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Publikacja recenzowana / Peer-reviewed publication The goal behind the Eastern Partnership programme was the development of political, economic, and social links between the European Union and the European states developed in the wake of the breakdown of the USSR (with the exception of Lithuania, Latvia, and Estonia). The author believes that the goal was achieved in the case of three Transcaucasian countries. On the one hand, EU standards began to be implemented in these countries by the implementation of EU’s acquis communautaire in the law of these states, which allows trade exchange and more extensive economic cooperation along the principles of the EU. On the other hand, in the case of these countries, the EU avoided any declaration concerning their future membership in the EU, which poses a fundamental problem in the relations with the remaining members of the Eastern Partnership programme.

Šiame straipsnyje siekiama aprašyti ir paaiškinti esminius agentūrų vadovų politizacijos, agentūrų skaičiaus ir jų valdymo pokyčius, taip pat nustatyti, koks buvo ES poveikis tiems dalykams. Straipsnis pagrįstas teorinių europeizacijos ir viešosios politikos požiūrių sinteze, taip pat turimos informacijos ir statistinių duomenų analize. Nors ES reikšmingai prisidėjo prie naujų agentūrų įsteigimo, jos poveikis šių agentūrų išlikimui išsiplėtus ES buvo kur kas mažesnis. ES darė įtaką agentūrų vadovų politizacijos mažėjimui per specifinius acquis reikalavimus, o ne politines narystės ES sąlygas. Tyrimo rezultatai rodo diferencijuotą ES poveikį: europeizuotų agentūrų valdymas po truputį darosi profesionalesnis, palyginti su neeuropeizuotomis agentūromis. The paper compares the actual patterns of agencification and depoliticisation in Lithuania and explains the extent to which the EU contributed to these changes. Based on the transformational approach and theories of public policy process, our framework for analysis links external factors (including the EU’s influence), internal factors and our dependent variables (changes in public administration and the impact of the EU). Our research employs (descriptive and inferential) statistical analysis of data on the organisational changes of Lithuanian agencies and political participation of their managers. Furthermore, it follows a longitudinal approach to observe ‘net changes’ by mapping agencification and politicisation throughout the period 1990– 2012. The paper found that the EU made a significant contribution to the establishment of new agencies driven by the exigencies of EU accession, but its impact on the survival of Europeanised agencies was much smaller after enlargement. Overall, the results of our research confirm the stronger and more enduring impact of specific acquis rules in the EU policy domains compared to the much weaker influence of the EU’s political conditionality. Furthermore, it points to the importance of interactions between domestic actors that realise particular beliefs and pursue certain strategies to understanding institutional and policy changes at domestic level.

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Syfte: International Standards on Auditing (ISA) är ett ramverk för revision som introducerats för att öka revisionskvaliteten globalt. Övergången till ISA ökar kontinuerligt bland världens länder. En bidragande orsak är att EU har antagit övergången i det åttonde bolagsrättsliga direktivet. Trots fördelarna råder ett visst motstånd mot ISA i delar av världen. Med stöd från tidigare litteratur antar vi att detta kan förklaras av kulturella skillnader, medlemskap i EU, skillnader av legalt system och marknadens orientering, samt storlek på ekonomin. Arbetets syfte är att undersöka om dessa faktorer påverkar den globala spridningen av ISA. Metod: Vi har inkluderat 60 länder i vår studie. De variabler som har undersökts för varje nation är: Hofstedes kulturella variabler, EU-medlemskap, BNP, legalt system samt ekonomisk inriktning. Sekundärdata har samlats in från allmänt accepterade källor. Insamlade data har sedan bearbetats med statistiska metoder. Resultat och slutsats: Resultaten från vår studie har visat att Hofstedes kulturella faktorer inte har samband med antagandet av ISA. Endast ett fåtal av de övriga variablerna visade signifikans med antagandet, nämligen EU-medlemskap och BNP. EU är därmed en viktig faktor för övergången till ISA. Variabeln EU visade ett signifikant samband med Hofstedes kulturella variabler. Det råder därmed kulturella skillnader mellan länderna inom och utanför EU, som i sin tur har påverkan på antagandet av ISA. Vår slutsats är att EU-medlemskap och storlek på ekonomin har påverkan på ländernas benägenhet för att anta ISA. Förslag till fortsatt forskning: Studiens komplexitet gör att det finns möjligheter att göra större fördjupningar med fler och annorlunda mätvariabler. Det finns även möjlighet till liknande studier av hur kulturella faktorer påverkar övergången till andra internationella ramverk inom finansiell rapportering. Uppsatsens bidrag: Föreliggande undersökning lämnar ett unikt bidrag till redovisningslitteraturen genom att vara den första studien att undersöka den internationella spridningen av revisionsstandarder i form av ISA och bidra till minskning av informationskostnader för företag runt om i världen. Aim: International Standards on Auditing (ISA) is a framework introduced to improve auditing quality globally. Adoption of ISA is increasing continuously around the world. An essential contributing factor is the accepting of the Eighth Company Law Directive by the EU. However, the ISA adoption is far from been accepted by all countries; despite its obvious advantages. Prior work identifies cultural differences, EU-membership, size of economy, and differences in legal systems and market orientation as key factors in this adoption process. The study aims to examine if these factors influence global spreading of ISA. Method: Our study includes 60 countries. The variables that have been introduced for each country are: Hofstede’s cultural variables, membership in the EU, GDP, type of legal system and economics. Secondary data were collected from generally accepted sources. The collected data were then analyzed using statistical methods. Result and conclusions: The results of our study have shown that Hofstede’s cultural factors are not associated with ISA adoption. Only few other variables have shown significance with the hypothesis. These variables are EU-membership and GDP. Therefore, EU is an important factor for ISA adoption. Variable EU has shown significance with Hofstede’s cultural factors. This proves cultural differences between EU and other countries, which in turn influences ISA adoption. Our conclusion is that EU-membership and economy size influence inclination to ISA-adoption. Suggestions for future research: The study's complexity gives opportunities to make future extensions by adding more variables. It is possible to conduct similar studies of cultural influence on the adoption of other international frameworks within financial reporting. Contribution of the thesis: Our research makes a unique contribution to the accounting literature by being the first study to examine the international spreading of auditing standards in form of ISA and contributing to reducing information costs in the companies all around the world.

