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The threat of digital disinformation is a staple in discourse. News media feature examples of digital disinformation prominently. Politicians accuse opponents regularly of slinging disinformation. Regulators justify initiatives of increasing corporate and state control over digital communication environments with threats of disinformation to democracies. But responsible regulation means establishing a balance between the risks of disinformation and the risks of regulatory interventions. This asks for a solid, empirically grounded understanding of the reach and effects of digital disinformation and underlying mechanisms. This article provides a set of questions that a responsible approach to the regulation of disinformation needs to address. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Digital Services Act (DSA) creates a system of general risk management that is composed of two main obligations: risk assessment (Article 34), and risk mitigation (Article 35). The obligations are mandatory for very large online platforms and search engines (VLOPs/VLOSEs). The adoption of the risk-based approach to digital services make the law more future-proof. But inevitably it also makes the law very vague. This vagueness of the statutory language causes some to suggest that the European Commission will inevitably become the proverbial Ministry of Truth when tackling disinformation. This article argues that upon closer reading of the DSA, and its constitutional context, the worries that the Commission inevitably becomes a Ministry of Truth are misplaced. Suppressing incorrect or misleading lawful information is not the goal of the DSA. That is not to say that the DSA cannot be abused. But the law is not pre-programmed to do so. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As part of the EU strategy to combat disinformation, the Media Freedom Act has introduced a right to have access to a plurality of editorially independent media content, marking progress beyond the current EU legal framework and ECHR case-law. This shift can be attributed to a heightened societal awareness of the impact of harmful expressions, an increasing focus on duties and responsibilities in human rights, and the disjunction of production and distribution in the digital media industry. This right appears to possess a distinctive horizontal and positive dimension, and ultimately consists of a right not to receive media content of such quality that hinders the democratic discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the coronavirus pandemic and the war in Ukraine, the EU has been concerned about the dissemination of disinformation in times of crisis. A mandatory Crisis Response Mechanism in the Digital Services Act is intended to counteract its dissemination via very large providers. However, the mechanism's weaknesses could trigger a far greater crisis for the free opinion-forming process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The European policy on disinformation has changed in the last years. From a self-regulatory approach, the Union has moved towards a comprehensive strategy to address disinformation. The Digital Services Act and the Strengthened Code of Practice on Disinformation are particular examples of this transformation. However, the European approach still faces important challenges in the implementation phase. This work aims to address the evolution of the European policy on disinformation, particularly looking at the Strengthened Code of Practice on Disinformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Regulating disinformation has presented a complicated task to European legislators. The legal instruments that played a part in the fight against disinformation, such as the DSA, the DMA, EMFA and the AI Act are all based on the internal market competence. Some instruments are criticised for their strong take on goals that are not directly related for the economic integration, like the freedom and pluralism of the media (EMFA), or the protection of human rights (DSA, AI Act). Even though the European Union is primarily an economic integration, disinformation was seen as threatening the political stability of the Union: democracy, the rule of law and human rights. Is there a connection with economic integration and these values? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In its seminal decision in Dink v Turkey, the European Court of Human Rights recognised that States have a positive obligation, under Article 10, to create a favourable environment for participation in public debate by all persons, enabling them to express their opinions without fear. In the more than decade since, the Court has yet to clarify what the obligation is, what it requires, and when and how it applies. This article traces the recognition and development of the Dink principle, critiques the Court's approach to date, and explores the real-world impacts of an unfavourable information environment. It concludes with a concrete recommendation which would ensure greater cohesion within the Council of Europe and give practical effect to the Dink principle, while addressing polarisation, disinformation and threats against journalists: media and information literacy initiatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the way and motivation of the Russian Federation to carry out psychological operations in the war of aggression that it has unleashed in Ukraine from the perspective of the information environment. These operations are specific to the cognitive layer of the information environment and are aimed at influencing the perceptions, behavior, and decisions