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The purpose of this thesis is to discuss the rôle of certain types of quiver which appear in the modular representation theory of finite groups. It is our concern to study two different types of quiver. First of all we construct the ordinary quiver of certain blocks of defect 2 of the symmetric group, and then apply our results to the alternating group and to the theory of partitions. Secondly, we consider connected components of the stable Auslander-Reiten quiver of certain groups G with normal subgroup N. The main interest lies in comparing the tree class of components of N-modules, with the tree class of components of these modules induced up to G.

In his latest contribution to the application of Darwinian evolutionary thinking to the social sciences, W. G. Runciman conceives of human behavior as resulting from three levels of selection - biological, cultural, and social. These give rise, respectively, to evoked, acquired, and imposed patterns of behavior. The biological level is hardly controversial, but to draw a distinction between separate cultural and social selective processes is more problematic. Runciman takes memes to be the variants competitively selected at the cultural level and the practices constituting rule-governed roles to be the variants competitively selected at the social level - thus preserving separate spheres of research for anthropology and sociology. It is not clear, however, what drives cultural and social evolution. Nor are the three levels theoretically well integrated. The book's strength lies in the numerous examples provided of how the application of selectionist theory illuminates and enriches sociological and historical explanations and contributes to the construction of historical narrative.

B lymphocytes in vitro encounter oxygen levels far in excess of what they experience in vivo. Room air incubator O2 is not 21%, the accepted level for outdoor O2[1]. High CO2 and humidity drive incubator O2 down (16–19%), with variability from door openings. However, in vivo O2 is far lower even (tissues 0–7%, blood 5–10%). Hypoxia-induced factor 1 alpha (HIF-1a) is a tightly regulated transcription factor responsive to O2 levels [2]. Downstream of HIF-1a are genes tied to the unfolded protein response, metabolism, proliferation, and migration. A therapeutic target in multiple myeloma [3], HIF-1a protein is stabilized at low O2 levels and rapidly degraded at higher O2 levels. We previously showed in primary human B cells and myeloma cell lines, that HIF-1a protein levels stabilize at physioxic 1% and 4% oxygen, but not at 19% oxygen. B cell migration in response to the CXCR4 ligand, CXCL12, was decreased at low O2 levels. Here we seek to add direct evidence to HIF-1a participation in B cell migration changes by using a lentiviral vector to produce stable transfectants expressing a HIF-1a shRNA to genetically ablate HIF-1a. We used C-chamber sub-chambers and Pro-Ox 110 gas controllers to stably control the gas levels inside a standard incubator. At 1% O2, HIF-1a shRNA expression resulted in undetectable HIF-1a protein levels, and a correlating increase in CXCR4-mediated B cell migration as compared to a lentiviral control vector or non-transfected cells. This adds genetic evidence that directly links incubator O2 levels, HIF-1a activity and B cell migration in vitro.

The title of my first contribution to Southeast Asian Affairs in 1980 was “Laos: The Vietnamese Connection”. A great deal has happened in the Lao People's Democratic Republic (LPDR) over the past three decades, both internally, and in its relations with its neighbours. The Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP) is still in power, but it is a party riven by ambition and greed. The country is wealthier than it was thirty years ago; but the urban-rural divide is more marked than ever. Wealth is concentrated in the cities, most of it in the hands of Party members and their families. The resources of the country, which the French had glimpsed a century before, most of which are located in rural areas, are now being rapidly exploited, but not for the benefit of the rural majority. Neighbouring states have hungrily eyed these resources, and seized their opportunities to obtain a share — none more so than China. So just as what was interesting about Laos in 1980 was the Vietnamese connection, so in 2009 what is interesting is the developing Chinese connection, and what this means for Lao politics and policies. To focus on the Chinese connection is not to suggest that the Vietnamese connection no longer matters. It certainly does. Rather it is to focus on economic and political changes that are now taking place. What I want to do in this article is to examine the changes that were becoming apparent in 2008 in three areas: in politics; in economic development; and in international relations. But I shall deal with these in the reverse order, for Lao politics are all but opaque in the absence of any media reporting or discussion, and it is only by examining the shifting influence of neighbouring states, and popular responses to the impact of development policies, that some light can be cast on Lao politics.