Straipsnyje nagrinėjama ekonominė Lietuvos narystės Europos Sąjungoje patirtis paskutinį dešimtmetį. Pažymima, kad Lietuvos raida per narystės dešimtmetį buvo palyginti „banguota“: šalis susidūrė tiek su spartaus ekonomikos augimo laikotarpiu, tiek ypač dideliu nuosmukiu. Tiesa, pagal pagrindinį ekonominės konvergencijos matą – realaus BVP vienam gyventojui atsilikimo nuo ES vidurkio mažėjimą – Lietuva buvo geriausia šalis iš visų naujų ES valstybių narių. Straipsnyje taip pat svarstoma, kiek prie ekonomikos pokyčių galėjo prisidėti būtent narystė ES (t. y., koks buvo ES grynasis poveikis). Apžvelgiami ex ante ir ex post poveikio ekonomikai vertinimai. Taip pat aptariami poveikio kanalai, kuriais dalyvavimas ES galėjo paveikti ekonomiką. Daugelis jų turėjo neabejotinai teigiamą įtaką Lietuvos ekonomikai: tai intensyvėjanti prekyba, didesnis ekonomikos veikėjų pasitikėjimas, įtvirtinta palanki institucinė aplinka. Kita vertus, galima įžvelgti ir neigiamų dalykų, ypač kalbant apie emigraciją. Taip pat galima teigti, kad narystė ES sustiprino Lietuvos ekonomikos „banguotumą“, nors ir palengvino kovą su krize 2008–2010 metais. Aptariant ES poveikio kanalus, apžvelgiami ir Lietuvos ekonominės integracijos prekybos, finansų ir darbo jėgos mobilumo srityse pokyčiai. This article surveys the Lithuanian economic experience related to its membership in the European Union. It provides an overview of short and medium-term macroeconomic trends as well as issues related to longterm economic development. This article also looks at changes in the Lithuanian economic integration within the EU. It finds that economic integration in 2004–2014 increased fast in the areas of trade, investments and labour mobility in absolute terms. At the same time, the relative share of trade with EU member states declined. This article also aims to provide a discussion on the EU’s causal influence on the Lithuanian economy. Based on economic theory and literature overview of concrete impact assessments, this article concludes that the membership’s impact was substantial and positive. At the same time, there were also some negative aspects, primarily related to higher labour mobility which contributed to economic “overheating” prior to the crisis and raises concerns about future growth prospects.

Here are presented the results of a research in the mountainous Rilo-Rhodopean parts of Bulgaria. This is a high-altitude, rural-agricultural region, suffering poverty and underdevelopment. The investigation concerns analyzes of European documentary as well as a survey among the population in some rural municipalities of the south-western Bulgaria. This research is focused on the changes in participant’s attitudes and activities after 2007. It attempts to reveal the ability of the population to meet the new policies or sustainable development and ecological requirements. Keywords: rural areas; sustainable development; employment; EU membership; Bulgaria

Straipsnio objektas yra pokyčiai Lietuvoje ir jų vertinimas iš visuomenės ir elito perspektyvos. Todėl pirmojoje dalyje, naudojantis pokyčius ekonomikos, visuomenės ir valdymo srityse fiksuojančiais įvairiais rodikliais ir indeksais, yra apibūdinami pagrindiniai bendrieji pokyčiai Lietuvoje 2004–2014 m. Jie rodo sparčią Lietuvos ekonominę konvergenciją su Europos Sąjunga, didesnę aukštąjį ir vidurinį išsimokslinimą įgijusių Lietuvos gyventojų dalį ir pailgėjusius sveiko gyvenimo metus, tačiau taip pat stagnaciją daugumos struktūrinių ilgalaikę pažangą lemiančių rodiklių atžvilgiu. Straipsnyje taip pat nagrinėjama paskutinio dešimtmečio viešosios politikos kaita ir jos pokyčių šaltiniai. Daroma išvada, jog, nepaisant galimybių po 2004 m. nacionalizuoti viešosios politikos darbotvarkę, joje ir toliau svarbią vietą užima ES klausimai, o pokyčius viešojoje politikoje lyginant su laikotarpiu prieš stojant į ES, jie buvo mažesni. Antroji straipsnio dalis analizuoja, kaip pokyčius Lietuvoje vertina gyventojai ir elitas ir koks šių vertinimų santykis. Lietuvos politinio elito apklausos duomenys parodė, jog elitas didžiausius ir labai teigiamus pokyčius 2004–2014 m. mato esant valstybės tarnybos gebėjimų srityje ir įgyvendinant vienodo teisės aktų taikymo principą. Visuomenė pokyčius vertina pesimistiškiau, egzistuoja visuomenės ir elito vertinimų atotrūkis. Straipsnyje teigiama, kad pesimistines gyventojų nuotaikas lemia dėl ES paramos reikšmingai nepasikeitusi visuomenės nelygybės struktūra ir neišpildyti dideli gyventojų ekonominiai lūkesčiai. Be to, gavus ES struktūrinę paramą padidėjęs Lietuvos biudžetas dar paskatino valstybės užgrobimą ir korupciją, dėl kurių tikrojo ir įsivaizduojamo masto visuomenė yra pesimistiškesnė ir bendrųjų pokyčių atžvilgiu. The object of the article is changes in Lithuania during the EU membership period and the perception of them in the eyes of the elite and Lithuanian society. It reviews the main general changes in economics, society, and governance in 2004–2014 using various indicators and indexes. Furthermore, public policy development analysis states that despite the fact that after accession in 2004 there were opportunities to nationalize public policy agenda, it was still dominated by the EU related questions. In the second section authors compare attitudes towards changes between Lithuanian elite members and Lithuanian society. Article argues that Lithuanian society tends to evaluate the same changes rather differently and its attitudes are more pessimistic. Therefore, based on process tracing methodology, the authors explain how unfulfilled high economic expectations contributed to distrust of political institutions, high perception of corruption, low turnout, and migration. In addition, it is also argued that financial support of the EU stimulated state capture initiatives and corruption in Lithuania which also contributed to the pessimistic evaluations of changes by society.