of both the Ukrainian population and the international community by using disinformation, propaganda, and manipulation. By analyzing these operations, it highlights how Russia has exploited the lack of robust regulation of social networks. The analysis underlines the importance of developing effective strategies to counter these operations by increasing information resilience and strengthening protection mechanisms against harmful external influences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Democracies are under attack from various sides. In recent years AI-powered techniques such as profiling, targeting, election manipulation, and massive disinformation campaigns via social bots and troll farms challenge the very foundations of democratic systems. Against this background, demands for regulating AI have gotten louder. In this paper, we focus on the European Union (EU) as the actor that has gone the furthest in terms of regulating AI. We therefore ask: What kind of instruments does the EU envision in their binding and non-binding documents to prevent AI harm to democracy? And what critique can be formulated regarding these instruments? To address these questions, the article makes two contributions. First, by building on a systematic understanding of deliberative democracy, we introduce the distinction between two types of harm that can arise from the widespread use of AI: rights-based harm and systemic harm. Second, by analysing a number of EU documents, including the GDPR, the AI Act, the TTAP, and the DSA, we argue that the EU envisions four primary instruments for safeguarding democracy from the harmful use of AI: prohibition, transparency, risk management, and digital education. While these instruments provide a relatively high level of protection for rights-based AI harm, there is still ample space for these technologies to produce systemic harm to democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The freedom of speech - an essential cornerstone of American democracy - is under direct attack, leaving American institutions, civic culture, and society deeply vulnerable. Restrictions on books and educational curricula, limits on assembly rights, the rampant spread of disinformation, the chill of "cancel culture " and online abuse- all impinge upon the open exchange of ideas that the First Amendment was intended to underwrite. Encroachments on freedom of expression emanate from all sides of the political spectrum and through both formal and informal channels. It is imperative that efforts to contain and surmount the crisis of American democracy include a sharpened focus on the defense of free speech, an essential counterpart to voting rights, civil rights, and a healthy democratic culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Foreign actors, particularly Russia and China, are using disinformation as a tool to sow doubts and counterfactuals within the U.S. population. This tactic is not new. From Nazi influence campaigns in the United States to the Soviets spreading lies about the origins of HIV, disinformation has been a powerful tool throughout history. The modern "information age" and the reach of the internet has only exacerbated the impact of these sophisticated campaigns. What then can be done to limit the future effectiveness of the dissemination of foreign states' disinformation? Who has the responsibility and where does the First Amendment draw the boundaries of jurisdiction? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the collaborative efforts of libraries within the Ukraine Art Aid Center network, dedicated to preserving cultural heritage during times of war. Emphasizing the vital role of international library cooperation, we investigate the dissemination of trusted news in the Russo-Ukrainian war. The first section examines Russia's use of (dis-)information in the war of aggression, which is flanked by a globally waged information war. The second section clarifies key terminology distinctions related to disinformation, misinformation, fake news, and deep fakes. In the third section, we scrutinize the importance of accurate language and wording to avoid manipulation and disinformation. The fourth section explores strategies to counter disinformation, empowering individuals to make informed decisions. The fifth section highlights the support provided by international library networks in aiding libraries and societies under attack, focusing on Ukraine Art Aid Center (Zentrum Kulturgutschutz Ukraine). The sixth section presents selected information services and news sources from Ukraine, Germany, and Russian media in exile. The seventh section emphasizes the role of information institutions providing access to documents on the war, on war crimes and human rights violations against the background of information ethics and the code of ethics of librarians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main purpose of this research was to identify misinformation and other related online falsehoods i.e. dis-malinformation, fake news, rumor spreading in social media in Bangladesh associated with their threat and impact on human lives. Using a qualitative approach, the author randomly selected around 26 cases that happened in Bangladesh over the last 15 years. Both primary and secondary information resources (online and print newspapers, news archives, websites, blogs, TV channels, various social networking tools like Facebook, Twitter, etc.; a series of conversations with journalists) were considered to collect the cases that were spreading as misinformation. The cases were then categorized into various aspects such as political, health, religious, social, crime, and entertainment. A number of research papers were browsed in Google, ResearchGate, and Google Scholar, and the newspaper was also scanned to find out the associated effects of each case on our society. Findings showed in Bangladesh, the adverse ramifications of such misinformation were in religious and political aspects resulting social insecurity to loss of life also. Moreover, health misinformation has led people to decline health measures and practice unproven treatments which would be a great threat to public health. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent studies have highlighted the targeted operations of the Russia-linked Internet Research Agency (IRA) against various communities in the United States, including Black Americans. Using content analysis on two open-source databases, the study focuses on the strategies deployed by the IRA to emotionally engage the Black community through various platforms, including Instagram, Facebook, YouTube, Twitter, and personal domains. Findings suggest Russian operations sought to manipulate specific emotions, including love, fear, and anger, which were associated with specific emotional beliefs tied to attachment, vulnerability, and militancy. It further reveals how targeting those emotions could have assisted the advancement of the influence operation. The study's findings reveal the broader societal implications of these operations, including the potential to provoke offline activities and exacerbate socio-political tensions while underscoring the importance of incorporating the emotional dimension in future studies of influence operations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines perceived source credibility of health information in a moment of TGD health disinformation. Through thematic analysis of in-depth interviews with 30 transgender and gender diverse (TGD) individuals, findings suggest health information is marred by anti-TGD legislation, a sociopolitical force that bleeds into health information spaces. Disinformation and TGD health communication are intertwined in complex ways, whereby disinformation can undermine trust in healthcare institutions, lead to harmful behaviors, and contribute to the spread of diseases. Health communication practitioners need to center the safety and humanity of TGD people, addressing TGD health disinformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The use of social media as a platform to access news and information has the potential to lead to the spread of fake news in Indonesia. This study aims to (1) understand the trust characteristics in information of Indonesians during COVID-19; (2) identify Indonesians' ability to detect COVID-19 fake news; and (3) analyze the relationship between people's trust characteristics in information with regard to COVID-19 information and their ability to detect fake news. An online survey was conducted with 751 Indonesians who use social media to access information about COVID-19. Cultural theory is used to categorize people's trust characteristics in information, while signal detection theory is employed to identify people's ability to discriminate between fake and real news. The results showed that 61% of respondents were categorized as having hierarchy trust characteristics. Concerning the detectability of fake news, most respondents could discriminate between fake and real news. Lastly, there was a relationship between trust characteristics in information and bias tendencies in detecting fake news. The respondents have hierarchy trust characteristics, indicating they trusted government information related to COVID-19 issues. The respondents also have high ability to discriminate between fake and real news, even though they tended to miss more errors than identify false alarms when detecting fake news. The findings showed that respondents who had hierarchy and egalitarian characteristics tended to perceive real news as fake news and had a better ability to distinguish fake news compared to other trust characteristics in information. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Martin Conway's influential theorising about the self-memory system (Conway, M. A., & Pleydell-Pearce, C. W. (2000). The construction of autobiographical memories in the self-memory system. Psychological Review, 107(2), 261–288) illuminated how the "working self" influences the construction of autobiographical memories. Moreover, his constructive view of self and memory is compatible with the occurrence of various kinds of errors and distortions in remembering. Here we consider one of the "seven sins" of memory (Schacter, D. L. (2021). The seven sins of memory updated edition: How the mind forgets and remembers. Houghton Mifflin Harcourt) that we believe is most closely related to the operation of Conway's self-memory system: bias, which refers to the role of current knowledge, beliefs, and feelings in shaping and sometimes distorting memories for past experiences and attitudes. More specifically, we discuss recent research on three forms of bias – consistency, self-enhancing, and positivity biases – that illuminate their role in influencing how people remember the past and also imagine the future. We consider both theoretical and applied aspects of these biases and, consistent with Conway's perspective, argue that despite sometimes contributing to inaccuracies, bias also serves adaptive functions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In six years, the word deepfake has gone from a niche on Reddit to the main object of research for hundreds of researchers and to the front line of concern of many policymakers. However, this transition did not lead to a faithful