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This article argues that the structural conflict conditions surrounding insurgencies produce rebel demand for external participation. Drawing on a data set of 140 militant organizations between 1998 and 2012, we find robust evidence that violence between insurgent groups is most likely to cause one or more of them to recruit externally. The effect is especially pronounced when regimes also employ punitive "stick" measures against opponents. Rather than a particular ideology being the best predictor of foreign fighters, it is desperate conflict conditions that lead insurgents to invest in the costs and uncertainties of outside assistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Processes of coalescence and fragmentation are used to understand the time-evolution of the mass distribution of various systems and may result in a steady state or in stable deterministic or stochastic cycles. Motivated by applications in insurgency warfare we investigate coalescence-fragmentation systems. We begin with a simple model of size-biased coalescence accompanied by shattering into monomers. Depending on the parameters this model has an approximately power-law-distributed steady state or stochastic cycles of alternating gelation and shattering. We conduct stochastic simulations of this model and its generalizations to include different kernel types, accretion and erosion, and various distributions of non-shattering fragmentation. Our central aim is to explore the robustness of the steady state and gel-shatter stochastic cycles to these variations. We show that an approximate power-law steady state persists with the addition of accretion and erosion, and with partial rather than total shattering. However, broader distributions of fragment sizes typically vitiate both the power law steady state and gel-shatter cyclicity. This work clarifies features shown in coalescence/fragmentation model simulations and elucidates the relationship between the microscopic dynamics and observed phenomena in this widely applicable interdisciplinary model type. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Processes of justice and accountability have long overlooked the death and suffering resulting from famines. This article examines how various domestic and international actors involved in the Red Terror Trials (1992–2010) framed the 1984–1985 famine in Ethiopia and what explains the absence of famine-related cases from the trials. Based on archival sources and interviews, the article discusses how the Red Terror Trials offered an opportunity to prosecute famine-related cases. The study shows, however, that despite the framing of the famine as 'political' and an act of crime by various actors, the Red Terror Trials were silent about the famine. One explanation is the difficulty of establishing a legal case based on famine-related casualties, coupled with a lack of incentive as there were already enough criminal cases to prosecute former Dergue regime officials. The complicated political history of the famine and its causes, which might implicate various domestic and international actors and not just the Dergue officials, can also explain the absence of the famine-related cases from the trials. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What determines the outcomes of civil wars? Existing literature highlights numerous factors at the systemic, state, and organizational levels of analysis. Yet there is little research on the attributes of rebel leaders in shaping war outcomes despite ample theories of their importance in steering their organizations. This article focuses on rebel leaders' age as one key driver of their behavior. Applying insights from developmental psychology to the context of armed rebellion, we argue that young rebel leaders are the most likely to suffer military defeats, middle-aged leaders to win military victories, and elderly ones to reach negotiated settlements. We use a mixed-methods strategy to substantiate our claims, combining case studies of George Washington and Yasser Arafat with new data from the Rebel Organization Leaders (ROLE) database. Our findings help advance the study of non-state violent leaders in world politics while illuminating neglected sources of risk and opportunity for peace practitioners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Charu Mazumdar seemed like an unlikely leader for a violent guerilla organization. Born into a family of landlords in India's West Bengal in 1918, his slender frame gave him the look of someone more used to studying than directing armed insurgency. Yet, Mazumdar justified his violent leadership in West Bengal during the 1960s and 1970s by referencing the writings of Mao Zedong – known collectively as Mao Zedong Thought or Maoism – as inspiration for his revolutionary actions. Mazumdar declared that 'the foremost duty of [Indian] revolutionaries is to spread and propagate the thought of Chairman Mao', and that 'China's path is our path, China's chairman is our chairman.' While Mazumdar had no claim to Chinese ethnic or linguistic belonging, his activities – along with the actions of thousands of others – manifested as a result of the transnational connections