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Overfishing of large predatory fish populations has resulted in lasting restructurings of entire marine food webs worldwide, with serious socio-economic consequences. Fortunately, some degraded ecosystems show signs of recovery. A key challenge for ecosystem management is to anticipate the degree to which recovery is possible. By applying a statistical food-web model, using the Baltic Sea as a case study, we show that under current temperature and salinity conditions, complete recovery of this heavily altered ecosystem will be impossible. Instead, the ecosystem regenerates towards a new ecological baseline. This new baseline is characterized by lower and more variable biomass of cod, the commercially most important fish stock in the Baltic Sea, even under very low exploitation pressure. Furthermore, a socio-economic assessment shows that this signal is amplified at the level of societal costs, owing to increased uncertainty in biomass and reduced consumer surplus. Specifically, the combined economic losses amount to approximately 120 million € per year, which equals half of today's maximum economic yield for the Baltic cod fishery. Our analyses suggest that shifts in ecological and economic baselines can lead to higher economic uncertainty and costs for exploited ecosystems, in particular, under climate change., SI

Recent global crises reveal an emerging pattern of causation that could increasingly characterize the birth and progress of future global crises. A conceptual framework identifies this pattern’s deep causes, intermediate processes, and ultimate outcomes. The framework shows how multiple stresses can interact within a single social-ecological system to cause a shift in that system’s behavior, how simultaneous shifts of this kind in several largely discrete social-ecological systems can interact to cause a far larger intersystemic crisis, and how such a larger crisis can then rapidly propagate across multiple system boundaries to the global scale. Case studies of the 2008-2009 financial-energy and food-energy crises illustrate the framework. Suggestions are offered for future research to explore further the framework’s propositions. © 2015 by the author(s).

Keystone species have a disproportionate influence on the structure and function of ecosystems. Here we analyze whether a keystone-like pattern can be observed in the relationship between transnational corporations and marine ecosystems globally. We show how thirteen corporations control 11-16% of the global marine catch (9-13 million tons) and 19-40% of the largest and most valuable stocks, including species that play important roles in their respective ecosystem. They dominate all segments of seafood production, operate through an extensive global network of subsidiaries and are profoundly involved in fisheries and aquaculture decision-making. Based on our findings, we define these companies as keystone actors of the Anthropocene. The phenomenon of keystone actors represents an increasingly important feature of the human-dominated world. Sustainable leadership by keystone actors could result in cascading effects throughout the entire seafood industry and enable a critical transition towards improved management of marine living resources and ecosystems.

Recent studies provide compelling evidence for the idea that creative thinking draws upon two kinds of processes linked to distinct physiological features, and stimulated under different conditions. In short, the fast system-I produces intuition whereas the slow and deliberate system-II produces reasoning. System-I can help see novel solutions and associations instantaneously, but is prone to error. System-II has other biases, but can help checking and modifying the system-I results. Although thinking is the core business of science, the accepted ways of doing our work focus almost entirely on facilitating system-II. We discuss the role of system-I thinking in past scientific breakthroughs, and argue that scientific progress may be catalyzed by creating conditions for such associative intuitive thinking in our academic lives and in education. Unstructured socializing time, education for daring exploration, and cooperation with the arts are among the potential elements. Because such activities may be looked upon as procrastination rather than work, deliberate effort is needed to counteract our systematic bias.

Intensive shrimp farming arrived in Thailand during the 1980s and developed virtually unregulated until 1987. Subsidised by the government, it quickly became an important export industry and Thailand has been the world's largest producer of tiger shrimp since 1991. However, the development of the shrimp farming industry in Thailand over the last 20 years in relation to its use of mangrove ecosystems is an example of sequential exploitation of natural resources witnessed through the shift in farm development from one region to another. This sequential exploitation has caused widespread degradation of mangrove ecosystems, and the benefits of the industry may be less than perceived as a result of subsidies and environmental and social impacts. This study follows the development of shrimp farming in Thailand from the 1940s to 1997 and studies national legislation and associated government policy as examples of driving forces behind this development. From our findings it appears that the development of legislation has not followed the same pace as the development of the industry, neither temporally, nor in content nor implementation, and contradictory policies have arisen.