The first anniversary of Croatia's membership in the EU revealed the experiences of the first country from a new wave of EU enlargement which joined the Union in economically different circumstances and passed through a more demanding negotiation process. In contrast to the EU 2004/2007 enlargements, Croatia acceded to the EU as a single country and the accession did not cause stronger impact on the EU institutions or policies, due to the fact that Croatia is a small state. One year of the EU membership is too short period for a thorough evaluation of its impacts. Still this initial experience could be considered as a lessons learned for the political elites, citizens and the countries of the Western Balkan region who might be next in line for EU accession. The main political and economic issues are covered in the paper.

The EU-Watch monitors debates on EU policy since 2000 and provides a rich set of material compiling national debates on European policy and a unique source for diachronic analyses. EU-28 Watch No.10 contains more than 20 reports focusing on Euro scepticism and the European Parliament elections, the EU’s Neighbourhood, and power relations within the Union. This is the first edition of the EU-Watch since Croatia’s accession.

Straipsnyje pateikiamas konceptualus pagrindas, kuris naudojamas nagrinėjant pokyčius Lietuvoje per dešimt narystės Europos Sąjungoje metų. Teigiama, kad, norint juos įvertinti ir paaiškinti, neužtenka naudotis klasikinėmis europeizacijos teorijomis. Todėl siūloma į europeizaciją žvelgti platesniame vystymosi teorijų kontekste. Tokiam praplėtimui naudojama Douglasso C. Northo, Johno Josepho Walliso ir Barry R. Weingasto teorija, kuri apibrėžia perėjimą nuo prigimtinės valstybės prie atviros prieigos santvarkos ir šio perėjimo sąlygas. Paper presents conceptual framework used to assess Europeanization in Lithuania during the last 10 years across the classical to Europeanization literature dimensions of polity, politics and policy. Author argues that because usually consequences of Europeanization are fragmented and hardly possible to generalize, therefore, it is wise to look at the new EU member states, where this impact was concentrated. Author states that Europeanization theory has to be complemented by additional approaches accounting for a domestic change. Therefore, Europeanization is put into a broader development studies. Theory of development produced by Douglass C. North, John Joseph Wallis and Barry R. Weingast serves as a theoretical framework in the research. This developmental approach puts an emphasis on the role of elites, state capture and broader transformation of the society and thus focuses and complements the current theory of Europeanization. It also provides a framework to analyse the issue of corruption and state capture, which is no longer considered as a deviation, but rather as a norm.

Celem tego artykułu jest próba pokazania skutków akcesji Polski do Unii Europejskiej na szerszym tle stosunków międzynarodowych i w kontekście zmian, które miały miejsce w Unii w minionym dziesięcioleciu. Mamy więc tutaj do czynienia ze swoistym bilansem sukcesów i porażek, których doznała Polska w latach 2004–2014. Niniejszy artykuł pokazuje, że po dwudziestu pięciu latach od rozpoczęcia transformacji ustrojowej w Polsce i dziesięciu latach od akcesji do Unii Europejskiej nie ulega wątpliwości, że nasze członkostwo w tym specyficznym, dobrowolnie zintegrowanym związku suwerennych państw Europy było konieczne i nieuniknione. Jest to zarazem główna teza niniejszego artykułu. Było to jedyne, właściwe rozwiązanie dla Polski, które wynikało z jej geopolitycznego położenia i historycznych doświadczeń. Wbrew wcześniejszym obawom, nie zaszkodziło naszej suwerenności i tożsamości narodowej. Autor podkreśla, że członkostwo w Unii Europejskiej wzmocniło suwerenność Polski oraz dobrze służy polskiej racji stanu. Wpływa pozytywnie na rozwój gospodarczy Polski oraz umacnia jej prestiż na arenie międzynarodowej. The purpose of this article is an attempt to show the effects of the Polish accession to the European Union in a wider context of international relations and in the context of the changes that have taken place in the Union in the past decade. So we are dealing here with a specific balance of successes and failures, which Poland suffered during the years 2004–2014. This article shows that after twenty-five years since the beginning of political transformation in Poland, and ten years after the accession to the European Union, there is no doubt that our membership in this specific, integrated voluntary association of sovereign states in Europe was necessary and inevitable. It is also the main thesis of this article. It was the only right solution for Poland, which was due to its geopolitical position and historical experience. Despite earlier fears, it did not hurt our sovereignty and national identity. The author states that membership in the European Union strengthened Polish sovereignty and thrive Polish raison d’etat. It has a positive impact on its development. 4 Przegląd Politologiczny