and entanglements between Maoism, its translation and propagation by the Chinese Communist Party (CCP), and its reception by revolutionaries across the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The human lice Pediculus humanus is distributed worldwide but, it thrives and flourishes under conflict situations where people are forced to live in crowded unhygienic conditions. Molecular methods were used to identify and screen human lice for the DNA of pathogens of public health importance in an area that has been under insurgency related to religious and political conflicts with tens of thousands of internally displaced people (IDP). DNA of Bartonella quintana, Acinetobacter baumannii and Acinetobacter haemolyticus was detected in 18.3%, 40.0% and 1.7%, respectively, of human lice collected from children in Maiduguri, Nigeria. More body lice than head lice were positive for pathogen's DNA (64.3% vs. 44.4%; χ2 = 1.3, p = 0.33), but the difference was not significant. Two lice samples were found to harbour mixed DNA of B. quintana and A. baumannii. Phylogenetic analysis of the cytochrome b (cytb) gene sequences of the positive lice specimens placed them into clades A and E. This is the first report on the molecular identification of human lice and the detection of the DNA of pathogens of public health importance in lice in Nigeria, West Africa. The findings of this study will assist policy makers and medical practitioners in formulating a holistic healthcare delivery to IDPs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do government counterinsurgency tactics shape the behavior of the rebels they are combating? This letter builds upon foundational theories of civil war to argue that within-conflict government actions can further increase rebels' levels of grievances. This increases the likelihood rebels continue fighting as conflicts unfold. I test the argument using newly compiled individual-level data on over 1,700 members of the Irish Volunteers and Irish Citizen Army who participated in the 1916 Easter Rising. Rebels varied in whether they were interned after the uprising. I show that rebels who were interned were more likely to fight throughout the entire Irish War of Independence. Qualitative evidence corroborates the contention that internment increased rebels' levels of grievances. The letter elucidates how within-conflict events shape rebel behavior, by documenting how the tactics governments employ as they fight can shape the subsequent actions of the rebels they are combating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Relaciones Internacionales (1699-3950) is the property of Autonomous University of Madrid, Spain, International Relations Studies Group (GERI) Law Faculty and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates counterinsurgencies in Sub-Saharan Africa, especially those opposing insurgencies with an ethnic and/or sectarian character. Using a most-similar method of case selection, we select the cases of counterinsurgencies in Nigeria and Mozambique, which we examine in an exploratory way. We analyse the existing literature on counterinsurgency strategies and investigate possible problems with their application to contemporary Islamist insurgencies in Sub-Saharan Africa. Adopting trends and information from case studies as well as from the theoretical principles explored in several studies regarding the US counterinsurgency campaign in Iraq, we propose a new theoretical model of a possible counterinsurgency strategy for Sub-Saharan countries against ethnic and/or sectarian insurgencies. This model combines practices from classical counterinsurgency theory with suggestions regarding the ethnic and/or sectarian background of the particular insurgents and specific factors of the region of Sub-Saharan Africa. In conclusion, we discuss the broader issues of African counterinsurgency and propose a possible future enhancement to the model and its replicability for other cases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the evolution of concepts and doctrine on irregular warfare in Türkiye from 1919 to 1952, focusing on two primary research inquiries. It explores the conceptual approach towards irregular warfare and delves into the treatment of the subject and the development of doctrine. Using a qualitative research methodology, discourse and content analysis have been employed, drawing from various primary and secondary sources. The analysis reveals that concepts such as small war (harb-i sagir), banditry (eşkıyalık), committee (komita) and gang (çete) were acknowledged during the late Ottoman Empire, with early written examples contributing to doctrine development in the 1930s. It also accentuates inherent terminological differences to imply the actors of insurgents and government forces, although irregular warfare can be employed by both. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"The Greek Revolution: 1821 and the Making of Modern Europe" by Mark Mazower explores the Greek War of Independence against the Ottoman Empire and its broader implications for Europe. Mazower argues that the revolution was the first manifestation of the theory of nationalities and set in motion the decline of the Ottoman Empire. The book examines the domestic and international phases of the war, highlighting the clash between old and new, pre-modern and modern, and the role of religion in shaping the conflict. Mazower also discusses the use of disinformation and irregular warfare tactics during the revolution. Overall, the book offers a complex and captivating account of the Greek Revolution and its relevance to understanding historical and contemporary conflicts. [Extracted from the article]