This chapter addresses the involvement of water in abrupt and unexpected changes in social–ecological systems. It looks more closely at water’s many roles in reinforcing processes and stabilising feedbacks, and how systems suffer when feedback processes weaken or break. It discusses water-related disturbances and feedbacks, different categories of regime shift and ways of enhancing resilience. The issue of traps is discussed, both green water-related poverty traps, involving self-enforcing mechanisms, and blue water-related rigidity traps, when people and institutions resist change. The chapter explains the use of transformation management to get out of traps. Rapid, accelerating and surprising changes in the Anthropocene era Many of the changes in the GWS are rapid and can be surprising. Some are accelerating, but change can also be smooth and gradual. Most importantly, some change can be turbulent and abrupt, and result in non-linear responses from human, economic or ecological systems, with effects that are difficult, if not impossible, to reverse. Documented cases include the collapse of marine cod fisheries in 1992 (Hutchings, 1996), the collapse of Saharan vegetation 6–8000 years ago (Foley et al ., 2003) and the financial crises of 2008, all of which caused rapid and unprecedented reductions in resource availabilities with abrupt, unforeseen and negative effects on human well-being. The Anthropocene era has seen an increase in the links between humans and the environment, at multiple scales. Freshwater plays a significant role in this context, through its capacity to link different systems and places. Intricate cross-scale interactions play out in novel ways, which connect distant peoples and places (Adger et al ., 2008; Galaz et al ., 2010) reshaping the capacity of the biosphere to sustain human well-being (Folke et al ., 2011) and increasing the risk of abrupt change.

There have been several earlier studies that addressed the influence of natural disturbance regimes on coral reefs. Humans alter natural disturbance regimes, introduce new stressors, and modify background conditions of reefs. We focus on how coral reef ecosystems relate to disturbance in an increasingly human-dominated environment. The concept of ecosystem resilience—that is, the capacity of complex systems with multiple stable states to absorb disturbance, reorganize, and adapt to change—is central in this context. Instead of focusing on the recovery of certain species and populations within disturbed sites of individual reefs, we address spatial resilience—that is, the dynamic capacity of a reef matrix to reorganize and maintain ecosystem function following disturbance. The interplay between disturbance and ecosystem resilience is highlighted. We begin the identification of spatial sources of resilience in dynamic seascapes and exemplify and discuss the relation between “ecological memory” (biological legacies, mobile link species, and support areas) and functional diversity for seascape resilience. Managing for resilience in dynamic seascapes not only enhances the likelihood of conserving coral reefs, it also provides insurance to society by sustaining essential ecosystem services.

Social taboos exist in most cultures, both Western and non-Western. They are good examples of informal institutions, where norms, rather than governmental juridical laws and rules, determine human behavior. In many traditional societies throughout the world, taboos frequently guide human conduct toward the natural environment. Based on a survey of recent literature, we synthesize information on such taboos. We refer to them as “resource and habitat taboos” (RHTs). Examples are grouped in six different categories depending on their potential nature conservation and management functions. We compare RHTs with contemporary measures of conservation and identify and discuss some key benefits that may render them useful in partnership designs for conservation and management. We conclude that many RHTs have functions similar to those of formal institutions for nature conservation in contemporary society but have not been sufficiently recognized in this capacity. We suggest that designs for conservation of biologi...

The sustainable use of resources requires that management practices and institutions take into account the dynamics of the ecosystem. In this paper, we explore the role of local ecological knowledge and show how it is used in management practices by a local fishing association in a contemporary rural Swedish community. We focus on the local management of crayfish, a common-pool resource, and also address the way crayfish management is linked to institutions at different levels of Swedish society. Methods from the social sciences were used for information gathering, and the results were analyzed within the framework of ecosystem management. We found that the practices of local fishing association resemble an ecosystem approach to crayfish management. Our results indicate that local users have substantial knowledge of resource and ecosystem dynamics from the level of the individual crayfish to that of the watershed, as reflected in a variety of interrelated management practices embedded in and influenced by institutions at several levels. We propose that this policy of monitoring at several levels simultaneously, together with the interpretation of a bundle of indicators and associated management responses, enhances the possibility of building ecological resilience into the watershed. Furthermore, we found that flexibility and adaptation are required to avoid command-and-control pathways of resource management. We were able to trace the development of the local fishing association as a response to crisis, followed by the creation of an opportunity for reorganization and the recognition of slow ecosystem structuring variables, and also to define the role of knowledgeable individuals in the whole process. We discuss the key roles of adaptive capacity, institutional learning, and institutional memory for successful ecosystem management and conclude that scientific adaptive management could benefit from a more explicit collaboration with flexible community-based systems of resource management for the implementation of policies as experiments.

