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The analysis of the cultural Cold War in Latin America has experienced a growing interest from disciplinary fields such as cultural history or literary studies. In this line of work, and with the aim of contributing to a transatlantic approach to the problem, the special issue "Cultural ties of socialist and transatlantic friendship: Latin American writers and the Eastern Bloc during the Cold War" emphasizes the study of the interrelationships between Latin American literature and various European socialist countries. For this, it attends to a corpus of a plural nature: from fictional texts or analysis of periodicals to, above all, non-fiction texts that authors of diverse origins (Argentina, Uruguay, Chile, Cuba or Mexico) produced after passing through nations located beyond the Iron Curtain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main trip of the Salvadoran writer Roque Dalton to Eastern Europe took place in 1966 and was destined for Prague. That experience was captured in the collection of poems Taberna y otros lugares (1969). The volume analyzed as constitutes a testimony of imagination about Prague and about the Czechoslovak Socialist Republic in the socio-political context of the Cold War. The book is part of the so-called "world communist literature", but it nevertheless adopts a critical and desacralizing perspective within this literature. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1962, a cultural delegation made up of the painter Servando Cabrera Moreno, the architect Raúl Oliva and the critic and essayist Graziella Pogolotti toured the countries of the Eastern Bloc accompanying an exhibition of contemporary Cuban painting at a critical moment in the Cold War. In the autobiography titled Dinosauria soy: Memorias (2011) and in other shorter writings, Pogolotti gives an account of the ins and outs of this travel in which the artistic proposal of the selected Cuban painters contrasts with the institutional socialist realism of the Soviet sphere. The experience of the Cuban delegation is a practical result of the cultural collaboration agreements and their corresponding annual, biannual or five-year application plans that the Government of Cuba signed with the Eastern Bloc countries starting in 1960, with the aim of establishing and consolidate the bonds of friendship and solidarity of socialism on both sides of the Atlantic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the experiences of several thousand Jewish migrants from the Soviet Union who failed to adapt to life in Israel and moved to Western Europe during the 1970s and 1980s in an attempt to gain immigrant admission to Western countries. The difficult multi-year sojourn of these people in Europe (mainly in the Roman Metropolitan Area in Italy) highlights the nonlinear and precarious trajectories of emigration from the USSR as well as the political controversies that accompanied this population movement. At the center of analysis are the activities of Western and Israeli government agencies and international organizations that tried to restrict and inhibit the unexpected abandonment of the Israeli destination by ex-Soviet Jewish migrants. The article focuses on a contrast between the ideology and practice of transnational migrations in a divided world. Although the concepts of freedom, legality, and individual choice rhetorically framed the act of leaving the Soviet Union during the Cold War, in practice those benefits were not available to many migrants. Agencies routinely handled migrations on grounds of political calculation, in which the rights, freedoms, and well-being of the migrant were subordinated to policy objectives and institutional priorities, often without much regard for the law. The article pays special attention to the values, language, and mechanisms of political action that the former Soviet people employed in order to reach their goals in the unfamiliar Western world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Jimmy Carter's presidency lasted only one term before Ronald Reagan defeated him in 1980. Since then, scholars have debated—and many have maligned—Carter's legacy, especially his foreign policy efforts. The criticism of Jimmy Carter's foreign policies seems particularly mistaken when it comes to the Cold War. With the counsel of his National Security Advisor, Zbigniew Brzezinski, Carter exposed Soviet weaknesses, which included their global influence, economy, and record on human rights. Declassified government documents, census data, and the reflections of former policymakers and government insiders support a revised view of Carter's Cold War policies. The president's Soviet policies helped exacerbate the Soviets' domestic and international troubles, and were far more effective than earlier critics claimed in helping to end the Cold War and contributing to the dissolution of the Soviet Union. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In spite of the region's diverse peoples and unique environments, Arctic political analyses frequently remain focused on the traditional level of the state and inter‐state relations. While states undoubtedly play a significant role in Arctic governance arrangements, this paper seeks to direct attention to the agency of the many people and actors performing politics in the region. A more 'peopled' analysis includes renewed attention to professionals – e.g., state personnel, politicians, and diplomats – as well as non‐state actors involved in Arctic politics through different avenues and with different levels of agency. This paper focuses on the so‐called Barents Cooperation, a peace‐building initiative set up in the wake of the Cold War between Nordic states and Russia in the Barents Euro‐Arctic border region. It draws on interviews with professionals involved in the daily running of the Barents Cooperation, including its funding of 'grassroots' and people‐to‐people activities, to ask what can lessons can be learnt about Arctic political participation beyond the state. Based on their reflections, key challenges, successes, and future opportunities are highlighted, and the paper argues for strengthening both the analytical attention to and the practical agency of a wider range of political actors. Geopolitical analyses frequently remain focused on the traditional level of the state and inter‐state relations. While states undoubtedly play a significant role in Arctic governance arrangements, this paper seeks to direct attention to the agency of the many people and actors performing politics in the region, focusing on the political initiative The Barents Cooperation. The paper argues for strengthening both the analytical attention to and the practical agency of a wider range of political actors in geopolitical analyses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The phenomenon of war or conflict has existed since the existence of mankind. War can have various reasons such as religious, political and economic. However, with the effect of globalization after the Cold War, even if the conflicts continued throughout the world, the wars between the great states decreased to a large extent. In this context, Russia's intervention in Ukraine is a rather surprising development. Ukraine has always been an important state for Russia due to its historical and cultural ties, especially the establishment of the first Russian state near Kiev, the capital of Ukraine. Even after the collapse of the USSR, Russia continued to make hidden interventions in Ukraine, which it saw as its backyard. However, starting a conventional war between the two states seemed to be a rather risky and unexpected option. But as it is seen, Russia took this risk and started a military intervention in Ukraine. The course of the intervention, the damages suffered by Russia, show that a conventional war is not very effective for the states in today's conditions. The aim of the study is to examine the beginning of Russia's intervention and the first two months of the process. The other aim of the study is to explain not only this crisis, but also the phenomenon of war and the changing elements of war today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyses the concept of "global civil society" - which played a major role in the symbolic construction of the post-Cold War social reality - and reflects on its initial purpose as a critique of the conventional perceptions of statecentric politics and as a change of approach, towards non-party politics and cross-border activism. While it opened new horizons for the empirical analysis of "globalisation from below", this concept failed to prompt a radical epistemological change; it did not succeed in generating knowledge that transcended "methodological nationalism". The paper maintains that what once constituted the concept's disruptive potential - its conceptual enmeshment with the idea of globalisation, reflected in the adjective global - ultimately tamed it. Drawing on this premise, the aim is to rekindle the spirit of the notion of "global civil society" by introducing a concept that takes up and pushes forward this unachieved goal: "planetary politics". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article surveys recent legislative and policy changes on foreign investments in four Nordic countries (Finland, Sweden, Denmark and Norway). Until recently, only Finland had national legislation on foreign investments, although historically the Nordic countries were forerunners in introducing foreign investment controls. A general rethink in the USA and the European Union on the links between liberal economies, investment policies and security has occurred in recent years. This has cast investments by enterprises from major authoritarian countries, foremost China, in a different light. Rather than investment numbers as such, or realised risks related to Chinese investments, a 'causal narrative' has emerged in the Nordic countries that draws attention to the nature of the Chinese party-state and its' unclear relationship to Chinese companies, underlining potential strategic motivations and security risks behind Chinese investments. Rapidly changing risk perceptions have driven legislative and policy changes on foreign direct investment (FDI), e.g. investment screening. Chinese investments have thus become riskified, to use a term coined by Olaf Corry. Shifting risk perceptions have similarly preceded previous 'formative epochs' in Nordic FDI legislation in the early twentieth century, after the Second World War and at the end of the Cold War. Each formative epoch has been characterised by a distinctive 'risk profile'. We postulate that these shifting risk perceptions significantly shape the reception of FDI as a