What drives insurgent groups to negotiation? The paper examines the conditions that facilitate insurgents to negotiate with governments. It examines the case of National Democratic Front of Boroland (NDFB), in Assam, India's northeast. Factors that may have contributed to the process of negotiation were change in relative costs and capabilities of insurgents. The paper argues that state's unwillingness to concede to the insurgent demands of territorial separation affect the outcomes of insurgencies that further contribute to the fragile peace process. Drawing on qualitative interviews of former insurgents, civil society organizations and government officials, this article contributes to studies on peace negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Weberian definition of the state as the legitimate monopoly on the means of violence links arms to national power. In practice, the monopoly entails exchanging capital for arms to equip security forces with weapons of war. We examine what happens to these arms when a state collapses. Focusing on Libya, we explore the regional diffusion of small arms and light weapons ejecting out of the power vacuum in the wake of its breakdown. Before the 2011 uprising, the Libyan armed forces were considered one of the best equipped in Africa. When the regime collapsed, the country became the hub of an illicit arms market supplying rebels and extremist groups across the Sahara-Sahel and Middle East. We argue that upon collapse, a reversal of a specific, key aspect of state-making obtains in which uncertain and opportunistic nonstate actors with a sudden surplus of scavenged weapons exchange arms for capital. Using United Nations documentation on illicit arms smuggling and georeferenced Uppsala Conflict Data Program information on substate violence, we examine the links between state collapse and regional substate violence. We find that this exogenous material boost has been critical in the rise of violent groups and their consolidation into regional threats. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Can Thomas Aquinas, thinker of the thirteenth century, tell us something to our current Latin American political reality? A text between two contexts is the pretext to generate a reflection on the right to rebellion, from the perspective of nonviolence and the right to civil disobedience. A path from justice and good government in Aquinas, followed by the political common good and the political virtues in Angelicus to end up in the right to rebellion, is the route that is traced for this exposition. A reading from the hermeneutic exegetical proposal of Dr. René Padilla, that is, an intuitive understanding, a grammatical-historical understanding and a contextualizing understanding are the how and manner of the present work. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Taking a long-term historical perspective, this article delves into the history of sifting political orders and far-right rebellions in the United States, examining their profound impact on US-Mexico relations. Far-right rebellions are complex political phenomena, deeply rooted in three distinct American political traditions and movements: populism, illiberalism, and isolationism. All three have periodically reshaped the landscape of American politics, notably during transitions such as the current crisis facing the Washington Consensus and the liberal international order. In the past, US-Mexico relations appeared insulated from those far-right rebellions that periodically emerge from political transitions. However, this is no longer the case. The rise of Trumpism today has established the foundational framework for a new era of strained US-Mexico relations amid escalating geopolitical instability on a global scale. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout history, insurgency has been a persistent phenomenon, its origins stemming from various factors such as political, economic, social, and ethnic grievances that drive certain factions or individuals to take up arms in resistance. This study determined the status of COIN operations in terms of Legal basis, Manpower, Financial resources, Logistical resources, and Accomplishments from 2021 to 2023. Likewise, this evaluates the COIN operations of the unit along with the conduct of Internal Security operations, Intelligence operations, and Police Community Affairs and development to determine challenges that were encountered by the personnel. The respondents of the study are the PNP personnel, barangay officials, and former rebels. The counterinsurgency framework presents a comprehensive and strategic approach to addressing insurgency threats, with the potential to significantly enhance the conduct of counterinsurgency operations. The findings