referenciais como as reformas na França e Estados Unidos. A pesquisa se fundamenta a partir da hermenêutica dos argumentos da exposição de motivos para a Lei 13.415/2017, declarações do governo (MEC) na mídia, estudos e relatórios sobre o tema e fundamentação de aporte teórico em Dardot, Laval e outros. Conclui pela refutação à lógica neoliberal da reforma do ensino médio e no currículo por habilidades e competências na BNCC. Sugere a retomada e a ampliação da experiência dos Institutos Federais – IFs na perspectiva da formação integral e da educação profissional integrada ao ensino médio na educação pública. Palavras-chave: Reforma do Ensino Médio, BNCC, Neoliberalismo, Institutos Federais – Ifs.

This study aimed at determining the planning and accountability as well as the benefits and impacts of the BOS funding program in SD Negeri 01 Pulau Rimau, Banyuasin. The data sources of this research were the principal, teachers and students of SD Negeri 01 Pulau Rimau. The method used qualitative and applied interviews, documentation and observation as instruments. The results showed that 1) BOS program planning was realized in the RAPBS; 2) the use of BOS funds has been carried out in accordance with the 2015 National Technical Guidelines used by schools; 3) accountability of BOS funds in the form of memorandum of purchase and maintenance of equipment as well as for payment of teacher honoraria at schools; 4) and the benefits and impacts of the BOS program for schools is that the learning process runs effectively by always improving the quality of facilities.

According to the Explanatory Memorandum of the law 4509/2017, a significant change is being made to the current institutional framework of Articles 69 and 70 of the ECHR concerning the penal treatment of mentally ill offenders, in order to ensure a high level of treatment for perpetrators with mental or intellectual disorder. In application of the law, it was examined in court the abolishment, maintenance or replacement of the treatment measure of 47 patients from the Department of Forensic Psychiatry in Thessaloniki. The results were compared with the previous status quo. In 22 cases, abolishment was ordered for the patients to be discharged and return to their parent's home or to Psychosocial Rehabilitation Units. In 11 of them, their stay was in direct violation of the law due to exceeding the cap as defined by the severity of the offense. However, 7 patients remain voluntarily in the Department, as no beds are available in reintegration structures. 13 patients who have committed homicide remain with the psychiatrist's agreement beyond the overrunning the ten years of treatment due to the severity of the disease or the risk for violent behavior. The Public Prosecutor has provided solutions in many cases and has appointed lawyers for all patients as prescribed by law. However, the judiciary remains cautious and the trend towards exhaustion of the limits is clear, despite the fact that their fears are not confirmed by international bibliographic data. The application of N 4509/2017 attempts to change the landscape for this particular group of patients and allows visions for de-institutionalization, elimination of the stigma and personalized treatment, despite any ambiguities or potential problems that may arise. However, as the predominant social viewpoint, shown by the media, treats the mentally ill as dangerous, any positive changes are doomed to fail. In addition, it is necessary to develop psychiatric services for the treatment of patients which will not only treat psychotic symptoms but also antisocial and aggressive behavior in general.

Issues related to US attempts to engage the USSR in a direct clash with Japan during the Second World War are examined. The relevance of the study is due to the fierce ongoing debate regarding a number of aspects of the history of the war years. Particular attention is paid to the study of a document sent by the Soviet intelligence agencies to I. V. Stalin in 1942. The novelty of the study is seen, first of all, in the fact that the document under study was declassified only at the present time and has not been published before. Meanwhile, the document testifies to the strategies proposed to the US government by a number of very influential and informed representatives of the American elite, aimed at drawing the Soviet Union into the war with Japan. It is shown in this document that the role of the USSR in the Pacific theater of operations is rightly defined as very significant. Of particular interest is the list of recommendations cited in the article by H. Baldwin, the author of the document studied, recommendations designed to ensure the involvement of the USSR in the war with Japan. The conclusion is formulated that the studied “Memorandum” confirms the readiness of the Allies to do a lot to achieve the desired. At the same time, it demonstrates the temporary nature of a community of interests and is by no means an allied attitude towards our country.