Modern food production is a complex, globalized system in which what we eat and how it is produced are increasingly disconnected. This thesis examines some of the ways in which global trade has changed the mix of inputs to food and feed, and how this affects food security and our perceptions of sustainability. One useful indicator of the ecological impact of trade in food and feed products is the Appropriated Ecosystem Areas (ArEAs), which estimates the terrestrial and aquatic areas needed to produce all the inputs to particular products.The method is introduced in Paper I and used to calculate and track changes in imported subsidies to Swedish agriculture over the period 1962-1994. In 1994, Swedish consumers needed agricultural areas outside their national borders to satisfy more than a third of their food consumption needs. The method is then applied to Swedish meat production in Paper II to show that the term “Made in Sweden” is often a misnomer. In 1999, almost 80% of manufactured feed for Swedish pigs, cattle and chickens was dependent on imported inputs, mainly from Europe, Southeast Asia and South America. Paper III examines ecosystem subsidies to intensive aquaculture in two nations: shrimp production in Thailand and salmon production in Norway. In both countries, aquaculture was shown to rely increasingly on imported subsidies. The rapid expansion of aquaculture turned these countries from fishmeal net exporters to fishmeal net importers, increasingly using inputs from the Southeastern Pacific Ocean.As the examined agricultural and aquacultural production systems became globalized, levels of dependence on other nations’ ecosystems, the number of external supply sources, and the distance to these sources steadily increased. Dependence on other nations is not problematic, as long as we are able to acknowledge these links and sustainably manage resources both at home and abroad. However, ecosystem subsidies are seldom recognized or made explicit in national policy or economic accounts. Economic systems are generally not designed to receive feedbacks when the status of remote ecosystems changes, much less to respond in an ecologically sensitive manner. Papers IV and V discuss the problem of “masking” of the true environmental costs of production for trade. One of our conclusions is that, while the ArEAs approach is a useful tool for illuminating environmentally-based subsidies in the policy arena, it does not reflect all of the costs. Current agricultural and aquacultural production methods have generated substantial increases in production levels, but if policy continues to support the focus on yield and production increases alone, taking the work of ecosystems for granted, vulnerability can result. Thus, a challenge is to develop a set of complementary tools that can be used in economic accounting at national and international scales that address ecosystem support and performance.We conclude that future resilience in food production systems will require more explicit links between consumers and the work of supporting ecosystems, locally and in other regions of the world, and that food security planning will require active management of the capacity of all involved ecosystems to sustain food production.

This interdisciplinary paper reports the results of a study into the costs and benefits of eutrophication reduction in the Baltic Sea. A large multidisciplinary team of natural and social scientists estimated nutrient loadings and pathways within the entire Baltic drainage basin, together with the costs of a range of abatement options and strategies. The abatement cost results were compared with clean-up benefits on a basin-wide scale, in order to explore the potential for international agreements among the countries which border the Baltic. Most countries would seem to gain net economic benefits from the simulated 50% nitrogen and phosphorus reduction policy.

Humanity's dependence on ecosystem support is “mentally hidden” to large segments of society; it has no price in the market and is seldom accounted for in decision making. Similarly, the needs of ecosystems for fresh water for generation of nature's services are largely invisible. Freshwater assessments predominantly have focused on human uses of liquid water in rivers, lakes, and reservoirs. We estimated the spatial appropriation of terrestrial and marine ecosystems—the ecological footprint—of the 85 million inhabitants in the Baltic Sea drainage basin with regard to consumption of food and timber and waste assimilation of nutrients and carbon dioxide. We also estimated the amount of fresh water—the water vapor flow—that the inhabitants depend upon for their appropriation of these ecosystem services. The ecological footprint estimate corresponds to an area as large as 8.5–9.5 times the Baltic Sea and its drainage basin with a per capita ecosystem appropriation of 220,000–250,000 m2. This large estimate is mainly attributed to carbon sequestering by marine ecosystems and forests. The water vapor flow of the ecological footprint of forests, wetlands, agriculture, and inland water bodies for making the human appropriation of ecosystem services possible is estimated at 1175–2875 km3 y−1. Human dependence on water vapor flows for ecosystem services is as great as 54 times the amount of freshwater runoff that is assessed and managed in society. Decision making on an increasingly human-dominated planet will have to address explicitly the critical interdependencies between freshwater flows and the capacity of ecosystems to generate services. We advocate a dynamic ecohydrological landscape-management approach upstream and downstream in watersheds to reduce unintentional impacts, irreversible change, and further loss of freshwater resources, ecosystem services, and resilience.