key channel of cross-border connectivity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for muscle-flexing also helps explain why the United States fobbed off Grenada's requests for aid in 1979 with an offer of $5,000 yet chose to spend $134 million on the invasion and another $157 million in aid to Grenada in the five years following. Imagining alternative futures Though the airport would merely put Grenada's air capabilities on par with several other Caribbean tourist destinations, Reagan claimed it was part of a Cuban-Soviet plot to turn Grenada into a military base for exporting revolution and terrorism. On March 13, 1979, five years after Grenada's independence from Britain, the New Jewel Movement (NJM) mounted an armed attack against the increasingly erratic and authoritarian Prime Minister Eric Gairy. [Extracted from the article]

By the 1990s, the same state institutions, armed and expanded during the 1970s, began to take on new guerrilla organizations, like the EPR and the Zapatista National Liberation Army (EZLN), as well as opposition politicians and independent drug traffickers, some of whom began as police officers. A War to the Death: A Truth Commission set to deliver a final report next year is helping to broaden the conversation on Cold War state terrorism in Mexico. In response, landowners across Mexico teamed up with state agents and applied dirty war tactics throughout the countryside: massacres, low-profile counterinsurgencies, and assassinations. Long-running State Terror How the dirty war departed from its counterinsurgency origins is open to debate. [Extracted from the article]

This study analyzed the presentations of the deployment of THAAD (Terminal High-Altitude Area Defense) on South Korean territory by conducting a qualitative framing analysis of editorials and columns in The China Daily. This media organ of the Chinese government largely condemned the United States and South Korea as falling captive to the mindset of the Cold War. This antagonistic coverage was surely influenced by the Chinese government, which views the THAAD deployment can damage China's national security interests. The China Daily viewed the United States as a competitor and adversary to China. According to this newspaper, the United States is eager to wage a new Cold War and refuses to consider China as a potential partner in finding a solution to the North Korean crisis. In the opinion pages of The China Daily, Samuel Huntington's "clash of civilization" paradigm is repeatedly invoked as the proper framework through which a globalized world should be viewed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Governments involved in civil wars often seek to shape foreign perceptions of the conflict and of the government's role in the conflict. To this end, for example, many such governments have engaged in public diplomacy campaigns (PDCs) in the United States since the end of the Cold War. Specifically, these governments have hired US public relations (PR) and lobbying firms to present favorable narratives of themselves and their role in the conflict. Through PDCs, governments seek to shape US public pronouncements about the governments and the conflict itself. Are PDCs effective tools to reach this goal? We argue that the effect of PDCs is divergent. PDCs help mobilize both supporters and opponents of the sponsoring governments. In so doing, PDCs increase both positive and negative public statements from US officials toward the civil war government. We compile data on PDCs in the United States since the end of the Cold War. Our results have implications for research on foreign influence in foreign policy, combatants' moral hazard, and international norms about combatant behavior. Moreover, in order to gauge the influence of foreign actors on domestic narratives of civil wars, it is crucial to consider how such foreign actors can indirectly shape the discourse around conflict by mobilizing domestic factions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the end of the Cold War, the notion of global security, and presumed threats to it, has undergone considerable expansion and diversification. This process has been led by the United Nations Security Council (UNSC), where active deliberations concerning "threat(s) to the peace" have taken place among major international actors. Despite a sizable accumulation of scholarly arguments, however, the defining features of the structure and dynamics of the post-Cold War security discourse remain ambiguous. To address these ambiguities, this study investigates the entire body of Council deliberations over the past three decades. Based on an original dataset consisting of policy statements delivered at the UNSC, the study employs quantitative text analysis tools, including word embedding, to examine how council members have conceived the notion of security threat in terms of the various issues and entities discussed. It shows the security discourse at the UNSC to be highly stratified and reveals the persistent and pervasive influence of terrorism and the proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, which constitute the limited common grounds shared by the Council's permanent members. These findings caution against the unconstrained use of certain theoretical constructs widely employed in other works, most notably, "securitization" and "interpretative community." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Participants differed on the nuances but agreed that the three proposed organizations were urgently needed.[83] At the end of the conference, participants unanimously adopted a resolution that endorsed all three proposals and decided to constitute an International Committee for a Community of Democracies (ICCD) with De Palma as chair.[84] Through conferences like PREFACE, the CCD conducted a form of public diplomacy that facilitated people-to-people contact between international elites to build support for the idea of a community of democracies and greater democratic solidarity more broadly. IV, No. 1, April 1987, folder 10, box 17, CCD-USA records, HIA; CCD-DC meeting minutes, September 30, 1987, folder 4, box 5, CCD-USA records, HIA. 119 Letter, Samuel De Palma to Mohtarma Benazir Bhutto, June 22, 1989, folder 3, box 2, CCD-USA records, HIA; Letter, Samuel De Palma to David C. Miller, Jr. June 22, 1989, folder 4, box 9, CCD-USA records, HIA; Letter, Charles Tanguy to Stephen J. Solarz, June 23, 1989, folder 8, box 3, CCD-USA records, HIA. 123 Memo, October 10 Meeting with Mark Siegel, October 11, 1989, folder 9, box 3, CCD-USA records, HIA; Memo, Meeting with Mark Siegel, December 27, 1989, folder 9, box 3, CCD-USA records, HIA; Memo, The Bhutto Initiative, July 11, 1990, folder 11, box 3, CCD-USA records, HIA. [Extracted from the article]

I Cold War Paradise i delves deeply into the histories of a small group of people: U.S. expatriates in Costa Rica in the decades after World War II. Costa Rica ceased issuing visas to Black migrants in 1934, and barred entry by executive decree in 1942, just as it pulled closer to the United States during World War II.[1] Yet Black West Indians had come to Costa Rica explicitly at the behest of the U.S. company, and their presence and experience in Costa Rica is inextricably tied with that of the white U.S. presence. [Extracted from the article]

This article offers a challenge, in the form of an illustrative case study, to the notion that Finland's NATO membership is a radical reversal in security policy. With the use of shelter theory, it examines how Finland (as a small state), beginning in the Cold War, has actively sought to achieve political, economic and societal shelter from Western organizations. However, due to geopolitical restraints, the country has at various times been unable to fully adopt preferred shelter arrangements, especially within the military security sphere. The analysis indicates that the institutionalisation of Finland's shelter strategy has often been a tedious, diplomatic quest to integrate with the West, contingent upon opportunistically taking advantage of external 'critical junctures' to solidify its own interests. The article posits that Finland's pursuit of Western economic and societal shelter during the Cold War transformed into further Western political shelter‐seeking in its aftermath and, finally, membership of NATO in 2023. The case of Finland indicates that shelter theory captures the foreign policy strategy of a small neutral/nonaligned state. Nevertheless, our specific case also indicates that the theory ought to take a closer look at four features regarding relations between small and large states, that is how an agressive neighbour can restrict a small state's foreign policy choices, how economic and societal shelter relations may precede political shelter relations (or vice versa), the role of critical junctures within shelter theory, and, finally, how a history of cooperation may be transitioned into full‐fledged shelter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African liberation movements and the early phases of nation-building on the continent, intertwined with the Cold War and the global student movement, left behind an array of textual, visual, and sonic traces that circulated through underground and clandestine networks across Africa and beyond. These cultural products, which include materials in African languages, remain marginalized in studies of African history and arts. This article posits the cultural underground of decolonization in Africa as a productive category for historical and literary inquiry and argues that exploring the literary and aesthetic aspects of this archive offers other ways of knowing and temporal epistemes important for the reconsideration of aesthetics, politics, and histories in and of Africa. I explore poems and songs from the Democratic Republic of the Congo, Cameroon, and Senegal to show how they provide avenues for a renewed engagement with decolonization and revolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates Romania's position towards the creation and functioning of the Generalized System of Preferences (GSP), with a special focus on its interaction with the European Economic Community (EEC). The period under investigation is limited to the 1970s, which was not only the first decade of the implementation of the GSP, but also a time of détente arguably favouring international cooperation and trade. This article argues that Romania did not conceptualise its foreign policy (economic foreign policy included) in terms of East against West, socialism against capitalism or command economy against free market economy but rather in terms of smaller states/powers against bigger states/powers and less developed (poor) countries against