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Testing the impact on public attitudes of different ways of framing the performance of the judicial system in dealing with alleged corruption cases. We examine whether the emphasis on different potentially relevant considerations leads to different attitudes about the political and judicial systems.

Cross-national survey experiment on support for majoritarianism vs consensualism, as the outcome of vignette treatments, respondent traits, and country

The movement of personnel between roles in regulation, politics, and regulated industries is thought to affect the risks of politicization and industry capture of independent regulatory agencies. To test whether such movements are better explained by formal rules or by sector-specific patterns, we employ an original dataset of the 152 appointees to eleven IRAs in Portugal over the last three decades. We find that variations in the formal independence of agencies have been of little consequence. Instead, revolving doors abound in the financial sector, with a disproportionate share of regulators of that sector coming from, and moving back, to the industry. In turn, appointment of regulators with political links to Portuguese IRAs seems related with legacies of sectoral public control.

Ineffective governance is known to weaken support for governments and leaders. However, it is less clear whether these effects spill over to the regime and erode support for the democratic system. This article returns to this classic question, now using time-series, cross-sectional data to test whether the effectiveness of governments in sustaining economic growth, providing quality healthcare, and tackling violent crime affects popular attitudes to democracy. We find that satisfaction with democracy is driven by fluctuations in economic performance and violent crime (but not healthcare quality). Diffuse support for democracy, in contrast, remains relatively impervious to changes in government effectiveness. Violent crime is the only indicator of effectiveness which has an impact on democratic support, and does so indirectly, via its influence on democratic satisfaction. These findings confirm that democratic support—which, unlike democratic satisfaction, is thought to help sustain democracy—is mostly immune to crises of performance.

This chapter approaches the issue of methodological nationalism in the social sciences from both a historical and a contemporary perspective, with particular emphasis on migration studies. First, it offers a historical overview of the problem and delves into its early intellectual history by examining Eric Voegelin’s reflections on ‘national minds’ in the interwar period This anticipates many questions and challenges that future critics of methodological nationalism would consider to be central. Second, we examine the persistence of nation-state-centred concepts and methods in the context of migration and refugee studies. Third, the chapter discusses different conceptual tools for overcoming the insufficiencies of methodological nationalism, weighing both their fruitfulness and their limits. Notwithstanding the ineradicability of nation-state-centred frameworks in social science as well as in the self-perceptions of migrant populations, we show that it is possible to conceive of both ‘community’ and ‘knowledge’ in non-national terms to investigate the possibilities of knowledge produced through experiences of displacement.

Background: Physical activity (PA) surveillance, policy, and research efforts need to be periodically appraised to gain insight into national and global capacities for PA promotion. The aim of this paper was to assess the status and trends in PA surveillance, policy, and research in 164 countries. Methods: We used data from the Global Observatory for Physical Activity (GoPA!) 2015 and 2020 surveys. Comprehensive searches were performed for each country to determine the level of development of their PA surveillance, policy, and research, and the findings were verified by the GoPA! Country Contacts. Trends were analyzed based on the data available for both survey years. Results: The global 5-year progress in all 3 indicators was modest, with most countries either improving or staying at the same level. PA surveillance, policy, and research improved or remained at a high level in 48.1%, 40.6%, and 42.1% of the countries, respectively. PA surveillance, policy, and research scores decreased or remained at a low level in 8.3%, 15.8%, and 28.6% of the countries, respectively. The highest capacity for PA promotion was found in Europe, the lowest in Africa and low- and lower-middle-income countries. Although a large percentage of the world’s population benefit from at least some PA policy, surveillance, and research efforts in their countries, 49.6 million people are without PA surveillance, 629.4 million people are without PA policy, and 108.7 million live in countries without any PA research output. A total of 6.3 billion people or 88.2% of the world’s population live in countries where PA promotion capacity should be significantly improved. Conclusion: Despite PA is essential for health, there are large inequalities between countries and world regions in their capacity to promote PA. Coordinated efforts are needed to reduce the inequalities and improve the global capacity for PA promotion.