This article identifies ecological goods and services of coral reef ecosystems, with special emphasis on how they are generated. Goods are divided into renewable resources and reef mining. Ecological services are classified into physical structure services, biotic services, biogeochemical services, information services, and social:cultural services. A review of economic valuation studies reveals that only a few of the goods and services of reefs have been captured. We synthesize current understanding of the relationships between ecological services and functional groups of species and biological communities of coral reefs in different regions of the world. The consequences of human impacts on coral reefs are also discussed, including loss of resilience, or buffer capacity. Such loss may impair the capacity for recovery of coral reefs and as a consequence the quality and quantity of their delivery of ecological goods and services. Conserving the capacity of reefs to generate essential services requires that they are managed as components of a larger seascape-landscape of which human activities are seen as integrated parts. © 1999 Elsevier Science B.V. All rights reserved.

Ancient conceptualizations of ecosystems exist in several Amerindian, Asia-Pacific, European, and African cultures. The rediscovery by scientists of ecosystem-like concepts among traditional peoples has been important in the appreciation of traditional ecological knowledge among ecologists, anthropologists, and interdisciplinary scholars. Two key characteristics of these systems are that (a) the unit of nature is often defined in terms of a geographical boundary, such as a watershed, and (b) abiotic components, plants, animals, and humans within this unit are considered to be interlinked. Many traditional ecological knowledge systems are compatible with the emerging view of ecosystems as unpredictable and uncontrollable, and of ecosystem processes as nonlinear, multiequilibrium, and full of surprises. Traditional knowledge may complement scientific knowledge by providing practical experience in living within ecosystems and responding to ecosystem change. However, the “language” of traditional ecology is different from the scientific and usually includes metaphorical imagery and spiritual expression, signifying differences in context, motive, and conceptual underpinnings.

We, as a society, find ourselves confronted with a spectrum of potentially catastrophic and irreversible environmental problems, for which conventional approaches will not suffice in providing solutions. These problems are characterized, above all, by their unpredictability. This means that surprise is to be expected, and that sudden qualitative shifts in dynamics present serious problems for management. In general, it is difficult to detect strong signals of change early enough to motivate effective solutions, or even to develop scientific consensus on a time scale rapid enough to allow effective solution. Furthermore, such signals, even when detected, are likely to be displaced in space or sector from the source, so that the motivation for action is small. Conventional market mechanisms thus will be inadequate to address these challenges.

The capacity of marine and coastal ecosystems to sustain seafood production and consumption is seldom accounted for. In this article, we review estimates of marine and coastal areas appropriated by aquaculture and fisheries for seafood production, and also by cities and whole regions for seafood consumption. The appropriated ecosystem area—the ecological footprint—ranges from negligible to as much as 50 000 ha/ha activity, largely depending on the methods of farming and fishing. The area for waste assimilation ranges from 2 to 275 ha/ha seafood production. The human population of the Baltic Sea region (85 × 106 people) appropriate for their seafood consumption an area of marine ecosystems that corresponds to two additional Baltic Sea areas. Twenty percent of the global human population (1.1 × 109 people), living in large cities worldwide, appropriate 25% of the globally available area of productive coastal and marine ecosystems. The capacity of marine and coastal ecosystems to produce seafood is not included in the signals that guide economic development. Practices that make use of this capacity without degrading it have to be developed and protected from economic and social driving forces that create incentives for misuse of coastal and marine ecosystems.