This article seeks to evaluate general trends of development of Lithuanian welfare state after the entry to the European Union (EU). Although welfare policies (social security, education, health care, family policy) are foremost implemented at national level, the EU membership certainly affects their content and direction.After Lithuania entered the EU, new opportunities to restructure its welfare policies have opened. One could seek for better governance and bigger transparency in these areas. Those opportunities have been positively induced by economic growth, exchange of public policy ideas under the method of open coordination. Also, increasing political stability should have allowed politicians to pay more attention to the welfare state and to its reforms. The article seeks to evaluate how Lithuania has so far succeeded to use these opportunities. In this regard, the concept of ‘social investment’ (as the core principle of the EU social model) is being applied. Also, one observes to what extent patronage-based governance has still been characteristic to these policies.It is shown in the analysis that these opportunities for re-structuring have not been fully utilised. Indeed, the development of Lithuanian welfare state after the entry to the EU could be described as ‘drifting’. Despite the fact that financial conditions have notably improved, the welfare state evolves inertly. Although the principle of universality has been formally retained, due to the issues of effectiveness and transparency its real implementation has been partially formal. Reflecting Soviet times, the system is still too centralised and oriented to the tertiary level of service provision. Meanwhile, those welfare policy areas where social investments could bring the biggest return, are rather neglected. Such institutional inertia is to be explained historically. Due to the lack of necessary reforms at the outset of the post-communist transformation the patronage-based governance structures have been retained or recreated. Although Lithuanian membership in the EU allowed to correct these trends, political focus on mainly questions of economic security and competitiveness does not allow to convey necessary political will for systemic reform of this area.Text consists of three parts. In the first part the main concepts of the research are presented. Also, interrelations between post-communist transformation and Europeanisation are revealed. Taking into account that the political attention at the highest level is essential for any overhaul reform of welfare state, in the second part one attempts to evaluate the changes of public discourse since the access to the EU. For this purpose, annual government reports by the Prime Minister in front of the Parliament will be taken as the primary material. Finally, in the third part one will evaluate how Lithuania responds to the current trends at the EU level to exploit welfare policies as ‘social investments’. Research is based under the logic of asymmetric comparison. In other words, one concentrates on the Lithuanian case against the broader theoretical and comparative background. Among the primary sources used in this research one should mention the poll survey of representatives of the top Lithuanian political elite conducted by the research group headed by prof. Irmina Matonytė. The research (as well as the survey) has been financed by the project “Lithuania in the EU: transformation or imitation?”, which is funded by the Lithuanian Research Council.

Pristupanjem Republike Slovenije punopravnom članstvu Europske unije 2004. u slovenskom društvu, a posebno u njezinom pravnom sustavu došlo je do promjena koje su bile normativno naglašenije nego se to moglo primijetiti u cjelokupnom društvenom i gospodarskom životu. Tokom prvih godina nakon stupanja u EU u slovenskom društvu mogle su se primijeniti evolutivne promjene na svim područjima, iako te promjene nisu uvijek bile prihvaćene kao pozitivne. Početno oduševljenje prvih godina je polako nestajalo i počeli su se pokazivati kritični pogledi na određene postupke organa EU, što se posebno pokazalo za vrijeme ekonomske i financijske krize. Pravni sustav je bio usklađen s pravnom stečevinom EU na normativnom razini, ali nije u cjelini ostvaren u praksi svakodnevnog života. Pravna struka je bila u početku suzdržana zbog nepoznavanja pravila djelovanja EU. U praksi se osjećala razlika između normativnog i stvarnog djelovanja EU. U tekstu su iznesena opažanja autora u vezi s djelovanjem pravnih pravila EU na pravni sustav Slovenije nakon stupanja u EU., Accession of the Republic of Slovenia as a full member of the European Union in 2004 precipitated changes in the Slovenian society, in particularly in its legal system that had stronger legislative influence than noticed in the social or economic life. During the first year of accession to the EU, evolutionary changes happened in all areas, although not always perceived as positive. The initial enthusiasm of the first years faded and critical aspects of certain procedures of the EU institutions emerged, becoming more pronounced during the economic and financial crisis. The legal system was harmonized with the Aquis Communitaire on the normative level, but not fully implemented in daily practice. Not knowing EU's operational rules, the legal profession was initially reserved. The practice showed a strong discrepancy between the normative and the actual operation of the EU. This text presents author's observations regarding the influence of the EU's legal rules on Slovenia's legal system following EU accession.

The Republic of Croatia becomes a full member of the European Union on 1 July 2013. That goal was set more than two decades ago. To some extent it was delayed by social and political circumstances and also because of the slow process in adapting to the legal requirements of the European Union. At the same time, we were witness to and participants in the greatest economic crisis in Europe and the rest of the world since the Great Depression of 1929. That crisis demands adequate responses and solutions. But in the period since 2008 until today Croatia has not succeeded, either in absolute or in relative terms, in fi nding adequate responses. Therefore, the main theme of this work is to suggest what to do and how it should be done, and by what means and with what instruments the crisis can be overcome, while also providing an analysis of the current situation. The effects of the crisis can be seen in the constantly increasing rate of unemployment, the continual declinen GDP, and reduced share of exports to the European Union and the rest of the world, and the ever greater diffi culties in maintaining financial equilibrium at the level of meeting the total obligations from the category of public expenditure. The work also emphasizes the areas and measures that are not only necessary but imperative to implement in order to achieve a successful economic turnaround. The achievement of such a turnaround in the economic sphere is also necessary as the foundation for maintaining social stability and social cohesion. Recent examples – Greece, Portugal, and Spain – have demonstrated all of the negative eff ects of the extended economic crisis: emigration and negative trends, and the further erosion of the overall value system. Therefore, finding adequate responses to achieve this turnaround is the fundamental responsibility of the protagonists of economic policy within each individual country.