The elite theory of Max Weber has recently been rediscovered by political scientists and political theorists who have sought to explore both the heuristic and the normative potential of plebiscitary leader democracy. Notwithstanding the merits of this wave of studies, this paper argues that attention should be shifted from Weber's context-specific defence of plebiscitary leadership in post-WWI Germany to his broader conception of charisma as an attempt to grasp the enigma of significant social and political change. Contemporary democratic theory, this paper contends, can fruitfully draw on Weber to sink into the antinomies and ambiguities of a transformative democratic politics., This article was funded by Academy of Finland (Grand No. 312430).

Survey experiment testing the effect of the salience of radical right discourse regarding social benefits and subsidies on the level of agreement with a discriminatory item in a double list experiment

Metabolic syndrome (MetS) is an independent determinant to increase the risk of metabolic and cardiovascular diseases. MetS prevalence in Portugal is high, however an update is needed since the latest Portuguese epidemiological report is from 2017. Thus, this study aims to examine MetS prevalence and its components in the adult and older Portuguese sub-population (Bragança district). Methods: A retrospective observational cross-sectional was conducted with a community sample collected from two Portuguese primary health care centres between January 2019 and December 2020. A total of 6570 individuals aged 18–102 years were included for analysis, among which 3865 women (57.37 ± 18.67 years) and 2705 men (59.97 ± 16.76 years). MetS was defined according to HARM2009 statement and binary logistic regression was performed to analyse the prevalence across sex and age. Results: MetS prevalence in Bragança district was 54.51%. MetS prevalence was higher in men (61.63%) than women (49.52%). Men are 1.53 (95% OR: 1.37–1.72, p < 0.001) times more likely of having MetS compared to women. MetS risk increases with age (OR: 2.68–42.57, p < 0.001) with a decline from the eighties onwards (OR: 27.84, 95% CI: 19.19–40.38, p < 0.001). Men presented higher prevalence of overweight (48.50%) and obesity (28.06%) and women have higher prevalence of abdominal obesity (62.07%). Conclusion: This study reported high prevalence of MetS in the Portuguese sub-population (Bragança district). A quasi-linear increase across age was verified in the MetS prevalence for both sexes with a decline from the eighties onwards. A síndrome metabólica (SM) assume-se como um determinante independente para o aumento do risco de doenças metabólicas e cardiovasculares. A prevalência de SM em Portugal é elevada, contudo o último relatório epidemiológico realizado na população portuguesa reporta-se a 2017 e carece de atualização. Por conseguinte, este estudo pretende examinar a prevalência da SM e dos seus componentes numa subpopulação portuguesa de adultos e idosos do distrito de Bragança. Métodos: O estudo observacional, retrospetivo e transversal foi realizado com uma amostra comunitário proveniente de dois centros de saúde primários portugueses entre janeiro de 2019 e dezembro de 2020. A análise inclui um total de 6570 indivíduos, com idades compreendidas entre os 18 e os 102 anos, sendo 3865 mulheres (57,37 ± 18,67 anos) e 2705 homens (59,97 ± 16,76 anos). A SM foi definida de acordo com critérios HARM2009, tendo-se realizada uma regressão logística binária para analisar a sua prevalência por sexo e idade. Resultados: A prevalência de SM no distrito de Bragança foi de 54,51%. A prevalência de SM foi mais elevada nos homens (61,63%) do que nas mulheres (49,52%). Os homens têm 1,53 (95% OR: 1,37–1,72; p < 0,001) vezes maior probabilidade de SM em comparação com as mulheres. O risco de SM aumenta com a idade (OR: 2,68–42,57; p < 0,001), observando-se um declínio a partir dos oitenta anos (OR: 27,84, 95% IC: 19,19–40,38; p < 0,001). Os homens apresentaram maior prevalência de excesso de peso (48,50%) e obesidade (28,06%), enquanto que as mulheres apresentam maior prevalência de obesidade abdominal (62,07%). Conclusão: O presente estudo observou uma elevada prevalência de SM numa subpopulação portuguesa do distrito de Bragança, apresentando um aumento quase linear ao longo da idade para ambos os sexos com um declínio a partir dos oitenta anos. Nste projeto foi apoiado pelos Fundos Nacionais através da FCT - Fundação Portuguesa para a Ciência e Tecnologia (UIDB/DTP/04045/2020) info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

