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Few readers would challenge us if we stated that in the past generation the center of gravity in global industry and trade has shifted from the United States and Western [...]

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.futures.2005.04.014 Byline: Stephan Hobe Abstract: The Treaty establishing the Constitution of Europe is cause to raise the question yet again as to whether Europe is headed for super-statehood, at the expense of the sovereign independence of the member states. In his analysis from the perspective of public law, the author places this latest legal re-characterization into the context of the history of European integration, makes further analogy to the German Constitutional Court decision when German citizens raised a similar question at the signing of the Treaty of Maastricht, and concludes that the Treaty has not provided sufficient change in legal power to create a European super-state. Author Affiliation: Law Centre for European and International Cooperation, European Union Law and European and International Economic Law, University of Cologne, Albertus Magnus Platz, 50923 Cologne, Germany Article Note: (footnote) [star] As translated by Kirk W. Junker, Duquesne University School of Law, 600 Locust Street, PA, Pennsylvania 15282, USA. The author and translator would like especially to thank Andrea End of the Law Centre for European and International Cooperation, Cologne, Germany, for her research and bibliographic completion of this text., 1 This text is based upon an address first delivered in 2003 before the failed vote to adopt the Treaty on European Constitution occurred in Rome in December, 2003, and also of course before its successful adoption in Dublin, 2004.

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.jeem.2005.04.004 Byline: Geir B. Asheim (a), Camilla Bretteville Froyn (b), Jon Hovi (b)(c), Fredric C. Menz (b)(d) Abstract: This paper considers whether international environmental public goods provision, such as mitigation of climate change, is better dealt with through regional cooperation than through a global treaty. Previous research suggests that, at best, a global environmental treaty will achieve very little. At worst, it will fail to enter into force. Using a simple dynamic game-theoretic model, with weakly renegotiation-proof equilibrium as solution concept, we demonstrate that two agreements can sustain a larger number of cooperating parties than a single global treaty. The model provides upper and lower bounds on the number of parties under each type of regime. It is shown that a regime with two agreements can Pareto dominate a regime based on a single global treaty. We conclude that regional cooperation might be a good alternative-or supplement-to global environmental agreements. Author Affiliation: (a) Department of Economics, University of Oslo, P.O. Box 1095 Blindern, 0317 Oslo, Norway (b) Center for International Climate and Environmental Research - Oslo (CICERO), P.O. Box 1129 Blindern, 0318 Oslo, Norway (c) Department of Political Science, University of Oslo, P.O. Box 1097 Blindern, 0317 Oslo, Norway (d) Faculty of Economics and Finance, School of Business, Clarkson University, Potsdam, NY 13699, USA Article History: Received 22 April 2003

With increasing vigor since the events of September 11, 2001, police institutions across the globe have proliferated their counterterrorism strategies, including participation in international police organizations such as the International Criminal Police Organization (Interpol). This article discusses some of these developments in light of the prospects of the development toward a global rule of law. Based on the theory of police bureaucratization, it is shown that police institutions have independently developed international structures and practices irrespective of international accords. This article reveals the dynamics of such international police efforts by examining the counterterrorist policies of Interpol. It is argued that the outcome of the relative separation between international police practices, on one hand, and global legal developments, on the other, will be critical in assessing any efforts to counteract the societal processes and conditions that may facilitate the development of terrorism on a global scale. Keywords: international police cooperation; Interpol; international terrorism; counterterrorism; ride of law

Liberal theorists and constructivists feel that a shared sense of identity will help to decrease the threat perception and increase international cooperation. The four broad conclusions are discussed in detail.

To link to full-text access for this article, visit this link: http://dx.doi.org/10.1016/j.worlddev.2005.01.005 Byline: Yuichiro Uchida, Paul Cook Abstract: In recent years, there has been considerable interest in the relationship between a country's export competitiveness and the role played by technology in strengthening and maintaining competitive advantage. A central feature of recent empirical work, mainly focused on the OECD countries, has rested on examining patterns of export and technological specialization between economies and sectors. This paper moves attention away from the advanced industrialized economies to examine the trends for trade and technological specialization among the East Asian developing economies. In particular, two aspects of specialization are examined: First, to what extent have patterns of competitive advantage changed over time and second, to measure the relationship between patterns of trade and technological specialization. Important differences are found in the patterns of specialization, and in the relationship between them among the advanced East Asian economies and those catching up. Author Affiliation: Centre on Competition and Regulation, University of Manchester, UK

The primary thesis of this paper is ironic and perhaps tragic: as U.S. power and predominance have risen in the Gulf, to the point that the region is mainly dependent [...]

The visa-less exchanges are implied in terms of promoting mutual understanding and friendship between the Russian and Japanese participants. Although Japanese largesse derives mainly from a genuine humanitarian concern for the Russian islander's welfare, it also fulfills a political purpose of securing their support for reversion of the Northern Territories.

Introduction The past decade has witnessed a significant expansion in bilateral economic relations between Singapore and India. Thus, while the total bilateral merchandise trade between the two countries trebled during [...]

India is a vast country of economic opportunities. With a population of about 1 billion, (1) the population and labour force are second only to China's. The labour force is [...]

As the Cold War came to an end, the political scientist Francis Fukuyama heralded the 'End of History.' Decades earlier, the sociologist Daniel Bell had predicted the 'End of Ideology.' [...]

It is difficult to disagree with the fact that today we are witnesses of and participants in an important, crucial stage in the evolution of Europe. Ditto for the fact [...]

It was on a crisp, brilliant September morning that the United States experienced the worst terrorist attack in its history. Onlookers watched in disbelief as two hijacked passenger jets slammed [...]