developed (rich) countries, regardless of their socio-economic systems and Cold War alliances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the genesis and growth of the current Chinese wireless network infrastructures by pulling together the historical threads of two telecommunications infrastructures: first, the development of the first-tier inter-provincial optical backbone, the "Eight Vertical and Eight Horizontal Fibre-optic Grid," in the late 1980s and 1990s; and second, the deployment of two broadband-access cellular networks, the third-generation (3G) cellular networks in 2008 and the fourth-generation (4G) networks from 2013 to now, which constitute the wireless network's edges. I insert the development of Chinese wireless networks since the 1980s into the interconnected global technological environment, contextualizing the infrastructure deployment in the history of Sino-American technological cooperation and competition, traversing the final decade of the Cold War era (the 1980s), the dual global expansion of economic neoliberalism and informational technology since the 1990s and the crisis of global capitalism since 2008. This historical inquiry reconciles two historical (meta-)narratives that are not always compatible with each other – the Chinese narratives grounded on the overarching concept of Chinese post-socialism, and the narratives in Western discourses that often evoke Cold War/post-Cold War dialectics. This paper examines the global distribution of wireless network infrastructures on the basis of commercialization, technology transfers and trades of techno-commodities across borders, challenging the reduced depiction of the Chinese wireless network as an extension, or an exception, to the West-centred techno-capitalist system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How did musical activity intersect with imperialism and colonialism in the Cold War period (1948–89)? While musicologists have started to explore this question, most current research has focused on the role of the U.S.A. rather than declining European powers, and has frequently foregrounded those efforts at engagement and exchange that Christina Klein has termed 'Cold War Orientalism'. With reference to the archival records of one Cold War colonial encounter in British Guiana, this article reveals a more disturbing strain of postwar cultural relations, one in which efforts at rapprochement were obstructed by imperial powers, and in which colonial cultural voices were denied or dismissed. At the same time, the article considers the surprising case of a British communist musician – Alan Bush – who, in spite of these barriers to encounter, was able to attempt a form of cultural hybridity in his opera The Sugar Reapers (1962–1965). Ultimately, this article demonstrates the importance of interpreting cultural artefacts like Bush's opera as musical embodiments of complex colonial connections, and of exploring more deeply those Cold War encounters in which the imperial past was painfully present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Be it the bombings of Hiroshima and Nagasaki, the escalations of the Cold War, or the triple disaster at Fukushima, the problem of representing disaster remains an exigent yet precarious one. Published amid rising global tensions, Abe Kōbō's The Ark Sakura (Abe, 1984) questions the limits of representation within this perplexing discursive landscape. In this article, I will examine the text's engagement with the concepts of governmentality, time, and representation, with special consideration towards an overarching structural critique of the role of information – more specifically, the flow and distribution of information – within Cold War nuclear discourse. Just as the tunnels of the quarry in the novel amplify and distort every sound and utterance into confusing, often duplicitous signals, the discourses surrounding nuclear disaster have always had to traverse complex topologies of frequently conflicting signs and signifiers, including but not limited to corporate, geopolitical, and ideological interests. To that end, I propose a reading of the novel alongside a reconceptualization of nuclear discourse as belonging to a larger genealogy of technological narratives, media compositing, and networked power, and in so doing, attempt to situate it within ongoing modalities of how techno-ecological disaster is imagined and discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Queer people have always been here; for as long as we have existed, so has the awareness of our obvious otherness, as well as the desperate need to understand and reconcile our whats, hows, and whys. Literature has persevered as an outlet for LGBTQ+ exploration, increasingly so as the publishing industry responds to a more accepting society of queer people, writers, and stories. This paper will explore a proposed dichotomy of publishing's current treatment of queer literature between the adult and young adult markets, through the supplemental lenses of their individual and cultural histories: to help analyze the present and form pictures of our industry's future, we need to understand our past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the remapping of the American landscape as a mass reproducible visual medium onto foreign territories - particularly Afghanistan - during the Cold War. A series of films produced by