definition because it is still an in-flux technology. There is one sector, however, that is incompatible with vague and equivocal concepts: legislative production. In this study, we analysed the definitions of deepfakes (or synthetic media) in the laws of five states in the United States and proposed the key concepts that characterise them: artificial intelligence, fake/false and the reference (specific or generic) to the media that can support these deepfakes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines the public discourse about vaccines on Twitter during the COVID-19 pandemic and compares it with the discourses about vaccines before the pandemic. Discourse, users’ profile, content, tone, vaccines, and sources of information were manually coded. We have identified a diversity of discourses related to vaccines. The discourse that has stood out the most during the pandemic is related to pandemic management measures. Nevertheless, both denialist and anti-denialist discourses are reduced compared to the previous period. Besides this, less polarization and more neutral discourse were identified during the pandemic. The two periods are expressly marked by tweets with content related to opinions and personal experiences regarding vaccines. Some of them are characterized, in general, by informality in how the users communicate their ideas. Interestingly, users from the medical-scientific sphere did not participate more in Twitter during the pandemic. There were fewer posts including scientific findings and more tweets about patient resources. On the other hand, the media and journalists were very active in this period by disseminating information and issuing vaccine opinions, reflecting their essential role in health crises. However, the presence of television channels, such as Fox News, can be an indication of conservative ideas on vaccines. Thus, the discourses have expressed different meanings in relation to the issue and disputed their legitimacy in this symbolic and virtual market. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Internet users commonly use the phrase "Internet meme" to refer to a diverse range of online content, such as jokes, gossip, and videos in online communication (Shifman, 2013). Internet memes play a crucial role in influencing public discussions and activism in the digital era. Studies reveal their potential for spreading false information (Wells, 2018), trigger sociopolitical activism (Nabea, 2021), encourage contemporary protest movements, public communication and serve several sociocultural functions of society (McGowan, 2016; Tammi & Rautio, 2022). Thus, conducting a systematic review of Internet memes can shed light on their role in political activism and various sociocultural functions of the digital society. The review can also help in identifying unexplored opportunities for promoting media literacy and investigating misinformation, disinformation, and hate speech. Therefore, a systematic review of Internet memes is conducted following Okoli's (2015) framework. The findings highlight the research gap in terms of examining their economic functions, research design, and regional research output on Internet memes. The findings also highlight the need for general awareness and clarity about the concept of the Internet meme phenomenon and its different types. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022, the European Commission proposed an EU Nature Restoration Law (Proposal). This was a groundbreaking proposal and would be the first comprehensive piece of binding international legislation that holds legally binding targets and deadlines for landscape‐wide restoration. Although the Proposal initially received very positive reactions from a variety of stakeholders, including scientists, organizations, and companies, certain lobby groups—mainly from the primary sectors (agriculture, forestry, and fisheries)—led a strong campaign against the Proposal, often based on unfounded arguments and short‐term considerations. After several nail‐biting voting rounds, a political compromise on an amended text was finally reached and awaits final approval. The Compromise still provides an appropriate legal basis for upscaling restoration within the EU through clear targets on restoration for different ecosystems and implementation obligations for Member States. However, we argue that, since the Compromise weakens the Proposal on some vital points regarding the operationalization of restoration at the national level, it remains uncertain whether the final law will produce the tangible effects that are necessary in the coming years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Quality of Life (QoL) is a multifaceted concept encompassing economic, social, environmental, psychological, and physical dimensions of an individual’s life, including personal living conditions, happiness, well-being, and life satisfaction. As a vital criterion for sustainable development and active social policy in countries, QoL has been significantly influenced by the dynamic technological evolution of social media. However, the comprehensive impact of social media, including its role in disseminating disinformation – a major social and socio-economic concern – on QoL remains underexplored. This research aims to develop a novel fuzzy model to assess the level of disinformation on digital platforms and its correlation with the population’s QoL. Employing a mathematical approach rooted in expert evaluation, this study leverages intellectual knowledge analysis and fuzzy set theory. Grounded in data from real respondents and knowledge-based models, this study pioneers an information model to