We estimate the nitrogen retention capacity of natural wetlands in the 1.7 million km2 Baltic Sea drainage basin, using a wetland GIS data base. There are approximately 138,000 km2 of wetlands (bogs and fens) in the Baltic Sea drainage basin, corresponding to 8% of the area. The input of nitrogen to natural wetlands from atmospheric deposition was estimated to 55,000–161,000 ton y1. A map of the deposition of both wet and dry nitrogen is presented. The input from the human population was estimated to 255,000 ton y1 in terms of excretory release in processed sewage water. There may also be leakage from forests and agricultural land into the wetlands. Due to lack of data on hydrology and topography, such potential nitrogen sources are not accounted for here. The capacity of the wetlands to retain the atmospheric deposition of nitrogen was estimated to 34,000–99,000 ton y1. The potential retention by wetlands was estimated to 57,000–145,000 ton y1 when the nitrogen input from the human population was added. If drained wetlands were to be restored and their area added to the present wetland area, the nitrogen retention capacity was estimated to increase to 196,000–261,000 ton y1. Our results indicate that existing natural wetlands in the Baltic Sea drainage basin annually can retain an amount of nitrogen which corresponds to about 5–13% of annual total (natural and anthropogenic) nitrogen emissions entering the Baltic Sea. The ecosystem retention service performed by wetlands accounts for a substantial nitrogen removal, thereby reducing the eutrophication of the Baltic Sea.

International audience; The human influence on the global hydrological cycle is now the dominant force behind changes in water resources across the world and in regulating the resilience of the Earth system. The rise in human pressures on global freshwater resources is in par with other anthropogenic changes in the Earth system (from climate to ecosystem change), which has prompted science to suggest that humanity has entered a new geological epoch, the Anthropocene. This paper focuses on the critical role of water for resilience of social-ecological systems across scales, by avoiding major regime shifts away from stable environmental conditions, and in safeguarding life-support systems for human wellbeing. It highlights the dramatic increase of water crowding: near-future challenges for global water security and expansion of food production in competition with carbon sequestration and biofuel production. It addresses the human alterations of rainfall stability, due to both land-use changes and climate change, the ongoing overuse of blue water, reflected in river depletion, expanding river basin closure, groundwater overexploitation and water pollution risks. The rising water turbulence in the Anthropocene changes the water research and policy agenda, from a water-resource efficiency to a water resilience focus. This includes integrated land and water stewardship to sustain wetness-dependent ecological functions at the landscape scale and a stronger emphasis on green water management for ecosystem services. A new paradigm of water governance emerges, encouraging land-use practices that explicitly take account of the multifunctional roles of water, with adequate attention to planetary freshwater boundaries and cross-scale interactions. (c) 2014 The Authors. Ecohydrology published by John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Stratospheric injection of sulphate aerosols has been advocated as an emergency geoengineering measure to tackle dangerous climate change, or as a stop-gap until atmospheric carbon dioxide levels are reduced. But it may not prove to be the game-changer that some imagine.

We are pleased that Black et al. (1996) have found our article The cost of eutrophication from salmon farming: implications for policy (Folke et al., 1994) interesting enough to write a commentary. We understand that the article may be provocative to the aquaculture sector and for scientists involved in its development. We apologise if our following the instructions to authors for the Journal of Environmental Management in writing also for people outside the academic ivory tower, has amazed Black et al. Even so, the true motivation behind the aggressive tone of Black et al. remains hidden to us. Needless to say we do not agree with their criticisms, for reasons detailed below. We note that Black et al. admit that waste from intensive fish farming represents a potential risk for eutrophication. However, throughout their critique they argue that this is not a problem, mainly because nutrients from fish farms are different from those in sewage, and that the farms are located in areas of sufficient water exchange that will flush out the nutrients before algal blooms are formed. We will show that this is not valid from the ecosystem perspective. We will also argue that since it is widely accepted that the waters surrounding Sweden are eutrophicated, and an already existing major problem in our coastal ecosystems, any activity (e.g. agriculture, transportation, or aquaculture) that adds further nutrients to this environment should bear its share of the cost of nutrient abatement. Our reply is divided into two parts. In the first part we respond to the critique of Black et al. and show it to be invalid from the ecosystem and ecological economics perspectives, which we represent. In the second part we elaborate on the invitation of Black et al. to place aquaculture in an integrated coastal zone management framework.

INTRODUCTION Ecology and Society aims at integrative science for resilience and sustainability. The work published in this journal reflects the work of scholars attempting to understand and describe the complex interactions between humans and their environment, what we call social-ecological systems. Such descriptions involve words for natural objects; such as trees, landscapes, reindeer, or clouds. As technology creeps more into our world, there is a pattern by which names for natural objects are applied in different ways. One such example is how this editorial was written and edited on an apple computer (Macintosh variety). Another such word is cloud. Indeed, the more common use (per a google search) refers to the use of the word to describe distant agglomerated objects (such as water molecules in the atmosphere), or used in context of lacking details. So it is the spirit of agglomerated objects, we use the word cloud as a way of describing the two recent issues of our journal.