the US Bureau of Mines and later screened in these territories are the sites of analysis. These films were the source material that applied the American landscape in its many forms, climates and uses to the US's physical infrastructure projects during the time. As sights, these projects of infrastructure building are indicative of the colonial gaze US technicians used to reproduce these landscapes and their underlying systems of power and class around the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do states signal resolve and conduct coercive diplomacy differently on land and at sea? This question has important implications for security in the Asia-Pacific, which is predominantly a maritime region. While the field of International Relations has been criticized for exhibiting a Cold War and European bias, this article is based on the observation that the field may suffer from continentalism: a reliance on land-based issues and ideas. We thus examine the potential for incorporating the maritime domain more explicitly into IR to better address the challenges to security in the Asia-Pacific. Specifically, we consider how signaling restraint, costly signals of resolve, and engaging in limited conflicts to conduct violent coercive diplomacy differ on land and at sea. Our findings suggest that addressing the challenges to security in the Asia-Pacific can benefit from a deeper understanding of signaling, coercive diplomacy, and international relations in the maritime domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What does the decision to designate China as a "long-term strategic competitor" imply for U.S. defence strategy? To address this question, we draw on net assessment and competitive strategies, two complementary frameworks developed in the U.S. Department of Defense (DoD) during the Cold War to understand and manage long-term competition with the Soviet Union, respectively. Net assessment and competitive strategies are tailored around specific competitors and follow a characteristically dialectical approach to strategic planning, based on complex, recursive calculations of move and countermove. We argue that the identification of China as a long-term strategic competitor has paved the way for an increasingly systematic application of net assessment and competitive strategies within DoD, even if obstacles to such application still remain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The need for regional organizations to resolve and settle conflicts in their regions has become an urgent necessity, especially after the Cold War, because the proximity of these organizations to the conflict zone makes them able to know the causes of these conflicts and ways to address them, and the Economic Community of West African States ECOWAS is one of these organizations that was established in 1975 as a regional organization working to achieve economic integration among the fifteen member states in West Africa, but it gradually transformed and under the pressure of political events into an organization responsible for finding solutions to armed conflicts and other political crises in its region, and accordingly this study attempts to evaluate the role of ECOWAS in managing Conflicts in West Africa by highlighting its role in Ivory Coast as a model . The research was divided into an introduction, a conclusion and three axes: the first axis included: the emergence of ECOWAS, while the second axis dealt with: the causes of the conflict in Ivory Coast, and the third axis included: the role of ECOWAS in settling the conflict in Ivory Coast. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses, the Socialist International's (SI) new international positioning strategies from a transnational perspective, through its relationship with the Chilean cause in the context of the Cold War détente. Focus will be placed on the SI's strong commitment to the Chilean democratic cause after the coup and its sustained activism during the military regime. Drawing from primary sources in various international archives, this article's main goal is to shed light on the SI's positioning regarding Latin America as a way to challenge the bipolar order. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Donald Ewen Cameron is known as the Canadian psychiatrist behind the Montreal Experiments, a series of brainwashing experiments. As part of a larger Central Intelligence Agency (CIA) project known as MK Ultra, the CIA regarded these experiments as a potential military weapon during the Cold War. However, a closer look into Cameron's research and project MK Ultra shows that these experiments began long before Cameron was contacted by the CIA. Additionally, Cameron received funding for his experiments indirectly, so he was probably never aware the money was from the CIA. In this paper, I analyse the published work of Dr Cameron from the beginning of his career to his role in MK Ultra, and evaluate his own possible reasoning behind these experiments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the portrayal of Cold War tensions in Ursula K. Le Guin's novel "The Dispossessed," focusing on the character Shevek and his development of political orientation and identity.Topics include the influence of historical events on Le Guin's narrative, Shevek's ideological evolution, and the allegorical representation of Cold War dynamics in the novel.