evaluate inhabitants’ QoL, incorporating factors such as financial concerns, perception of disinformation, and its influence on digital platforms. The fuzzy estimation model, verified with data from 3,036 respondents, quantitatively assesses citizens’ QoL. An illustrative application of the model demonstrates its effectiveness. The findings are particularly valuable for policymakers, experts in economic and innovative development, aiding the creation of regulatory and monitoring mechanisms to foster sustainable economic growth and devise effective development strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent decades, a revolutionary transformation has substantially altered the way people access information. Online social media platforms have become a significant facet of our daily lives. The intersection of political discourse with the proliferation of what is commonly termed as "fake news" on these platforms has given rise to an environment that does not necessarily foster independent and critical thinking, thereby posing substantial risks to individuals, industries, and governments. While Facebook has implemented novel strategies to counteract this challenge, their efficacy remains questionable. Drawing from an analysis of fact-checking activities conducted during two Brazilian elections, this study aims to illuminate the key areas of focus within corrective information and assess its impact on Facebook. Our examination also highlights our critique of the lack of standardized measures, utilizing Meta's tool (CrowdTangle) for this qualitative study. Ultimately, our study concludes by offering insights into potential policy alternatives that could be adopted to address this phenomenon. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the persistence of Tatarophobia against Crimean Tatars in the Russian segment of social media during the first year of the full-scale invasion (24 February 2022-24 February 2023). A total of 4,435 posts from various social media platforms, including Facebook, Odnoklassniki, Telegram, Twitter, and Vkontakte, were analysed. The discourse predominantly echoes Russia's imperial and Soviet-era narratives, along with xenophobic and oppressive rhetoric exacerbated by the full-fledged invasion. The propaganda seeks to cultivate a negative perception of Crimean Tatars as an ethnic community, manipulating cultural and historical aspects related to them. Additionally, it endeavours to construct an adversarial image of relations between Ukraine and the Crimean Tatars, as well as of Ukraine's current policies. Russian special services perceive the capacity of Crimean Tatars to self-organize, establish volunteer units, or organize blockades as a threat. The propaganda effort not only fosters harassment and hate speech but also encourages peninsula residents to view them as "unreliable elements" deserving of suppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2024, almost half of the world’s population participated in electoral processes or is due to vote. The United States of America (USA), the European Union (EU), or India are among the democratic entities which organize elections in 2024. Citizens from autocracies like the Russian Federation are also summoned to express their options at the polls, although in their cases the proceedings are obviously flawed. Disinformation can manipulate outcomes both in liberal democracies and in hybrid regimes. In this context, our endeavor tries to analyze the impact of deep fakes on elections, in particular, and on political phenomena in general. A new remarkable tool, created with the help of Artificial Intelligence (AI), is weaponized by various politicians. Thus, an already worrying process of democratic backsliding seems to be accelerating. Both populist and non-populist politicians are using deep fakes in order to create unfair competitive advantages. Through several case studies, we describe and explain the influence of deep fakes on political developments. We highlight that populist groups can benefit from the political instrumentalization of deep fakes. Nevertheless, AI’s dark side offers opportunities for politicians that are outside of the populist sphere too. Overall, the phenomenon described by Colin Crouch as post-democracy seems to be enhanced by the evolutions we describe. Reversing this trend would require both regulations from the authorities and a reconstruction of the public’s trust in political mechanisms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Lee McIntyre's book, "On Disinformation: How to Fight for Truth and Protect Democracy," provides a concise and accessible strategy for combating disinformation. The book is divided into six chapters that explain the concept of a "truth killer" and how denialism has been strategically promoted. It also explores the role of amplifiers, such as social media and cable news networks, in spreading false information. The book emphasizes the importance of actively participating in the fight against disinformation and offers strategies for engaging with believers of misinformation. Overall, it serves as a call to action and provides tools for individuals to make a difference in the battle against disinformation. [Extracted from the article]

An editorial is presented which expresses the views on the current state of journalism amidst global crises. Topics include the impact of the Gaza conflict on journalists, the decline of public trust in mainstream media, and the challenges faced by journalism in verifying information during wartime. It also highlights the significance of journalism in upholding truth and democracy in an era of widespread disinformation and media manipulation.