This article examines the migration of reactionary antimodern thought from Europe to the United States of America. It assesses the impact that the work of two antimodern thinkers, Leo Strauss and Eric Voegelin, had on two distinct domains of American thought, namely, conservative political ideology and academic political science. The paper argues that the antimodern perspective, eagerly absorbed by many intellectuals, has pushed American conservatism not only in an anti-liberal, but also in an antidemocratic direction. On the other hand, in academic political science, Strauss's and Voegelin's critiques of modernity, though certainly audible and noted, were neither taken seriously nor confronted in depth by the mainstream of the discipline. This neglect should be corrected, I contend, for contemporary political science is in need of a mature and nuanced theory of modernity that is capable of rising up to the radical challenge of the antimoderns., Open access publication of this article was funded by the Research Center in Political Science (CICP) of the University of Minho.

The movement of personnel between roles in regulation, politics, and regulated industries is thought to affect the risks of politicization and industry capture of independent regulatory agencies. To test whether such movements are better explained by formal rules or by sector-specific patterns, we employ an original dataset of the 152 appointees to 11 IRAs in Portugal over the last 3 decades. We find that variations in the formal independence of agencies have been of little consequence. Instead, revolving doors abound in the financial sector, with a disproportionate share of regulators of that sector coming from, and moving back, to the industry. In turn, appointment of regulators with political links to Portuguese IRAs seems related with legacies of sectoral public control.

This chapter approaches the issue of methodological nationalism in the social sciences from both a historical and a contemporary perspective, with particular emphasis on migration studies. First, it offers a historical overview of the problem and delves into its early intellectual history by examining Eric Voegelin’s reflections on ‘national minds’ in the interwar period This anticipates many questions and challenges that future critics of methodological nationalism would consider to be central. Second, we examine the persistence of nation-state-centred concepts and methods in the context of migration and refugee studies. Third, the chapter discusses different conceptual tools for overcoming the insufficiencies of methodological nationalism, weighing both their fruitfulness and their limits. Notwithstanding the ineradicability of nation-state-centred frameworks in social science as well as in the self-perceptions of migrant populations, we show that it is possible to conceive of both ‘community’ and ‘knowledge’ in non-national terms to investigate the possibilities of knowledge produced through experiences of displacement., We would like to thank the editors and contributors to this volume for their helpful suggestions and insightful comments on previous drafts of this chapter. Furthermore, the authors also gratefully acknowledge the financial support of the Academy of Finland funded Centre of Excellence in Law, Identity and the European Narratives, funding decision numbers 312430, 336677, 312431, and 336678.