In the nominally Marxist-Leninist Lao People's Democratic Republic (LPDR), whose political institutions are modelled on those of the former Soviet Union, the most important events of the political calendar are the congresses of the ruling Lao People's Revolutionary Party (LPRP). These congresses take place only every five years, and 2006 was such a year. Party congresses provide opportunities both for the nomination of a new political leadership, and for setting out new policy directions. Thus it was the Fourth Party Congress in 1986 that endorsed the so-called “new economic mechanism”, which introduced a market economy and opened the way for private foreign investment. The Fourth Congress was delayed for nine months while the ideological struggle over policy was waged, with great secrecy, within the Party. That subsequent congresses have been held on schedule (some time in March) suggests a degree of ideological consensus. The 2006 Eighth Party Congress was held on schedule. What party congresses do determine is the leadership of the country for the next five years, so they are preceded by a period of intense political activity. And because of the excessive secrecy that surrounds all intra-party politics in Laos, the lead-up to a party congress is a time of swirling rumour. For a good two years prior to the 2006 congress rumours abounded about the likely composition of the new Political Bureau, and who would get what position in the new government that is formed after each congress. In the lead-up to the Eighth Party Congress there was little serious debate over policy. Some observers claimed to discern differences between “reformers” and “conservatives”, or between “pro-Vietnamese” and “pro-Chinese” groupings within the Party, but there was widespread agreement over key policy issues. These were, broadly, that the country should continue to pursue an open market economy and to attract foreign direct investment to develop industry and resources; that it should continue to accept foreign aid from all willing donors

This article examines the political dimension of historiography in contributing to the Lao nation-state building project, with particular reference to institutional and social forms of Lao political culture, the role of minority groups during the Revolution and the lingering shadow of the country's aristocratic past. Reference is made to several key issues in current Lao historiography. The article also raises the issue of the respective political responsibilities of Lao and foreign historians in helping to construct a national history.

A novel potentiometric procedure has recently been described for rapid measurement of equilibrium aqueous solubility values of organic acids, bases, and ampholytes that form supersaturated solutions. In this procedure, the equilibrium solubility is actively sought by changing the concentration of the neutral form by adding HCl or KOH titrants and monitoring the rate of change of pH due to precipitation or dissolution in a process called Chasing Equilibrium. In this article, we seek to validate the procedure against a shake-flask protocol for solubility determination. A set of 16 small organic compounds, covering a wide range of solubilities was chosen for the study. Interestingly, while 10 compounds in the study were found to chase equilibrium, the others did not. Kinetic solubility data was also collected. It was noted that kinetic solubility was consistently higher than equilibrium solubility for chasers, but correlated well with equilibrium solubility for nonchasers. The ratio of kinetic to equilibrium solubility indicated a compound's ability to form supersaturated solutions.

Transparency International (TI) defines corruption as “the misuse of entrusted power for private benefit” (Transparency International, 2000, p. 1). The potential for corruption thus exists wherever...

A novel procedure is described for rapid (20-80 min) measurement of intrinsic solubility values of organic acids, bases, and ampholytes. In this procedure, a quantity of substance was first dissolved at a pH where it exists predominantly in its ionized form, and then a precipitate of the neutral (un-ionized) species was formed by changing the pH. Subsequently, the rate of change of pH due to precipitation or dissolution was monitored and strong acid and base titrant were added to adjust the pH to discover its equilibrium conditions, and the intrinsic solubility of the neutral form of the compound could then be determined. The procedure was applied to a variety of monoprotic and diprotic pharmaceutical compounds. The results were highly repeatable and had a good correlation to available published values. Data collected during the procedure provided good diagnostic information. Kinetic solubility data were also collected but provided a poor guide to the intrinsic solubility.