We provide evidence that institutional improvements lead to lower levels of financial dollarization through previously unidentified channels. These indirect channels operate in addition to the direct impact identified in the literature and further illustrate the importance of institutions for the extent of banking dollarization. The analysis is based on a unique policy experiment: the admission process of countries to the European Union (EU).

The thesis presents comparison of Czech and Croatian business environment using PEST analysis and macroeconomic indicators for description. It is focused on international trade with goods and services. It is aimed at companies operating on the Czech and Croatian market and their practical experience. Last part of thesis is concentrated on the future cooperation connected to Czech and Croatian EU membership.

When Austria joined the EU in 1995 it had to find its place in a substantially altered world order. Yet, rather than conceiving its membership in the EU as an opportunity to reenergize its foreign policy through Europeanization, Austria has displayed little interest in developing an active foreign policy profile within, or through, the EU. While membership in the EU meant a broadening of Austria’s foreign policy agenda – as Austria became involved in a broad range of international issues and started to participate in the multi-level negotiation process of the EU - its main contributions to European foreign poli- cy occurred in areas close to its national interest, as exemplified by its active role in the Western Balkans. Simultaneously, EU membership placed considerable constraints on Austria’s formerly independent national foreign policy, especially on Austria’s neutrality. This special issue brings together different international scholars with a longstanding expertise on dif- ferent aspects of Austrian foreign policy that they will cover to take stock of the Europeanization of Austrian foreign policy two decades after it joined the EU.

The paper uses a gravity trade model to examine the impact of corruption on bilateral trade using a data set comprising OECD economies, new EU members and developing nations. Although the level of corruption of both the importing and exporting nations does hinder cross-border transactions, differences between their ethical standards do have a negative impact on trade flows. The model is used to assess the impact on exports and imports of Romania and Bulgaria joining the European Union.

Hungary became the member of European Union in 2004. The authors want to show that, though, many sectors of Hungarian agriculture have been operating at low level of technology and efficiency; there was a big expectation about the fast catching up with accession to European Union. This paper investigates the effect of EU membership on the productivity performance of Hungarian agriculture based on the years 2005 and 2009 using Data Envelopment Analyses and Malmquist index. The analysis showed that there were considerable reserves of efficiency in the presented two main branches (wheat and pig fattening) of the Hungarian agriculture, and the reserves slightly decreased in wheat production, but they increased in the pig sector by EU accession. The implication for agricultural reform of future productivity growth has also been assessed.

This study examines the determinants of foreign direct investment (FDI) using a panel of bilateral outward FDI stocks of 19 OECD countries in Turkey between 1982 and 2007. Employing a knowledge-capital model, this study finds that joint national incomes, per capita difference, investment liberalisation and the cost of exporting to Turkey have significant effects on FDI in Turkey. In addition, the prospect of European Union membership, government stability, infrastructure, bilateral exchange rate, exchange rate volatility and openness to trade play an important role in determining the amount of FDI in Turkey. Finally, this study finds that high relative unit labour costs and corruption provide stimuli to FDI.

The last two decades have been marked by the extensive efforts of the European institutions and organisations, as well as the academic community, to define and describe the concept of the European administrative space. The concept was initially intended to serve to the candidate countries as a model for administrative reform. The process of the concept development can be traced by the analysis of Sigma’s activity, ranging from modest beginnings focusing on legal requirements for professional and accountable civil service based on the principle of legality, to multiplicity of demands and criteria for institutional adjustments. Still, the primary importance is given to the concept of good administration, which stands in essence of the European administrative space and relates to the standards and procedural requirements aiming at the protection of citizens’ rights before administrative bodies as well as at the judicial control of public administration. The paper first explores the concept of European administrative space in theoretical and practical terms, and then presents the concept of good administration within the EU. The role of Sigma in defining and ’codifying’ the administrative principles and requirements is analysed as well as its areas of activity intended to define good administration. Finally, in relation to the above-mentioned concepts, the reflection on the problem of institutional and legal adjustments is offered based on Croatian example., Posljednja dva desetljeća obilježena su intenzivnim naporima europskih institucija i organizacija te akademske zajednice da se definira i opiše koncept europskog upravnog prostora. U početku koncept je trebao poslužiti državama kandidatkinjama za članstvo kao model za upravnu reformu. Proces razvijanja koncepta može se pratiti na analizi aktivnosti Sigme, a kreće se od skromnih početaka fokusiranih na pravne zahtjeve u pogledu profesionalne i odgovorne državne službe utemeljene na načelima zakonitosti, do višestrukih zahtjeva i kriterija za institucionalne prilagodbe. Nadalje, primarna važnost daje se konceptu dobre uprave, koji je u srži europskog upravnog prostora, i veže se na standarde i procesne zahtjeve usmjerene na zaštitu prava građana pred upravnim tijelima te sudske kontrole javne uprave. U tekstu se istražuje koncept europskog upravnog prostora u teorijskom i praktičnom smislu te se predstavlja koncept dobre uprave u EU-u. Analizira se uloga Sigme u definiranju i kodifikaciji upravnih načela i zahtjeva te područja njezine aktivnosti usmjerene na koncept dobre uprave. Na kraju, u odnosu na gore spomenute koncepte, razmata se problem institucionalnih i pravnih prilagodbi na temelju hrvatskog primjera., Die letzten beiden Jahrzehnte sind geprägt vom intensiven Bemühen der europäischen Institutionen und Organisationen wie auch der akademischen Gemeinschaft, das Konzept eines Europäischen Verwaltungsraums zu definieren und zu beschreiben. Anfangs sollte das Konzept den Beitrittskandidaten als Modell für ihre Verwaltungsreformen dienen. Der Entfaltungsprozess dieses Konzepts lässt sich an einer Analyse der Sigma-Aktivitäten nachverfolgen, beginnend bei ersten bescheidenen Rechtsanforderungen bezüglich eines professionell handelnden und verantwortungsvollen, auf dem Legalitätsprinzip basierenden Staatsdienstes bis hin zu vielfältigen Ansprüchen und Kriterien für institutionelle Anpassungen. Außerdem kommt dem Konzept der Good Governance, das mit seinen auf den Schutz der Bürgerrechte gegenüber Verwaltungsbehörden und die gerichtliche Kontrolle der öffentlichen Verwaltung abzielenden Standards und Prozessanforderungen den Kern des Europäischen Verwaltungsraums bildet, primäre Bedeutung zu. Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird das Konzept des Europäischen Verwaltungsraums in theoretischer und praktischer Hinsicht untersucht sowie das Konzept der Good Governance in der EU vorgestellt. Die Rolle von Sigma bei der Definition und Kodifizierung von Verwaltungsprinzipien und –anforderungen sowie ihre auf das Konzept der Good Governance ausgerichteten Tätigkeitsbereiche werden analysiert. Schließlich wird in Bezug auf die oben erwähnten Konzepte das Problem der institutionellen und rechtlichen Anpassungen anhand des kroatischen Beispiels erörtert.