It is well known that urban allotment gardens provide important ecosystem services. Their potential to act as sources of local resilience during times of crisis is less appreciated, despite the role they have played as areas of food security during times of crisis in history. Their ability to provide such relief, however, requires that the skills and knowledge needed for effective gardening can be transmitted over time and across social groups. In short, some portion of urban society must remember how to grow food. This chapter proposes that collectively managed gardens function as ‘pockets’ of social-ecological memory in urban landscapes by storing the knowledge and experience required to grow food. Allotment gardeners operate as ‘communities of practice’ with ecosystem stewardship reflecting long-term, dynamic interactions between community members and gardening sites. Social-ecological memories about food production and past crises are retained and transmitted through habits, traditions, informal institutions, artifacts and the physical structure of the gardens themselves. Allotment gardens thus serve as incubators of social-ecological knowledge with experiences that can be accessed and transferred to other land uses in times of crisis, contributing to urban resilience. Conversely, failure to protect these pockets of social-ecological memory could result in a collective ‘forgetting’ of important social-ecological knowledge and reduce social-ecological resilience.

This paper considers the significance of biological diversity in relation to large-scale processes in complex and dynamic ecological-economic systems. It focuses on functional diversity, and its relation to production and maintenance of ecological services that underpin human societies. Within functional groups of organisms two important cat- egories of species are identified: keystone process species and those essential for ecosystem resilience. The latter group represents "natural insurance capital." In addition to basic research on the interplay among biological diversity, functional performance, and resilience in complex self-organizing systems, we suggest that a functional approach has two main implications for a strategy for biodiversity conservation: (1) Biodiversity conservation to assure the resilience of ecosystems is required for all systems, no matter how heavily impacted they are. It should not be limited to protected areas. (2) The social, cultural, and economic driving forces in society that cause biodiversity loss need to be addressed directly. Specifically, (a) differences between the value of biological diversity to the private indi- vidual and its fundamental value to society as a whole need to be removed; (b) social and economic policies that encourage biodiversity loss should be reformed, especially where there is a risk of irreversible damage to ecosystems and diversity; and (c) institutions that are adaptive and work in synergy with ecosystem processes and functions are critical and should be created at all levels.

In Lake Kariba, Zimbabwe, small-scale pond farming and experimental cage-culture of Tilapia fishes have been running for some years and there are now plans for large-scale aquaculture. As a basis for deciding on how aquaculture could be developed to improve the chances for sustainable resource use and long-term maximised fish production in the lake, we compare the potential ecological life-support demand of two alternative aquaculture methods. First, the economic and ecological resource demand, expressed in industrial and solar energy units, respectively, were estimated for semi-intensive pond farming and intensive cage farming. Next, the ecosystem areas appropriated by the two farms for production of feed, oxygen, and phosphorus assimilation were estimated. Our estimates indicate that intensive cage farming would require about 17 800 MJ solar energy (Gross Primary Production) to produce 1 kg of fish. The industrial energy input would be more than 1.5-times higher (about 85 MJ/kg) compared to semi-intensive pond farming (about 50 MJ/kg). Intensive cage farming must be supported by ecosystem areas that are all substantially larger than the area of the farm itself. The ecosystem area for feed production is the largest (21 000 m 2 m −2 ), but the areas required for oxygen production (160 m 2 m −2 ) and nutrient assimilation (115 m 2 m −2 ) are of special importance since they must be located close to the farm. For semi-intensive pond farming, oxygen production and nutrient assimilation could probably be provided within the pond system, and no external life support from Lake Kariba would be needed. At least from an ecological point of view, semi-intensive pond farming is more sustainable than intensive cage farming because it needs a smaller input of external resources to survive. However, a moderate level of intensive cage farming should not be ruled out in Lake Kariba. Aquaculture has potential to become successful in Lake Kariba, but only if it is developed within a linked economic, social, and ecological framework.