Despite the position of the United States as de facto global hegemon, China is a rising power in the world. As Chinese power grows, the projection of Chinese influence will be felt most acutely in Southeast Asia. Whether to accommodate, contain or resist China will depend on future developments that none can foresee, including Chinese ambitions, the policies of other international players (the U.S., Japan), and the cohesion or fragility of the Association of Southeast Asia Nations (ASEAN). This paper argues that in deciding how best to deal with China, two factors that will influence the countries of Southeast Asia are their own long histories of bilateral relations with China and their own differing conceptions of how foreign relations should be conducted. This is to argue that history and culture are central to any understanding of the likely future shape of China-Southeast Asia relations. Only by taking history and culture into account will analysts be in a position to predict how the mainland and maritime states of Southeast Asia are likely to respond to a more powerful, confident and assertive China.

Providing convincing explanations for objects that are unique to Dvaravati is particularly challenging given that our knowledge of the polity is sketchy to say the least. One particularly fascinating group of such objects comprises a number of stelae depicting the Buddha apparently standing on the head of some beast or “monster”. The central Buddha figure is usually flanked by two gods, probably Indra and Brahma, or two bodhisattvas, or just two attendants. The “monster” has been interpreted as some combination of the vehicles of Visnu (Garuda), Siva (bull) and/or Brahma (hamsa or goose), or as Garuda, or Surya, the Sun God. There are no Indian prototypes for these objects, which are found only in the Dvaravati sculptural style.

Current understanding of B lymphocyte function relies heavily upon in vitro assays. However, standard incubators maintain cells at supraphysiologic oxygen (16–19% oxygen). Physiologic oxygen is far lower (blood 5–10%, secondary lymphoid tissues 1–5%, regions of inflammation, tumor, and bone marrow 0–1%). Previously, we showed that transcripts for hypoxia-induced factor 1 alpha (HIF-1a), an oxygen-sensing transcription factor, are upregulated in peripheral B cells after vaccination1. HIF-1a is also a therapeutic target in multiple myeloma2. Downstream of HIF-1a are genes tied to metabolism, proliferation, and the unfolded protein response. One gene downstream of HIF1a that is critical for B cell migration and function is CXCR4. We set out to determine if room air incubation might affect B cells in vitro, our null hypothesis being that physiologic oxygen would not affect B cell HIF-1a levels or CXCR4 function. We used C-chamber incubator sub-chambers and Pro-Ox 110 gas controllers to control the incubation oxygen and carbon dioxide levels. Setting the reference frame to a range relevant to secondary lymphoid organs (1–5% oxygen), we set the chambers to 5% CO2 and 1% (hypoxic), 4% (physioxic), or 19% (supraphysioxic) oxygen. In primary human B cells and myeloma cell lines, HIF-1a protein levels stabilized at 24 hrs of culture at 1% and 4% oxygen, but not at 19% oxygen. More importantly, B cell migration in response to the CXCR4 ligand, CXCL12, was significantly decreased at low oxygen levels, without affecting cell proliferation or viability, disproving our null hypothesis. This has widespread implications for assessments of B cell function in that incubator oxygen drives HIF-1a degradation and CXCR4 responsiveness in vitro.

The 12 essays in this collection were presented at a conference on `Political Culture in Southeast Asia’ held at the University of Uppsala in September 1995, and as in any such collection they vary greatly in actual focus. While only a couple fall within the strict category of political culture, all do deal in some way with the way in which various groups of people mobilise components of their own cultural matrix as power means to pursue specific interests. The context in which they do this comprises the institutions and policies of the nation state, conditions that both constrain and provide opportunities for political action. The particular arenas covered include ethnicity, gender, health, art, history and environment, as well as politics per se.

Several attempts have been made recently to apply Darwinian evolutionary theory to the study of culture change and social history. The essential elements in such a theory are that variations occur in population, and that a process of selective retention operates during their replication and transmission. Location of such variable units in the semantic structure of cognition provides the individual psychological basis for an evolutionary theory of history. Selection operates on both the level of cognition and on its phenotypic expression in action in relation to individual preferred sources of psychological satisfaction. Social power comprises the principal selective forces within the unintended consequences of action and through the struggle of individuals and groups in pursuit of opposing interests. The implication for historiography are methodological in that evolutionary theory of history sharpens the focus of explanatory situational analysis, and interpretive in that it provides a paradigmatic metanarrative for the understanding of historical change.