While we hear more and more about the miracle of so-called 'neural' machine translation (NMT), all too little attention is paid to discourse on NMT. In this paper I analyse this discourse focusing on the hype around artificial intelligence in general and machine translation in particular, including the now often mentioned generative AI (based on generative pre-trained models, GPT). how it is actually used and how users perceive it. As a counterpoint to these analyses, I then focus on actual uses on NMT. Who are the users of machine translation systems today, and what are their practices? What do they know about machine translation and how do they perceive it? Based on data available in the literature and from recent surveys, I seek to define the current uses of NMT, in order to show the advantages that certain well-supervised uses can present, as well as the risks incurred by unsophisticated users. These risks are linked with well described effects of influence, persuasion and sometimes disinformation, in order to show that the risks incurred are still considerable but that what users need most is long-term projections, ethical discussions and AI commons. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Athenaeum: Polskie Studia Politologiczne is the property of Faculty of Political Science & Security Studies Nicolaus Copernicus University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of General Medicine & Health Sciences / Medycyna Ogólna i Nauki o Zdrowiu is the property of Witold Chodzki Institute of Rural Medicine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Russia's annexation of Crimea and war on Ukraine has led to upheaval in NATO's discourse and practice. Taking a step back from the security debate, this article contends that the very process of responding to Russian aggression has led to the reimagining of NATO's identity. While NATO tends to present change as continuity, this article's mixed methods analysis illuminates how a trio of new and ambitious self-representations have risen to prominence within NATO's post-Crimea discourse. NATO has anointed itself defender of the international rules-basedorder and purveyor of truth and facts amidst a world of disinformation, while pushing a resilience policy agenda that expands its authority into new domestic domains. Problematizing these shifts, the article warns that NATO's new narrative ignores its own role in the problems it seeks to solve and thus risks undermining NATO efforts to rally global support for Ukraine. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In contemporary society, the increased reliance on social media as a vital news source has facilitated the spread of disinformation that has potential polarising effects. Disinformation, false information deliberately crafted to deceive recipients, has escalated to the extent that it is now acknowledged as a significant cybersecurity concern. To proactively tackle this issue, and minimise the risk of negative outcomes associated with disinformation, this research presents a typology of disinformation intentionality and impact (DII) to understand the intentionality and impact of disinformation threats. The typology draws upon information manipulation theory and risk management principles to evaluate the potential impact of disinformation campaigns with respect to their virality and polarising impact. The intentionality of disinformation spread is related to its believability among susceptible consumers, who are likely to propagate the disinformation to others if they assess it to be believable. Based on the dimensions of intentionality and impact, the DII typology can be used to categorise disinformation threats and identify strategies to mitigate its risk. To illustrate its utility for evaluating the risk posted by disinformation campaigns, the DII typology is applied to a case study. We propose risk mitigation strategies as well as recommendations for addressing disinformation campaigns spread through social media platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Anuario Electrónico de Estudios en Comunicación Social 'Disertaciones' is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Anuario Electrónico de Estudios en Comunicación Social 'Disertaciones' is the property of Colegio Mayor de Nuestra Senora del Rosario and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

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Copyright of Historia i Polityka is the property of Nicolaus Copernicus University in Torun and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this special issue 'Fact or Fake: Information, Misinformation, and Disinformation via Social Media', the Journal of Strategic Marketing presents a collection of papers that delve into various topics aimed at gaining a comprehensive understanding of the impacts of fake news on social media. The objective of this special issue is to enhance our comprehension of marketing theory and practice concerning solutions, prevention, and the effects of fake news propagated through social media platforms. The topics covered within the special issue include, but are not limited to (1) Organizational and regulatory strategies to counter the dissemination of false news on social media; (2) The influence of fake news on social media on consumer behavior; (3) The correlation between social media fake news, consumer