underscore both the acknowledged strengths and identified areas for enhancement within police operations, as reported by respondents from the PNP. This shows a widespread acknowledgment of the pivotal role of the ISO in upholding internal security and addressing insurgent challenges. It signifies a mutual understanding among diverse stakeholders, encompassing barangay officials, former rebels, and law enforcement personnel, regarding the necessity of proactive strategies to prevent, interrupt, and counter-insurgency operations within impacted localities. Overall, the proposed framework offers a promising strategy for countering insurgency threats and advancing the goals of peace, stability, and security in affected regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship between film and cities, focusing on how cities have influenced cinema and how cinema has shaped our understanding of urban spaces. It reviews four books that examine different aspects of this relationship, including censorship debates in early twentieth-century urban America, Black filmmaking in Los Angeles, location shooting in San Francisco, and the global circulation of urban imagery in film. The books highlight the intersections of regulation, race, and capital in the construction of cinematic representations of cities. The article provides a detailed analysis of each book's contributions to the field of film and urban history. It also discusses the representation of cities in Hollywood films, contrasting the depictions of San Francisco and Los Angeles in films from the late 1960s and early 1970s. The emergence of the L.A. Rebellion filmmakers, a group of Black independent filmmakers who focused on South Central Los Angeles, is also explored. The article mentions the book "Noir Urbanisms," which offers a global perspective on cinematic urban history by examining the portrayal of cities in film noir. Overall, the article emphasizes the importance of considering the political and economic factors that shape the representation of cities in film. [Extracted from the article]

Kidnapping is a common tactic used by insurgent groups. However, why insurgents commit kidnappings remains insufficiently understood. Based on 1,386 group-year observations of 140 insurgents between 1998 and 2012, we analyze conditions driving the within-group temporal changes in their involvement (1 vs 0) versus event-frequency in kidnappings. We find that changes in specific quasi-state activities (i.e., extraction and provision of public services), which may rely on kidnappings for coercive enforcement and social control, predict kidnapping "involvement" only. Meanwhile, general resource and capacity conditions (i.e., territory-control, criminal networks and combat-lethality) influence changes in both kidnapping involvement and event-frequency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The emergence of Extinction Rebellion (XR) in 2018 as a global movement led to the establishment of chapters all around the world. Much existing work has focused on cases located in the UK, Western Europe and the Anglosphere. This profile presents a case study of the formation of XR in The Gambia as an example of further diffusion of the movement. We examine how partial democratisation opened up space for contention, which in turn led to the adoption of the XR brand in the country. In turn, becoming a chapter of XR has opened up new opportunities for the transnationalisation of Gambian environmental activism. The profile concludes by reflecting on the potential future of the group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This profile offers an analysis of Extinction Rebellion (XR) from the vantage point of vanguardism. Vanguardism is a Leninist approach that marshals universal(isable) grievances to mobilise massconstituencies. XR is used as a conduit through which to raise awareness of vanguardism's environmental applications. XR is introduced before a theoretical framework for understanding vanguardism is offered. The article then discusses XR's politics, before discussing its protest repertoire. It is found that whilst vanguardism is ordinarily associated with the left, XR contributes to its 'greening', taking the pursuit of uprising beyond the left. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present study provides new unpublished documents on clandestine insurgent poetry in New Spain, specifically in Puebla de los Angeles (1810-1812). The social crisis caused by the Napoleonic Invasion generated a series of very diverse billboards, cards and texts that, although not necessarily based on demonstrable sources, evidenced the need to incorporate anonymous voices and thoughts into dramatic events that threatened faith and the catholic monarchy. These criticisms, from the action of the vital axis of New Spain in defense of the Catholic monarchy, have been somewhat forgotten due to the difficulty of locating and accessing primary sources that:, as in this study, bring us closer to these expressions in order to analyse and insert these voices in the social processes of their context. In all of this, the need to legitimize its own identity --political and religious-- within the Catholic monarchy on that side of the