The Tableau general de la Monarchie is probably the longest but rarely quoted early memorandum of Joseph II. It is kept in the Haus-, Hof- und Staatsarchiv in Vienna. I am preparing a full-text edition of the source with detailed notes and analysis in a separate publication. In this research report, I provide a short preliminary introduction to the source, covering the historiography, the problem of accurate datation, and the context, as well as an outline of the contents. The document is also outstanding because Joseph II formulated here probably the most detailed views on foreign affairs. At the same time - surprisingly, in this case - he is a docile follower of Kaunitz.

In support of the Barangay Drug Clearing strategy of the Philippines, the Oplan Double Barrel program was implemented under PNP Command Memorandum Circular No. 16- 2016. The program impacted almost all sectors of the community, especially the drug surrenderees. This quantitative descriptive research evaluated the level of implementation of PNP Oplan Tokhang in the province of Camarines Sur. It determined the effectiveness of intervention strategies towards the rehabilitation of the drug surrenderees. A survey questionnaire was administered to six hundred twenty-four (624) respondents, and it was collected, analyzed, and interpreted using weighted arithmetic mean Kruskal Wallis H and Mann Whitney U test to compare the response. Data revealed that three (3) phases of Oplan Tokhang were effectively implemented. However, the problem with the scarcity of financial resources to provide health and other social services, insufficient rehabilitation personnel, and limited rehabilitation facilities are encountered. Hence, the government should increase budget allocation for the rehabilitation services and strengthened the holistic community-based rehabilitation towards effective oplan tokhang.

Amid the voluminous documentary record of the Alger Hiss case, one document is especially noteworthy: a short memorandum Hiss drafted during the Yalta conference in early 1945 setting forth “Arguments against Inclusion of Any of the Soviet Republics among Initial Members” of the proposed postwar United Nations (UN) organization. Drafted when the Soviet Union was pressing for UN membership for two or three Soviet republics, the memorandum has been cited to challenge claims that Hiss acted as a Soviet agent at Yalta (or at any time) while constituting a “puzzling anomaly” for those who believe that Hiss was indeed a spy (as indicated in Soviet intelligence documents). By considering the circumstances of the memorandum's preparation and closely examining its text, this article demonstrates that the memorandum does not contravene the notion that Hiss was a Soviet agent at the time of the Yalta conference.

Drawing on the belief that photographs could critically scrutinize landscape uses, this essay attempts to locate and discuss projects published and exhibited in Portugal from May 2011 to May 2014. ...

Among the more important socio-political issues that have appeared on the surface of the public agenda is the question of cooperation between the police and the army. In the article, the author analyzes this issue both in general and in the specific context of the Republic of Slovenia. He explains that the Slovenian Government did not formally declare a “state of emergency,” although the Slovenian Constitution allows it, but officially declared an epidemic and used a special provision in the Defense Act that allows the Slovenian Army to take action in so-called “exceptional” social circumstances and establish police-military cooperation on the ground. The author explains the constitutional dimensions of such cooperation and its ethico-political perspective.

The article presents an analysis of the oral memorandum, which tells about a certain domestic incident (suspicion of “hexing” the child), a purification ritual and about a subsequent re-evaluation of what has actually happened by the narrator who is also the central character of the story. It considers other versions of the same plot and describes text-generating mechanisms based on the worldview of that tradition. The author attempts to reconstruct “the prototypical episode”, and identif y those event elements that, apparently, did not take place in reality. Such study allows assessing the mythological model role that helps to enrich the oral memorandum with the circumstantial details which at the same time assure its conceptual completeness and credibility. The article is based on Mongolian and Buryat expeditionary records made during the field expeditions organized by the Center for Typological and Semiotic Studies of Folklore of Russian State University for the Humanities in 2006–2010.