perceptions of credibility and trustworthiness, and their self-efficacy in relation to purchasing intentions; (4) The phenomenon of an 'infodemic' characterized by disinformation and misinformation in the digital age; and (5) Perceptions of credibility surrounding disinformation and intentions to share such content across social media platforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The problem of terrorism is gaining scale and acquiring new forms, requiring the international community to develop new approaches to combating threats. The aim of the work is to assess the Lublin Triangle countries' counterterrorism activities and identify the potential problems associated with such activities. The research used the doctrinal approach, content analysis, and descriptive and comparative methods. The conducted research described such a format of international cooperation as the Lublin Triangle. Improving the defence capabilities of the countries within the alliance and countering terrorist threats from the Russian Federation is of particular importance because of the Russian-Ukrainian war. Both prospects and problems in the activities of the association were identified. The problematic aspects are related to the aggravation of relations between Ukraine and Poland. Coordinated work of countries in the field of combating disinformation was noted. Several recommendations provided by representatives of non-governmental organisations of the Lublin Triangle countries in this area are summarised. Potential directions for further development of relations between the studied countries were outlined. It was noted that cooperation will only be effective when resolving contradictions and establishing mutual respect and trust. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The perception of disinformation as societal risk has reached a troubling peak amid the COVID-19 pandemic, strategically targeting vulnerable audiences through digital media by mirroring characteristics of vox populi disinformation. This study investigates the conditions under which COVID-19-related disinformation referring to a polarized (refugees) and neutral (runners) out-group appears most credible. In the early stages of the pandemic, we conducted a pre-registered online survey experiment with a representative German sample (N = 1,117). Results indicated that those with low trust in the media judged subtle and completely fabricated types of disinformation as more credible than accurate information. Presenting the article as a social media post from an ordinary user, rather than an official source, had no discernible impact on credibility evaluations; participants accurately assessed the credibility of a random source. We conclude that people are generally able to recognize disinformation--unless they already mistrust the media. This paper addresses why disinformation triggers strong reactions in targeted groups and how it thrives in the participatory digital landscape. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Estudios sobre el Mensaje Periodistico is the property of Universidad Complutense de Madrid and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article investigates over 130,000 Telegram messages, 15,000 Telegram forwards, and 750 news articles from Russian-affiliated media to assess the information supply chain between Russian media and Telegram channels covering the war in Ukraine. Using machine-learning techniques, this research provides a framework for conducting argument and network analysis for disambiguating narratives, channels, and users, and mapping dissemination pathways of influence operations. The findings indicate that a central feature of Russian war reporting is actually the prevalence of neutral, non-argumentative language. Moreover, dissemination patterns between media sites and Telegram channels reveal a well-cited information laundering network with a distinct supply chain of covert, semi-covert, and overt channel types active at seed, copy, and amplification levels of operation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

By exploiting the potential of social media, disinformation has become an important element of warfare. The region of Central and Eastern Europe (CEE) is particularly vulnerable to disinformation, primarily from Russia. One of the reasons for Russia's activities in this region's infosphere is that most CEE countries are members of the European Union and the North Atlantic Treaty Organization (NATO). In this context, Russian disinformation activities aimed at the Three Seas Initiative (3SI) are particularly interesting. The image of the 3SI created in the media is crucial, for it translates into how the public understands, perceives and recalls this format of cooperation. The article aims to reconstruct the image of the 3SI in cases of Russian disinformation identified by the European External Action Service within the EUvsDisinfo project. The article's methodology is based on a qualitative content analysis of disinformation cases identified by EUvsDisinfo. The article identifies four main frames of disinformation targeting the 3SI, showing that Russian disinformation is focused on undermining the credibility and integrity of this cooperation, both among Initiative countries and between them and their international partners. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]