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This essay argues that higher education, the authoritative knowledge institution of the age, is a source of growing divisions in the country and also of the dominant theory of power as controlling, politics as partisan warfare, and democracy as customer service. Turning John Dewey's dictum that "education is the midwife of democracy" upside down, higher education trains professionals in every arena to see fellow citizens as clients and consumers to be acted upon, not cocreators of a common life. If higher education feeds the problem, its civic reconstruction is essential for remedy. Such reconstruction needs to draw upon and adapt older understandings of power as "poder," the capacity to act; politics as cross-partisan, negotiating the differences and pluralities of a common life; and democracy as the work of an inclusive "we the people" building a better version of that common life. In such a framework, higher education becomes a genuine commons, a site and catalyst of public resources cocreated and sustained by multiple stakeholders. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Indias is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Folklore Studies / Tautosakos Darbai is the property of Institute of Lithuanian Literature & Folklore and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journals Eduction for Girls is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of International Journal on Criminology is the property of Policy Studies Organization and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Do large franchise extensions bring about dramatic electoral changes? Electoral reforms in 1918 nearly tripled the number of people eligible to vote in Ireland. Following the reforms—the largest franchise extension in U.K. history—the previously obscure Sinn Féin party secured 73 of Ireland's 105 seats, an outcome that precipitated a guerrilla war and ultimately independence from the United Kingdom. However, our analysis finds little evidence that the franchise reforms benefited Sinn Féin. New female electors appear less likely to have supported Sinn Féin while new male electors were no more likely to vote for Sinn Féin than the existing electorate. Women also appear less likely to have cast a vote at all. Economic and social factors did matter when it came to voting, however, as did public opinion in relation to armed rebellion. These results remind us that dramatic political changes, such as those that took place in Ireland 1918, do not require dramatic changes in political participation. Sinn Féin's electoral success was more likely driven by a change of heart on behalf of the Irish electorate, rather than a change in its composition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia Contemporanea is the property of Historia Contemporania and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In recent years, investigation on 1960s/1970s revolutionary activism in Argentina has led to the publication of multiple case studies. Building on this literature, a more general view of what is often called the "new left" indicates that it is characterized by the importance assigned to three issues: social liberation, national liberation, and revolutionary violence. Two differentiating lines within this political space are an ideological divide (Marxism vs. Peronism) and an instrumental division over the strategic status of violence (insurrection vs. protracted people's war vs. political-military action). En los últimos años, las investigaciones sobre el activismo revolucionario de la década de 1960–1970 en Argentina han dado lugar a la publicación de múltiples estudios de caso. En base a este material, se propone una visión más general de la a menudo denominada "nueva izquierda", y cómo esta se caracteriza a partir de la importancia asignada a tres factores: la liberación social, la liberación nacional y la violencia revolucionaria. Hay dos dimensiones dentro de este espacio político: una división ideológica (marxismo vs. peronismo) y una división instrumental en torno al papel estratégico de la violencia (insurrección vs. guerra popular prolongada vs. acción político-militar). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The August 2019 announcement by some top former commanders of the Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia–Ejército del Pueblo guerrillas in Colombia that they were resuming armed struggle was a major shock after the peace agreement between the rebels and the Colombian government in 2016. It was the clearest symptom of the current crisis of the peace process. It was not, however, an unforeseeable development. The government had brazenly attacked the content and the spirit of the peace agreement, and the systematic murders of ex-combatants and social leaders remained unpunished. As a result, increasing numbers of ex-combatants had decided to resume armed struggle. To regard these groups as mere criminals underestimates the political content of their statements and overlooks the reasons for this growing phenomenon. An exploration of the causes of the growing FARC-EP dissidences sets the stage for a discussion of the likely scenarios for conflict and peace building in the middle term. El anuncio de algunos ex comandantes de la guerrilla de las Fuerzas Armadas Revolucionarias de Colombia-Ejército del Pueblo en agosto de 2019 sobre su reanudación de la lucha armada causó gran conmoción después del acuerdo de paz de 2016 entre los rebeldes y el gobierno. Este fue el síntoma más claro de la actual crisis del proceso de paz, pero no se trató de un acontecimiento imprevisible. El gobierno ya había atacado descaradamente el contenido y espíritu los acuerdos, y los asesinatos sistemáticos de excombatientes y líderes sociales seguían impunes. Como resultado, un número cada vez mayor de excombatientes se decidían por reanudar la lucha armada. Considerar a estos grupos como meros delincuentes subestima el contenido político de sus declaraciones y pasa por alto las razones de este fenómeno creciente. Una exploración de las causas de las progresivas disidencias de las FARC-EP sienta las bases para una discusión sobre escenarios probables en torno la construcción tanto de conflictos como de la paz a mediano plazo. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jews joined the Soviet partisan movement spontaneously, after escaping from various ghettos in Lithuania and Belarus. Most of them had no military background, but they were eager to take part in fighting and revenge. They had to adjust to harsh living conditions in the forests and suffered hostility and antisemitism on the part of locals and non-Jewish fellow partisans. Internal relations amongst different political and ideological groups were often problematic as well. This article focuses on specific violent events which occurred in the Rudniki forests near Vilnius, Lithuania, and specifically on one controversial case study: the execution of the partisan commander Natan Ring in early November 1943, by his brothers in arms. Ring was suspected of collaboration with the Germans while he served as a Jewish policeman in the Vilnius ghetto. Based on the testimonies and memories of former partisans, recorded at different times between the end of the war until the present, the article rethinks morals and behaviour in that unique space and time and how the event has been perceived over the years which followed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how military institutions incorporated innovations in their tactics using the intermediary role of transnational soldiers in the Spanish Civil War. The Soviet experience of guerrilla warfare during the Russian Civil War was transferred to foreign volunteers during the war in Spain thanks to the collaboration of Soviet experts advising the Spanish Republican Army. After the war, these soldiers' knowledge and experience of guerrilla warfare were invaluable to the Allied Armies during the Second World War. This article analyses the role of International Brigaders in the OSS in the USA, North Africa, and Europe during the Second World War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Sociological Discourse is the property of Sociological Discourse and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The U.S. Army/Marine Corps Counterinsurgency Field Manual (FM 3-24) has received near-universal praise for stabilizing Iraq. Yet few have examined whether FM 3-24 is generalizable to other conflicts. This paper explores this question, assessing its applicability to the war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo's North and South Kivu provinces. Although FM 3-24 offers useful historical insights on counterinsurgency that are largely applicable to the Kivu Conflict, both the Congolese government and the UN peacekeeping mission face notable political constraints that would undermine their ability to operationalize its prescriptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Romanica Olomucensia is the property of Palacky University in Olomouc and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article reveals how prominent Spanish exiles became agents for Dominican official Joaquín Balaguer's counterintelligence operation in Mexico City and played a central role sabotaging the 1949 Luperón expedition. According to participants' memoirs and existing literature, when the Legión Caribe and Guatemalan President Juan José Arévalo planned to invade the Dominican Republic and overthrow dictator Rafael Trujillo, Spanish exiles contributed to the effort. Trujillo's foreign policy targeted any and all opponents as so-called communists, so Balaguer worked with Mexican officials such as ex-President Emilio Portes Gil to build a formalized operation that ultimately incorporated some Spanish exiles as Trujillo's agents. Most notably, it was José Antonio Palós Palma, who joined the Mexican guerrillas in the 1970s, and Alberto Bayo, who famously trained Fidel Castro and Ernesto "Che" Guevara in guerrilla warfare in the 1950s, who facilitated the tragic end of the Luperón expedition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The literature on insurgency has, for the most art, skipped over the ancient world or has grossly over-simplified the discussion of events. The historians contributing papers to this volume hope to fill in that gap by discussing ancient insurgencies in the context of their own cultures. By examining how insurgencies are achieved, why they succeed or fail, what kind of response they draw from the occupying power, and what they achieve, we can come to conclusions about what contributions ancient civilizations made to what we understand about the nature of insurgencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on Roundtable Discussion of Civil War Appalachia related to Guerrilla Fighters and War Crimes. It mentions Vincent A. Witcher was a ruthless Confederate partisan leader of the 34th Virginia Cavalry, First Alabama occupied a grey middle ground between a duly constituted state regiment and an uncommissioned band of irregulars; and Brixey the license to operate independently, played an important role in Brixey's criminal excesses.

Charles T. R. Bohannan was an instrumental figure in US successes in counter-insurgency in the immediate post-war era. These successes were not just vested in his wartime combat experience, but his pre-war training in archeology and anthropology. Brilliant, tough, and eccentric, Bohannan parlayed his extensive work with foreign and distant cultures into a view of guerrilla warfare that bolstered US successes in the Philippines and Vietnam, alongside his more celebrated boss Edward Lansdale. Here, we see how Bohannan's view of war, culture, and statehood were impacted by a career among Native Americans, ancient peoples, and challenging orthodoxy at every turn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This case study describes the unconventional warfare techniques used by Allied special operations forces during their campaign against Axis occupiers of Yugoslavia from 1943 to 1945. The Yugoslavia campaign was destined to be among the first in a series of twentieth-century unconventional warfare efforts, culminating in the campaign conducted by the United States and United Kingdom covert and special operators. This region of the Balkans was extremely active with occupying German, Italian, Hungarian, Bulgarian, and various client government militaries pitted against largely unconventional forces to include Soviet backed partisans under Tito and loyalist Chetniks backed by Allied Forces. The planning considerations, preparation, and precise military actions conducted during this conflict continue to reemerge in contemporary discussions on special operations theory. The experiences of the past continue to enable successes in the evolution of modern special operations forces that began with the formation of the Office of Strategic Services (OSS and employment of special operations forces in Yugoslavia during World War II. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research deals with the work of Pepetela, A Geração da Utopia published in 1992, year that ends the prolonged Angolan civil war, however, this end will last only a few months,due to the activation of the guerrilla war of the nationalist movements after the breakdown of the peace agreement between the MLPA and UNITA. The work of the Angolan writer reflects the beginnings of action of the different political movements of Angola since 1961 until the dispersion of their ideals and national projects in 1991, focusing on a decadent Angola that seeks new conceptions to give a definition always in conflict of identity national in Angola. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In regard to the book's argument, at no point does I Hitler's Monsters i assert that Hitler (or any other Nazi) was a "practicing black magician" ("Simulacrum", I Aries i , 267). What makes this single-minded exercise in delegitimizing the book's arguments and evidence unfortunate is that it has much to offer scholars of western esotericism, not only in terms of interpretation, but in terms of previously unpublished archival sources and primary evidence. After receiving the greenlight from Hitler, Goebbels reported the next day that he "broached the idea of Nostradamus [to his colleague in the Propaganda Ministry, Herwarth von Bittenfeld] for the first time. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Studia Maritima is the property of Wydawnictwo Naukowe Uniwersytetu Szczecinskiego / University of Szczecin Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of MARCO (Márketing y Comunicación Política) is the property of Universidad de Santiago de Compostela, Servicio de Publicaciones and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

It is shown that the Arab Spring acted as a trigger for a global wave of socio-political destabilization, which signifi cantly exceeded the scale of the Arab Spring itself and affected absolutely all world-system zones. Only in 2011 the growth of the global number of largescale anti-government demonstrations, riots and political strikes was to a high degree (although not entirely) due to their growth in the Arab world. In the ensuing years, the Arab countries rather made a negative contribution to a very noticeable further increase in the global number of large-scale anti-government demonstrations, riots and general strikes (the global intensity of all these three important types of socio-political destabilization continued to grow despite the decline in the Arab world). Thus, for all these three important indicators of sociopolitical destabilization, the scale of the global echo of the Arab Spring has overshadowed the scale of the Arab Spring itself. Only as regards the fourth considered indicator (major terrorist attacks / guerrilla warfare) the scale of the global echo for the entire period considered did not overshadow the scale of the Arab Spring (and, incidentally, «Winter») - and in 2014-2015 Arab countries continued to make a disproportionate contribution to the historically record global values of this sad indicator – global number of major terrorist attacks/ guerilla warfare. To conclude, triggered by the Arab Spring, the global wave of socio-political destabilization led after 2010 to a very signifi cant growth of socio-political instability in absolutely all World System zones. However, this global destabilization wave manifested itself in different World System zones in different ways and not completely synchronously.

This article focuses on Nelson Mandela's tenure as the first commander-in-chief of Umkhonto we Sizwe (MK). It emphasises his objectives for MK as reflected in the archive of diaries, notebooks and reports that he produced at the time. It also looks at the effectiveness of his work as Commander by exploring how the army he built fared in its insurgency against the state. The article emphasises the seriousness of purpose of Mandela and colleagues, which is something they have not always been credited for in the literature. Also explored is MK's history beyond Mandela's arrest. This involves revisiting what would be the first 'Free Mandela' campaign in history. Led by the underground within South Africa, the campaign offers a platform from which to assess the durability and effectiveness of the structures that Mandela left behind. The history of the post-Mandela underground also encompasses 'Operation Mayibuye', which was the MK High Command's first attempt at launching guerrilla warfare. Operation Mayibuye was not implemented. This was a result of a crackdown by the state, most notably with the raid on Lilieslief Farm in July 1963. The article looks at how the underground absorbed the blows that it received at the hands of the state from 1963 to 1964, including the process by which the leadership of MK shifted to the African National Congress's (ANC's) External Mission, led by Oliver Tambo. The contribution of the Communist bloc and independent African states in facilitating the transition is discussed, as well as the embedding of the armed struggle in the larger conflicts of the Cold War and decolonisation. Finally, the paper considers the legacy of the urban revolt of the early 1960s and its significance for the larger debate regarding the role of the armed struggle in the broader liberation struggle in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

John N. Gentry argues that Violent Non-State Actors, such as insurgencies or terrorist groups, use intelligence in three ways. First and foremost, they employ intelligence to plan physical military attacks and to protect themselves from penetration and attack by government forces. Secondly, they use counterintelligence in order to ensure the survival of the insurgency and preserve the faith of their members by enforcing ideological discipline. Finally, they use information operations to shape their operational environments. This article seeks to determine what type of intelligence the Greek insurgents employed during the civil war and whether this insurgency fits Gentry's model. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Middle Eastern Studies / Ortadoğu Etütleri is the property of Turkmen Cooperation & Cultural Foundation Center for Middle Eastern Strategic Studies (ORSAM) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Colombia is now projecting a new, positive image to the world after overcoming a past characterised by politically inspired guerrilla warfare and violent conflict with narco-trafficking cartels which had ravaged the country for decades. Even before the country's transformation, other intermediate place institutions - cities and regions - had already taken significant steps towards territorial change and marketing. This paper outlines the processes involved in urban and social transformation in the city of Medellín and in the marketing of the coffee region, as illustrative cases of city re-branding and regional branding, respectively. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]