Caracterizar a qualidade do envolvimento físico do Jardim de Infância (JI) é compreender como é que o seu espaço físico envolve a criança e apoia o seu desenvolvimento (Moreira et al., 2020). Bons indicadores de qualidade de envolvimento físico do JI influenciam positivamente o desenvolvimento infantil (Berti et al., 2019). Com a pandemia COVID-19 e mediante as medidas de contingência determinadas pela Direção Geral de Saúde, os JI foram obrigados a reorganizar o seu espaço físico. Este estudo pretendeu caracterizar a qualidade do envolvimento físico de 9 JI de Bragança (5 públicos, 4 privados) em janeiro de 2021, integrados no programa PéAtivo. Cada JI, após o consentimento da sua Direção, foi visitado e caracterizado por um investigador. Este aplicou a Escala de Avaliação dos Envolvimentos Físicos das Crianças (Moreira et al. 2020) que classifica a qualidade do envolvimento físico entre má (0,00-1,00), razoável (1,01-2,00), boa (2,01-3,00) e excelente (3,01-4,00). Todos os JI apresentaram uma qualidade razoável (M=1,53; min.=1,53; max.=1,98; DP=0,26), sem diferenças significativas entre públicos e privados (U=0,400; p=0,175). As subescalas Localização e Terreno (M=2,53; DP=0,63) e Dimensão do Estabelecimento e Módulos (M=2,61; DP=1,40) registaram pontuações superiores, reveladoras de uma localização adequada do JI e de uma boa proporção entre a área disponível para atividade e o número de crianças acolhidas. Os valores mais baixos registados nas subescalas Espaço em plano aberto modificável (M=0,45; DP=0,18); Áreas para atividades desarrumadas e sujas (M=0,72; DP= 0,27) e Espaço exterior: Necessidades de desenvolvimento (M=0,94; DP=0,89), evidenciaram a baixa ligação entre interior e exterior, pouca definição entre áreas de atividade, pouca disponibilidade de materiais naturais no interior e pouca variedade de áreas para brincar no exterior. Assim, apesar das restrições impostas devido à pandemia terem afetado a normal distribuição de espaços e equipamentos, estes JI adaptaram-se adequadamente, evidenciando indicadores razoáveis às necessidades de desenvolvimento das crianças. Contudo, os aspetos do envolvimento físico que foram identificados como mais frágeis, deverão ser reformulados em parceria com as crianças, pais, diretores e autarquia. Dessa forma, poderão contribuir para melhorar a qualidade do envolvimento físico e garantir oportunidades para um brincar desafiante, promotor do bem-estar e desenvolvimento saudável da criança. info:eu-repo/semantics/publishedVersion

Corruption scandals and their investigation have been shown to undermine support not only for the allegedly involved public officials but also for political actors and institutions more generally. However, we know little about what happens when those investigations end up failing to result in punishments. Is citizens' trust in the legal authorities in charge of prosecuting and punishing corruption also undermined? Do those effects spill over to political actors, institutions, and even the political regime? We address these questions by taking advantage of an April 2021 judicial decision to drop corruption charges against former Portuguese Prime Minister José Sócrates during the fieldwork of a public opinion survey. We show that the decision had a substantial negative impact on public trust in the courts. Furthermore, although political trust was not immediately affected, its overall levels also became lower in comparison to periods before the judicial decision, suggesting a spillover effect.

Obesity is a central component of Metabolic Syndrome (MetS) and a major public health concern. A harmonizing MetS definition was developed to aggregate the different criteria used by the umbrella organizations, however there is still controversy over the most sensitive and specific parameter to characterize each MetS component. The aim of this study was to compare the sensibility and specificity for waist-toheight ratio (WHtR), body mass index (BMI) and waist circumference (WC) to discriminate subjects with and without MetS in an adult North-East Portuguese population. Methods: A cross-sectional retrospective analysis was conducted between January 2019 and December 2020 from patients’ clinical records of two primary health care centers in a North-East Portuguese region. A total of 6570 individuals aged 18–102 years were included for analysis, among which 3865 women (57.37±18.67 years) and 2705 men (59.97±16.76 years). MetS was defined according to HARM2009 statement set by Alberti et al. (2009). Standardized cut-off points were used to measure WHtR (≥0.5), BMI (≥30 kg/m2) and WC (>88 cm in women and >102 cm in men). A binary logistic regression was performed for the areas under receiver operating characteristic curves (AUC) and adjusted odd ratios (OR) with a 95% confidence interval (CI). Results: MetS was present in 3,581 (54.51%) subjects, where 1,914 (49,52%) were women and 1,667 (61.63%) men. AUC demonstrated that WHtR was significantly more powerful than WC and BMI (p