What accounts for the electoral successes of Eurosceptic and populist political parties in Central and East Europe? Citizens in the region have expressed their support for these types of parties in recent elections while, at the same time, aggregate levels of support for EU membership and trust in EU institutions remain high. EU-centered explanations for the growing popularity of these parties have focused on the dissatisfaction of citizens with specific aspects of European integration such as economic reforms, perceived loss of sovereignty or the strict requirements regarding protection of minorities. This paper proposes an alternative causal explanation by establishing a relationship between perceptions of domestic political corruption, mainstream party convergence and citizens’ growing support for populist and Eurosceptic parties. By choosing to support these parties citizens in the region are, in fact, casting a protest vote against domestic political elites. A public opinion survey from Bulgaria and the Czech Republic is utilized to test these hypotheses. Results suggest that perceptions of political corruption and the similarity of mainstream political parties play a large role in determining vote choice.

The paper uses a gravity model to examine the role of corruption in the direction of trade in a data set comprising OECD economies, new EU members and developing nations. Contrary to a number of studies, the findings suggest that membership of the RTAs does not always increase bilateral trade whereas reducing a country's corruption does tend to increase trade flows. The results suggest that EU membership, with the associated improvement in the perceived level of corruption, should have a positive impact on Romania and Bulgaria.

The thesis examines the aspects of neo-Ottomanism in Turkish foreign policies toward three Balkan countries - Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and Kosovo -, focusing on the developments of the last decade. Turkey has become quite active in the Balkans and in these countries in the last few years, however, this activism is not without any antecendents. These areas were the core European territories of the Ottoman Empire and after the dissolution of this entity, Turkey still attached special importance to these countries, albeit during the Cold War relations were cooler. On the other hand, with the fall of the Iron Curtain, the rise of the AK Party to government position and Ahmet Davutoglu becoming Minister of Foreign Affairs in Turkey, the Balkans started to receive particular "limelight" in Turkish foreign policy. New ideas, expressions, approaches were incorporated into the forming self-confident and assertive foreign policy of Turkey. However, this new policy, referred to as neo- Ottomanism in many cases, infered criticisms too, from the West and from local politicians in the Balkans too. The thesis aims to remake and remodel this expression by highlighting other, more positive elements of it. Turkey's political, economic, cultural and military relations with Albania, Bosnia and Herzegovina and...