"Overfishing has historically caused widespread stock collapses in the Southern Ocean. Until recently, illegal, unreported, and unregulated (IUU) fishing threatened to result in the collapse of some of the few remaining valuable fish stocks in the region and vulnerable seabird populations. Currently, this unsustainable fishing has been reduced to less than 10% of former levels. We describe and analyze the emergence of the social-ecological governance system that made it possible to curb the fisheries crisis. For this purpose, we investigated the interplay between actors, social networks, organizations, and institutions in relation to environmental outcomes. We drew on a diversity of methods, including qualitative interviews, quantitative social network and survey data, and literature reviews. We found that the crisis triggered action of an informal group of actors over time, which led to a new organization (ISOFISH) that connected two independent networks (nongovermental organizations and the fishing industry), and later (COLTO) linked to an international body and convention (CCAMLR). The emergence of the global adaptive governance systems for stewardship of a regional marine resource took place over a 15-year period. We describe in detail the emergence process and illustrate the usefulness of analyzing four features of governance and understanding social-ecological processes, thereby describing structures and functions, and their link to tangible environmental outcomes."

We are entering a new urban era in which the ecology of the planet as a whole is increasingly influenced by human activities (Ellis 2011; Steffen et al. 2011a, b; Folke et al. 2011). Cities have become a central nexus of the relationship between people and nature, both as crucial centres of demand of ecosystem services, and as sources of environmental impacts. Approximately 60 % of the urban land present in 2030 is forecast to be built in the period 2000–2030 (Chap. 21). Urbanization therefore presents challenges but also opportunities. In the next two to three decades, we have unprecedented chances to vastly improve global sustainability through designing systems for increased resource efficiency, as well as through exploring how cities can be responsible stewards of biodiversity and ecosystem services, both within and beyond city boundaries.

We reviewed the literature on leadership in linked social-ecological systems and combined it with the literature on institutional entrepreneurship in complex adaptive systems to develop a new theory of transformative agency in linked social- ecological systems. Although there is evidence of the importance of strategic agency in introducing innovation and transforming approaches to management and governance of such systems, there is no coherent theory to explain the wide diversity of strategies identified. Using Holling's adaptive cycle as a model of phases present in innovation and transformation of resilient social- ecological systems, overlaid by Dorado's model of opportunity context (opaque, hazy, transparent) in complex adaptive systems, we propose a more coherent theory of strategic agency, which links particular strategies, on the part of transformative agents, to phases of system change.

Systems linking people and nature, known as social-ecological systems, are increasingly understood as complex adaptive systems. Essential features of these complex adaptive systems – such as nonlinear feedbacks, strategic interactions, individual and spatial heterogeneity, and varying time scales – pose substantial challenges for modeling. However, ignoring these characteristics can distort our picture of how these systems work, causing policies to be less effective or even counterproductive. In this paper we present recent developments in modeling social-ecological systems, illustrate some of these challenges with examples related to coral reefs and grasslands, and identify the implications for economic and policy analysis.

"Globalization, the process by which local social-ecological systems (SESs) are becoming linked in a global network, presents policy scientists and practitioners with unique and difficult challenges. Although local SESs can be extremely complex, when they become more tightly linked in the global system, complexity increases very rapidly as multi-scale and multi-level processes become more important. Here, we argue that addressing these multi-scale and multi-level challenges requires a collection of theories and models. We suggest that the conceptual domains of sustainability, resilience, and robustness provide a sufficiently rich collection of theories and models, but overlapping definitions and confusion about how these conceptual domains articulate with one another reduces their utility. We attempt to eliminate this confusion and illustrate how sustainability, resilience, and robustness can be used in tandem to address the multi-scale and multi-level challenges associated with global change."

The urgency of charting pathways to sustainability that keep human societies within a "safe operating space" has now been clarified. Crises in climate, food, biodiversity, and energy are already playing out across local and global scales and are set to increase as we approach critical thresholds. Drawing together recent work from the Stockholm Resilience Centre, the Tellus Institute, and the STEPS Centre, this commentary article argues that ambitious Sustainable Development Goals are now required along with major transformation, not only in policies and technologies, but in modes of innovation themselves, to meet them. As examples of dryland agriculture in East Africa and rural energy in Latin America illustrate, such "transformative innovation" needs to give far greater recognition and power to grassroots innovation actors and processes, involving them within an inclusive, multi-scale innovation politics. The three dimensions of direction, diversity, and distribution along with new forms of "sustainability brokering" can help guide the kinds of analysis and decision making now needed to safeguard our planet for current and future generations.