The water wars rationale predicts that countries will wage war to safeguard their access to water resources, especially if there is water scarcity, competitive use and the countries are enemies due to a wider conflict. Following this argument, India and Pakistan should have fought a war over the Indus basin instead of negotiating the 1960 Indus Waters Treaty. In explaining this Indo-Pakistan cooperation which is specifically over water, the critical feature that emerges is that through cooperation the countries were able to safeguard their long-term water supply. In other words, cooperation is water rational. Using the Indus basin experience, the underlying logic of the water wars rationale is questioned, in particular, the use of public statements by key decisionmakers as evidence of future water wars and is shown to be wanting. KEY WORDS: India, Pakistan, Indus Waters Treaty, World Bank, water wars, water rationality, cooperation

Marking its fiftieth anniversary in late 2001, the ANZUS alliance remains Australia's primary security relationship and one of the United States' most important defence arrangements in the Asia-Pacific region. It is argued here that ANZUS has defied many common suppositions advanced by international relations theorists on how alliances work. It thus represents an important refutation of arguments that they are short-term instruments of mere policy expediency and are largely interest-dependent. Cultural and normative factors are powerful, if often underrated, determinants for ANZUS's perpetuation. ANZUS may thus constitute an important test case for expanding our understanding of alliance politics beyond the usual preconditions and prerogatives normally associated with such a relationship.

This article examines critical assumptions that individuals are motivated by relative gains through international cooperation according to realists, or by absolute gains according to liberal institutionists. The author finds that the concept of relative gains are influenced by the individual, the situation and the nature of the opponent, and decision strategies are increasingly studied by constructivists in international realtions research.

It may appear questionable at first sight to connect international legitimacy and international organisations. However a strong link exists between them. International organisations are the expression, defence, promotion, and projection of a socialised vision of international relations that is key to the claims and gradual implementation of a sense of international legitimacy. As a result, one way to reflect upon global governance -- its present situation and what its future is likely to be -- is to analyse how international organisations express and contribute to the making of international legitimacy. The paper touches upon three main points. First, it assesses the current legitimacy of international organisations. Second, the paper will examine the contribution of international organisations to international socialisation, which is another word for international or global governance. Thirdly, it attempts to foresee and map some of the key issues around which the future of the international system, international organisations and global governance and the future of their legitimacy will probably revolve.

Socialization theory is a neglected source of explanations for cooperation in international relations. Neorealism treats socialization (or selection, more properly) as a process by which autistic non-balancers are weeded out of the anarchical international system. Contractual institutionalists ignore or downplay the possibilities of socialization in international institutions in part because of the difficulties in observing changes in interests and preferences. For constructivists socialization is a central concept. But to date it has been undertheorized, or more precisely, the microprocesses of socialization have been generally left unexamined. This article focuses on two basic microprocesses in socialization theory--persuasion and social influence--and develops propositions about the social conditions under which one might expect to observe cooperation in institutions. Socialization theories pose questions for both the structural-functional foundations of contractual institutionalist hypotheses about institutional design and cooperation, and notions of optimal group size for collective action.

This article introduces a conceptual design for mapping the domestic impact of internationalization. It proposes that internationalization leads to a trimodal domestic coalitional profile and advances a set of expectations about the regional effects of each profile. Aggregate data from ninety-eight coalitions in nineteen states over five regions suggests that between 1948 and 1993 the three coalitional types differed in their international behavior. Internationalizing coalitions deepened trade openness, expanded exports, attracted foreign investments, restrained military-industrial complexes, initiated fewer international crises, eschewed weapons of mass destruction, deferred to international economic and security regimes, and strove for regional cooperative orders that reinforced those objectives. Backlash coalitions restricted or reduced trade openness and reliance on exports, curbed foreign investment, built expansive military complexes, developed weapons of mass destruction, challenged international regimes, exacerbated civic-nationalist, religious, or ethnic differentiation within their region, and were prone to initiate international crises. Hybrids straddled the grand strategies of their purer types, intermittently striving for economic openness, contracting the military complex, initiating international crises, and cooperating regionally and internationally, but neither forcefully nor coherently. These findings have significant implications for international relations theory and our incipient understanding of internationalization. Further extensions of the conceptual framework can help capture international effects that are yet to be fully integrated into the study of the domestic politics of coalition formation.

The effectiveness of interntional economic organizations in relation to regional trade agreements depends upon the size and heterogeneity of the organization. The author suggests a new Organization for Economic Development and Cooperation which focuses solely on related to regional trade agreements.

Russian-American space cooperation has been beset by problems since the start, the result of unrealistic expectations on one side and a confusion of political and scientific objectives on the other. A brief history of post-cold war Russian-American cooperation demonstrates that Russian firms keen to commercialize their activities were thwarted at every turn by NASA's refusal to deal with them other than through their new government agency, and by the Clinton administration's use of NASA (and its budget) for political ends. If cooperation is to provide the fruits originally envisaged, it must be organized on a more equal, commercially oriented footing and some way found - beyond simply banning hardware exports - of dealing with US technology transfer concerns.

An overview is presented on substitutability, or flexibility, in international relations policy. Causal relationships and research-design models are discussed.

This essays reviews a number of leading works on global affairs at the end of this century, and proposes the need for a fundamental re-education and re-thinking of global issues to reflect our planetary citizenship. The importance of transdisciplinarity is addressed in the context of the development of a new polyphonic, narrative understanding of identity and knowledge. KEYWORDS: complexity, culture, evolution, identity, international relations, partnership, planetary era, transdisciplinarity