Die Anpassung der türkischen Landwirtschaft an die Gemeinsame Agrarpolitik (GAP) der EU ist eine zentrale Frage in den Beitrittsverhandlungen. Diese Arbeit analysiert die Probleme und Potenziale einer Anpassung des türkischen Agrarsektors an die Gemeinsame Agrarpolitik der EU. Dazu wurde Primär- und Sekundärliteratur ausgewertet und zahlreiche Experteninterviews. Strukturelle Faktoren der türkischen Landwirtschaft, Mängel in der politischen Steuerung in der Türkei sowie widersprüchlichen Signale aus der EU bezüglich der Beitrittsperspektiven der Türkei erschweren die Anpassungsprozesse. Um die strukturelle Rückständigkeit des türkischen Agrarsektors zu überwinden, braucht es eine klare, nicht ständig von Politikern in der EU in Frage gestellte Beitrittsperspektive, aber auch eine bessere Organisation und Steuerung der Anpassungsprozesse durch die türkische Politik. Wenn die Türkei in Zukunft voll in die GAP integriert sein sollte, wird dies mangels Wettbewerbsfähigkeit nur geringe Auswirkungen auf den europäischen Agrarmarkt haben. Eine vollständige Liberalisierung des Agrarhandels könnte den Landwirten im Südosten und Osten der Türkei gar Einkommenseinbußen bescheren, weil dort wenig wettbewerbsfähige Produkte wie Getreide, Zucker und Viehzucht angebaut werden. Die Landwirte der Ägäis und der Mittelmeerregion hingegen würden mit ihren wettbewerbsfähigen Produkten wie Früchten, Gemüse auf dem EU- Markt reüssieren., The adaption of Turkey’s agricultural sector to the standards of the Common Agricultural Policy of the EU is a central question in the accession talks. This thesis analysis the problems and the potentials of a harmonisation of Turkey’s agricultural sector with the EU standards. The research is based on an analysis of primary and secondary literature and numberous expert interviews. Structural factors of the Turkish agricultural sector, problems in the political mangament of agricultural policies in Turkey and ambigious signals from European politicians concerning Turkey’s EU membership prospects are the main obstacles in the adaption process. In order to overcome the state of underdevelopment of Turkey’s agricultural sector an unambigous commitment of the EU concerning Turkey’s EU membership prospect is necessary and the political actors in Turkey have to increase the coherence and consistency of the agricultural policy. A full integration of Turkey’s agricultural sector would only have a minor impact on the EU market because of a lacking competitiveness of most Turkish products. A full liberalisation of the agricultural market could even led to income losses for farmers in the East and Southeast of Turkey because non-competitve products such as cereals, sugar and stock farming are widespread in these regions. Farmers in the Mediterranean however could gain market shares with their competitive fruits and vegetables.

This bachelor thesis puts for its goal to map the spanish economy of 20th Century with the emphasis on the period from 1975 until today. The whole work is divided into four main chapters. The first chapter focuses on the economic development during the Franco´s Regime, the second chapter aims to give a view about the spanish economy during the democratic consolidation which started in 1975. The third chapter concludes the economic advancements after 1986 - the year Spain entered into European Community (since 1992 European Union) and analyzes how this fact has influenced the further economic development in the country. The fourth and final chapter explains the preparation period for joining European Monetary System in 1999 and the economical impact after adoption of euro since 2002 until today.

The economic motivation for integration of Croatia with the EU has been mentioned in numerous studies and repeated many times. The benefits go much beyond those of merchandise trade and shallow integration: • small and open economy would prosper more being part of such a regional market in many aspects, such as the creating single economic space that offers unlimited and non-tariff access to a greater market resulting in important trade creation effects ; • greater use of economic of scale, integrated supply and production chains and higher FDI, macroeconomic and monetary stability etc. Human capital development too • It increases efficiency of both industry and also backbone services. It enhances intraregional trade much more than pure trade arrangements etc. As World Bank study (2008) says, small and open economy benefits more from regional integrations than larger ones. The whole Western Balkans consists of states relatively small in size too (altogether 25 million inhb). Dynamic gains in trade, as for most SEE, since signing SAA (2001)- the benefits stem from alignment of legal and regulatory framework with the EU acquis, accompanied with dynamics in reform in areas related to the state aid, competition policy, introduction of EU standards and technical regulations. Most importantly, significant benefits from the increased competition as a result of tariff dismantling. Progressive import liberalization on a preferential basis, which considerably increases the competition of SEE countries, including Croatia.

Croatia is one of few countries in Europe in which schools are not required to promote, through a specific school subject, the democratic values that make the core of the European integration. Recently issued 'The Education Sector Development Plan 2005-2010’ calls upon educational institutions to promote ‘active citizenship’ as part of the National Human Rights Education Programme. The programme defines topics and approaches up to tertiary education level but suggest them to be implemented as an optional ‘integrative content’. Apart from being the factor of differentiation between schools, such ‘non-obligatory approach’ has annulled the importance for monitoring and evaluating the students’ outcomes. The result is that, despite an increase in number of schools with programmes in this field, little has been known of how they are implemented, i.e. what students learn and how well they are prepared as citizens of a transitional, as well as of an EU candidate country. As the least information has been available on the university students, especially on those who are about to finish their education and seek job as teachers, a research has been carried out on a sample of some 800 graduate students of 10 teacher-training and related faculties of the University of Zagreb. The aim was to examine the relationship between knowledge and attitudes about democratic concepts, principles and institutions ; perceived learning opportunities ; democratic attitudes and practice ; and attitudes towards Croatian membership in EU. The results show that the membership is favoured by the two fifths of the respondents, and that one fifth opposes it. Positive attitudes rely on prospects for better living standards, greater freedom of movement and better education, while negative attitudes derive from fear from endangering national wealth and identity. Contrary to democratic attitudes and practices, knowledge and perceived learning opportunities are rather weak predictors of the desirability of membership.

Öz:Çalışmanın amacı Dicle Üniversitesi öğrencilerinin Türkiye’nin AB üyeliği konusundaki görüşlerini ortaya çıkarmak ve bu görüşlerin Türkiye geneli yaklaşımlardan ne gibi farklılıklar arz ettiğini daha önce yapılan çalışmalar ile karşılaştırarak ortaya koymaktır. Çalışma öncelikle Türkiye’nin AB üyeliği sürecinin bir kronolojisini sunmakta ve önemli dönüm noktalarını irdelemektedir. Üyelik sürecinin tarihsel arkaplanı verildikten sonra bu çalışma için ulaşılan sonuçlar, Türkiye genelinde yapılan çalışmalarda ortaya çıkan sonuçlarla karşılaştırmalı olarak değerlendirilmektedir. Yapılan istatistiki analizler Dicle Üniversitesi öğrencileri arasında Türkiye’nin AB üyeliğine desteğin Türkiye ortalamalarının üzerinde olduğunu göstermiştir. Diğer önemli bir sonuç ise cinsiyet farkının AB üyeliği sürecine bakış ve beklentilerde önemli bir değişken olduğu görülmüştür. This study examines the views of Dicle University students on Turkey’s EU membership and aims to lay out how these views vary from general views in Turkey. The study first provides a historical overview of Turkey’s EU membership process. It then presents the results of a recent survey conducted among Dicle University students. The results show that the support for Turkey’s EU membership among Dicle University students is significantly higher than the general support in Turkey. The survey results also indicate that gender is an important variable in shaping expectations from EU membership and views on Turkey’s EU membership process.