Atlantic is observed, which clandestinely took verses as a spearhead and cultural expression in the face of the drama of an incipient Civil War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the conflict between power and rebellion in a comedy from the end of the 16th century, of uncertain authorship, which is set in the final phases of the long Spanish-Turkish conflict (1526-1606). The aim ofthe work is to demonstrate the presence, in the comedy, ofa dichotomy between a 'fair' rebellion, by the protagonist Sigismund Báthory against the Turks, and an 'unfair' rebellion, by the Protestant Transylvanian aristocras against the prince Sigismund, who is presented as a bastion of Christianity. All the fragments ofthe comedy related to the representation of forms of disobedience, protest or rebellion will be commented and compared, when possible, to the documentary sources of that time, which report such kind of news. This will also allow demonstrating the way in which the author of the comedy exploited such sources, manipulating and amplifying them in favor ofhis pro-Catholic and pro-imperial vision, whose final purpose is the constitution ofthe image ofan absolute Christian prince. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Central African Republic is a fragile state mired in internal instability and external interventions. The article presents the case of Russian involvement in the country. It argues that the utilisation of the Wagner Group is setting up proxy neo-colonial ties between the regime and Moscow. The political elite in the Central African Republic is protected against a possible takeover by rebel troops or an army coup and the external benefactor is allowed to export the sought-after natural resources and gather some diplomatic support. The relationship thus clearly follows the neo-colonial pattern rather than developing the state capacities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Environmental drama film Cenizas del cielo (2008), set in a polluted area of the otherwise idyllic North-western region of Asturias, was internationally saluted as Spain’s first explicitly ecologist film. While most studies have focused on its environmentalist theme, the film presents additional thematic complexities, such as the progressive depopulation of fast-aging rural Spain, the challenges of growing old as a lonesome man in a traditional, patriarchal community, and generational frictions between older peasants and younger environmental activists. In Cenizas del cielo, Galician-born actor Celso Bugallo embodies the complex intersections between aging, masculinity, and ecology. He plays the combative character of Federico, a local farmer in his sixties who lost his wife to the pollutants of a nearby power plant. In his determination to see the plant closed, this rebellious character clashes with numerous opponents, such as workers of the power plant, local authorities and even some of his own small-village neighbors. A living metaphor of an aging but defiant España vaciada, Bugallo’s character is studied in this paper as the site of multiple insurgencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the invasion by the Vietnamese military that toppled the Khmer Rouge regime in early 1979, the newly installed government of the People's Republic of Kampuchea decided to turn the central prison, codenamed S-21, into a museum: the Tuol Sleng Genocide Museum and Archive (TSGM). At a time when the exact nature of the atrocities committed by the Khmer Rouge was still contested and the Khmer Rouge was supported as part of an insurgency along the border by the US, Europe, China, and ASEAN, the new Communist government, backed by a Vietnamese occupation force (in turn backed by the Soviet Union), faced not only economic sanctions and embargoes, but also a legitimacy crisis. The new regime had to legitimate its control over the state while many of its members had been Khmer Rouge functionaries and mid-range commanders--and the new government was not only Communist (again), but also set up by a hated neighbor whom many Cambodians considered to have colonialist intentions. This article looks at the TSGM visitor book entries from the first two years of its establishment (1979-1982). It traces how, within the politics of representation, narratives of authenticity as a vehicle for political legitimacy are created through the languages of emotion, immediacy, and shock. The article focuses on variances in representation among entries from groups of visitors in three languages (Khmer, English, and German) and how these connect to local and Cold War politics and their respective audiences. Central to the understanding of the narrative of authenticity and the language of emotion, however, is not only what these entries tried to highlight, but also what was left out: their silence on the complexities of S-21, the political regimes involved in its history, the compound in which the museum was established, and the lives of the victims. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the widespread phenomenon of anti-colonial movements that relied on magical rituals for protection against European weapons. It examines both the beliefs of the magical practitioners themselves, and those of colonizing observers whose fascination with stories of "primitive magic" contributed to their contrasting self-representations as superior beings in possession of technological wonders. North America's Ghost Dance movement, China's Boxer Rebellion, and East Africa's Maji Maji uprising took place on three different continents but occurred almost simultaneously. The cases come from a narrow period of time, roughly 1890 to 1910, during a peak of colonial violence all over the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With the deployment of neoliberal capitalism in Latin America the limits of the liberal democratic system in Latin America become increasingly narrow, the irreconcilability between representatives/represented and/or rulers/governed shows its agonizing side.This thesis is spread with notoriety in the intellectual circles of the left, which we share, however in this work we seek to show the immeasurable of the crisis, crisis that does not even escape the so-called "progressive" and "leftist" governments, hence the term: "crisis without exit", or "blind exits", without satisfactory results - at least in the short term - that give birth to a new kingdom or civilization, not ruled by the "Market God". The contribution of this documentary research consists precisely in presenting concrete results that demonstrate this affirmation through a systematic study on the most important social revolts and rebellions (r/r) that occurred between 1989 (El Caracazo') and 2023 (the Peruvian uprising), which show an entire political system in crisis [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the relationship that the United Irishmen, Irish revolutionaries of the 1790s, had with slavery during the Revolutionary Period. The United Irishmen were exiled by the British Government as a result of a failed rebellion in 1798 and were exile throughout the Atlantic World. For the exiled United Irishmen, the United States became a primary destination for their exile, and here, slavery became an important source of disunity. In Ireland, resistance to slavery was assumed across the entire membership of the United Irishmen, but in exile, this unity diminished. In conversation with past histories, this scholarship focuses on the limitations of Jacobinism as a political ideology and the prominence of rhetoric in revolutionary ideologies of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Turkbilig/Turkoloji Arastirmalari Dergisi is the property of Turkbilig/Turkoloji Arastirmalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The study investigated effect of insecurity on library services in Nigerian universities. In carrying out this study three objectives were posed. Ascertain the causes of insecurity that affects the library services, identify the effect of insecurity on library services and determine the measures used to reduce the effect of insecurity on library services. Descriptive survey research design and Online Structure Questionnaire was utilized to solicit data. The population of the study comprised of one hundred and forty Federal university library staff in the North Central. The findings revealed various causes of insecurity in the universities libraries such as cultism among students causes insecurity in the university libraries/ insurgency causes insecurity around the university community /community disaster and dispute among the people within the university community cause insecurity, indecency dress causes insecurity/ religious and ethnic fanatics within the university community cause insecurity. It also discovered that insecurity elongate university calendar, insecurity destabilizes staff motivation for better performance in the library, insecurity affect regular opening and closure time of library, insecurity affect regular user patronage to the library, insecurity affects general staff training in the library, insecurity stimulates theft and wreckage of resources in library. The study discovered some measures in order to reduces insecurity in the university library with include among others improve number of physical security personnel in the library to reduce the negative effect of insecurity. This study recommended that overall security of the library should be seen by all the staff as a combined responsibility. The security of the library should not be left unaided to an individual or management. This will make the staff to be security cognisant at all times among others. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1591, Philip II faced a revolt from his Aragonese subjects. A good number of nobles, priests and citizens were involved in the rebellion, but artisans, farmers and other members of the people also played a role in it. !e article focuses on this important conflict, emphasising the relevance of popular intervention and how it was mobilised by the pamphlets which the leaders of the movement commissioned and spread by diverse means in order to gain the support of the less privileged ranks of Aragonese society. In this sense, the Aragonese Rebellion of 1591 offers a good example of popular mobilisation and of the limits of popular agency within a political conflict during the Early Modern Age. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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An ever-expanding body of literature suggests the possible link between diasporas and the exacerbation of civil wars in their home countries. One of the most notable findings on the link between diaspora and armed conflict is derived from a set of arguments known as the Greed and Grievances Thesis. According to the said framework, a higher diasporic support to a homeland conflict is positively correlated with a higher incidence of civil war intractability. Applying this framework to the data on external support to the Moro Islamic Liberation Front (MILF) insurgency from 1990-2008, the study notes that there is a lack of support from the Moro diaspora which forced the MILF to secure peace with the Philippine government. On the contrary, the increase in conflict activities during the insurgency can be qualitatively attributed to the economic and political support from hostile states and international terrorist networks that support the Moro insurgents against the Philippine government. The study concludes that there is an absence of substantial evidence on the role of the Moro diaspora in funding the insurgents due to other factors such as internal financing for the rebellion and the role of international actors in prolonging the Moro conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Cameroon, traditionally overlooked on the international peace agenda, has recently received increased attention due to mounting security challenges. Operating under an authoritarian regime that denies conflicts while promoting a narrative of stability, the course of international peace-from-below initiatives is profoundly influenced by this constrained political environment. Through in-depth case studies of three ongoing humanitarian crises—the Central African refugees' influx, the Boko Haram/Islamic State West Africa Province insurgency, and the Anglophone conflict—this article contends that localized peace approaches, centring on grassroots reconciliation, may obscure broader structural issues, silence non-state political claims from below, and absolve the state of its responsibilities. Embracing such methodologies not only reinforces authoritarian dynamics but also exhibits a performative dimension, contributing to the establishment of a 'victor's peace' in the absence of military victory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores pedagogies of abolition in the wake of World War I through the intellectual biography of Rae Spiegel, the child revolutionary who became economist, feminist, and Marxist-Humanist philosopher Raya Dunayevskaya. Anchoring her work in the tradition of nineteenth-century abolitionists, Dunayevskaya co-constructed schools of insurgency and outlets for the creative expression of subjugated peoples, including youth, for over sixty years. Offering critical and contextual readings of Dunayevskaya's archives of girlhood, this study locates the roots of her abolitionist pedagogies in Black study, cross-racial and cross-generational collaborations, and "Baby Red" revolts against schooling across two empires. It argues that Dunayevskaya deployed story, personal history, and the archive as pedagogical invitations to self-teaching and radical forms of collectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the late 1990s, a protracted armed conflict between the Indian government and the insurgent organization United Liberation Front of Asom (ULFA) in the northeastern Indian state of Assam escalated to include 'secret killings' of family members, close aides, and sympathizers of ULFA among its many violent manifestations. The killers primarily targeted insurgents' families to persuade their underground kin to surrender, and to create fear among community members who sympathized with the movement or sheltered its cadres. The 2007 report of Justice K. N. Saikia Commission pointed out the role of the surrendered insurgents and the state police in the secret killings, noting that the army was kept in the loop in some cases. Surprisingly, while over three hundred people were killed between 1998 and 2001, no one was convicted. This article describes the challenges I faced in conducting ethnographic fieldwork on this sensitive event, which continues to draw political and media attention in the region. I focus on the challenges of interviewing survivors, families of victims, and police officers about the secret killings in Assam. I particularly reflect on my fieldwork experience, especially the decisions about what to ask, what to write, and what to censor about my participants; I also consider the ethical dimension of making these decisions. I argue that these decisions were often made spontaneously in response to emergent situations and my ethical principles. I let the responses of my participants guide me in the field and did not carry any predetermined strategies to guide the interviews. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista CS is the property of Rafael Silva Vega and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Because of its air superiority during the counter-insurgency conflict against the South West Africa People’s Organisation the South African Air Force had neglected to build up modern air and counter-air defences. When Soviet air defence systems were deployed in Angola in the 1980s, South Africa was forced to reconsider their tactics and responses to the war. The Soviet systems included early warning networks, surface-to-air missiles and anti-aircraft guns to cover troops advancing in the field, and fighter aircraft. The South Africans watched the build-up in the region with concern, viewing it as the precursor to offensive action, given Soviet air defence doctrine. While this build-up was also observed in the neighbouring Southern African countries and had the appearance of a purely defensive stance, given Soviet air defence doctrine, South Africa viewed this as the first steps to offensive actions in Angola and possibly Namibia (then South West Africa) and the start of a dangerous escalation in the military situation. In response, the SADF adopted a strong defensive stance and improved its own air defence capabilities to ensure that it was not outclassed. The South African Air Force also introduced new tactics. These included the introduction of toss-bombing, making greater use of precisionguided missiles and bombs, and investing more in research in terms of missiles and new technology for their aircraft. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article provides an overview of the history and development of the study of airpower. It discusses a conference held in 1978 that aimed to assess existing scholarship and stimulate new research in this field. The conference focused on the comparative and transnational aspects of airpower, examining different nations' approaches and its impact on strategy and power. The article also highlights advancements and challenges in the study of airpower history, including the shift towards a cultural approach and the inclusion of previously overlooked topics such as the experiences of female and minority members of air forces. However, there are criticisms regarding the accuracy and competence of the history and theory of airpower, as well as the limited perspective and diversity of the literature. Despite these challenges, there is potential for improvement by embracing comparative and transnational approaches and welcoming new voices. [Extracted from the article]

According to the phonological rules of New Persian, the name "Isfandiyar," which belonged to Gushtasp's brave son, is an irregular word. This name is derived from Old Iranian "*Spanta.dāta-", and should be pronounced in New Persian as "Ispandiād", as in Middle Persian. However, there is no attestation of this pronunciation in Persian books. This article argues that the proper name "Isfandiyar" is actually a loanword in New Persian, originating from the Azari dialects. A phonological peculiarity of Azari is changing Old Iranian */t/ to /r/ in postvocalic or intervocalic positions. Furthermore, we provide evidence that the Parthian house of Mihran, who claimed that Isfandiyār was one of their ancestors, was the primary source of stories about this hero. As rulers of the Caucasus and Azerbaijan, they delivered the Azari form of his name to the central and eastern Iranian regions in two stages. During the rebellion of Bahram Chobin, they made prominent resemblances between the stories of Isfandiyar and Bahram, which helped to spread the Azari form of his name. In the second stage, the rulers of the Samanid dynasty, who claimed to have descended from Bahram Chobin, extended the Mihranī version of the heroic exploits of Isfandiyar to Khorasan and eastern Iranian regions. As a result, the Azari form of the name became more prevalent, and other forms of this proper name were forgotten, as evidenced by the works of contemporary poets and authors in other regions of Iran. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

South Asia has long been enumerated as a region infused with diversity and disparity. Balochistan belongs to this region subsequently originating an arduous yet undermined ethnic conflict formulating into an insurgency. Pakistan, being the proprietor of this province, has faced constant predicaments now more than ever with foreign states' influence in geopolitical terms. This article elucidates this protracted crisis and orchestrates an analytical framework incorporating several spectrums of international relations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Rwandan military behavior in Mozambique operationalizes Kigali's rhetorical commitment to aggressively defend endangered civilians. The counterinsurgency doctrine applied in Cabo Delgado balances insurgent pursuit and civilian protection through a combination of contact patrolling and tactical restraint. This formula demonstrates learning from the country's past experience with domestic rebellion and international peacekeeping but contrasts sharply with Rwandan army conduct in eastern Congo. The disparity suggests Rwandan battlefield demeanor is conditioned by institutional culture and role conception. The campaign underscores the influence of ideology on Rwandan soldiers' self-understanding and complicates the equivalence of nondemocratic regime type with repressive strategies of counterinsurgency. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]