Political parties are the representatives of interests and expectations in the society and the stance of political parties in relation to an issue critical for our society, such as membership of Turkey to the European Union is very important. The perceived image of political parties among people regarding that stance is also important to the same extent. Based on this understanding and moving from the results of a survey conducted among seniors from almost all of the faculties at Dice University that offer at least four or more years of study, in this article, the profiles of political parties in Turkey regarding their approach to the membership of Turkey to the European Union will be analyzed., Siyasi partiler, toplumdaki çıkar ve beklentilerin temsilcileridir ve siyasi partilerin, toplum açısından kritik bir hususta, örneğin Türkiye’nin Avrupa Birliği’ne üyeliği hususunda sahip oldukları konum çok önemlidir. Söz konusu konuma ilişkin olarak, siyasi partilerin toplumdaki bireyler tarafından algılanan imajı da aynı derecede önemlidir. Bu anlayışa dayanarak ve Dicle Üniversitesi’nin çeşitli fakültelerinin son sınıflarında okuyan öğrenciler arasında yapılan bir anketin sonuçlarından hareketle, bu çalışmada, Türkiye’deki bazı siyasi partilerin, Avrupa Birliği üyeliğine yaklaşımlarına ilişkin örneklem kümesi tarafından algılanan profilleri analiz edilecektir.

The paper provides an analytical narrative of Bulgaria’s changes in regional policy-making structures in relation to the country’s joining the EU. The country has undergone several important stages in its regional policy framework and structure since the beginning of its transition to market democracy. First, local self-government is exercised only at the municipal level, with the mezzo-level always representing a de-concentration of central government powers. Second, the mezzo-level of government has been reformed twice, going from 28 districts to 9 regions, and then to 28 districts under 6 planning regions, with the planning regions also undergoing a major revision once so far. This dynamic indicates a regional policy-making structure which is in a state of flux. Over the last decade the single major shaper of these changes has been EU candidacy and membership, mainly through the requirements for NUTS2 regions in relation to cohesion policies. The goal of the paper on Bulgaria is to describe analytically, from the point of view of regional policy analysis, this state of flux and to outline the potential direction the inevitable further changes in the country’s regional policymaking structures and performance may take., European Commission, 6th Framework Programme, Priority 7 "Citizens And Governance In A Knowledge-Based Society", Contract CIT5 029003

This article argues that notwithstanding the doctrinal distinction between enforcement and implementing measures, there are effective points of functional overlap between enforcement powers and certain types of implementing tools, which are lawful in that they serve other aims and purposes than enforcement. Since the Commission employs these measures in conjunction with the general infringement procedure or as an alternative with the less discernible aim of ensuring compliance, a comprehensive EC enforcement analysis must take note of them. Potential legal constraints on the Commission in employing these instruments, such as the proportionality principle, are among the questions raised. In addition, the article explores how any perceived misuse may have ramifications for the Commission's ability to have future implementation powers established in secondary law.

A sustainable knowledge society is a response to the challenges of the 21st century. In Croatia like in the other countries of SEE, the development of a sustainable knowledge society implies interaction between security, economic and regional development and a sustainable management of natural and human resources. Some of the strategic goals of the Croatian foreign policy, like in same other SEE countries is full membership in EU and NATO. Before became full member of the EU, Croatia and the other SEE countries must strive that its own objectives are in line with EU member countries objectives, and they have fulfil the economic criteria for the EU membership.

A sustainable knowledge society is a response to the challenges of the 21st century. In Croatia like in the other countries of SEE, the development of a sustainable knowledge society implies interaction between security, economic and regional development and a sustainable management of natural and human resources. Some of the strategic goals of the Croatian foreign policy, like in same other SEE countries is full membership in EU and NATO. Before became full member of the EU, Croatia and the other SEE countries must strive that its own objectives are in line with EU member countries objectives, and they have fulfil the economic criteria for the EU membership.

Türkiye’nin 14 Nisan 1987 tarihinde A.T.’na (1.11.1993’den bu yana , Maastrich Anlaşmasının yürürlüğe girmesinden sonra AT, Avrupa Birliği olarak anılmaktadır) “tam üyelik” başvurusunda bulunması, 31 Temmuz 1959’da yapılan ortak üyelik başvurusu ile başlayan Türkiye Avrupa Topluluğu ilişkilerinde bir dönüm noktası olmuştur. Ülkemiz 1996 yılında gümrük birliğine dahil olmuştur. 1999 Helsinki Zirvesinde Türkiye’nin resmen tam üyeliğe aday ülke olarak ilan edilmesi, yaklaşık 40 yıllık bir sürecin en zorlu aşamasına gelindiğini göstermektedir.

The framework of EU accession is the only working policy that Europe can apply in the Balkans. Speeding up of the region-wide strategy for accession with clearly defined policy steps and measures also seems the only possible solution to the Balkan's deteriorating political situation.