During the Cold War the United States and the Soviet Union aspired to transform overseas academic institutions according to their political goals. Their attempts to impose certain values, disciplines, structures, and personnel were foiled by sabotage and indigenous traditions on the part of the local academic elite, particularly professors. The article illustrates futile revisions by both the United States and the Soviet Union at Ethiopian higher educational institutions and discusses the Cultural Cold War in terms of realism, constructivism, Americanisation, Sovietisation and response theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the discourse on India in Bengali travelogues on Russia/the USSR. In the first half of the twentieth century, Russia attracted a particular type of Indian travellers, politically engaged individuals interested in the ongoing transformations in Russia, to learn potential lessons for India. Later, during the Cold War era, many members of India's intellectual elite travelled to the Soviet Union at the invitation of Soviet institutions and some wrote their accounts after these visits. A distinctive feature of these travelogues is the strong focus on providing readers with information regarding Soviet social and economic developments, together with frequent comments on the contrasts between the USSR and India. The article demonstrates how Bengali travel narratives on Russia are constructed around similarities and differences between the two countries, but ultimately concentrate on the challenges for India in fields such as education, poverty, agriculture, gender equality and housing. Seven travelogues were selected for this analysis. The earliest, on Revolutionary Russia, is Soumyendranath Tagore's Biplabð Rå›iy˙å (Tagore, 1930), while the most recent sample is Sunil Gangopadhyay's Rå›iy˙å Bhramaµ (Gangopadhyay, 2012 [1985]). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This thematic issue analyzes recent and ongoing changes in Arctic regional governance in new geopolitical, security, and socio-economic contexts. It places current challenges in the Arctic within a historical context, aspiring to identify solutions, and enhances our understanding of modern processes. It presents three perspectives on Arctic regional governance: the first focuses on the challenges to Arctic environmental governance (marine living resources and Arctic seals); the second looks at the role of large nation-states, such as Russia and China, in Arctic regional governance; and the third one analyses the challenges posed to Indigenous people--in Russia, Finland, and Canada. Many overlapping themes are developed in the articles: historical lessons (e.g., from the Cold War period), challenges to the inclusiveness of environmental governance, and the role of cross-border diffusion and learning. New challenges to Arctic regional governance in the context of the war in Ukraine affect environmental governance, international scientific collaboration, and the lives of Indigenous people. Yet we know little about the depth of these recent transformations. This thematic issue aims to fill in at least some of the outlined gaps. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Jordanian Journal of Law & Political Science is the property of Mutah University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This essay examines the historical context that led to Pope John XXIII's proposal for a global "public authority" in his April 11, 1963, encyclical letter, Pacem in Terris (Peace on Earth). The catalyst for this letter was the Cuban Missile Crisis that occurred between October 22 and October 29, 1962. Pope John offered to mediate that crisis, and President Kennedy and Premier Khrushchev agreed and eventually came to an agreement not only to end the crisis but also to negotiate a limited nuclear test ban treaty. In the last year of his life, a time for him of "metanoia" (change of heart), President Kennedy attempted to end the Cold War and promote nuclear disarmament. That metanoia coincided with John XXIII's prophetic vision, and it may have been the reason for President Kennedy's assassination. This essay also explores the core principles of Pacem in Terris that lead to John's call for a "public authority" as the most realistic strategy to end war itself and to secure peace for all nations. Finally, the essay briefly reflects on the European Union as a successful regional model that could help shape the global governance envisioned by John XXIII. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the events leading to the overthrow of Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz in 1954, examining its significance within the context of the Cold War in Latin America. Topics include the involvement of the CIA in the coup, the subsequent exile of Guatemalan revolutionaries to Mexico, and the challenges they faced while in exile, shedding light on a forgotten chapter of Guatemalan revolutionary history.

Much of the Cold War was waged in what was then often referred to as the "Third World." The first work reviewed here looks at the victory of the Vietnamese communists in the first Indochina War. Ho Chi Minh's Democratic Republic of Vietnam did not win against France just because of nationalism. It won due to Sino-Soviet aid and its adoption of communist methods of mobilization. The second book examined looks at the persistent endeavor to build socialism in the Third World over a period of decades and using a variety of tactical approaches. Despite the end of the Cold War, these efforts have left behind a number of Leninist style party states on several different continents. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Latin American & Latinx Visual Culture is the property of University of California Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The goal of this chapter is to reexamine the nature and structure of the military–industrial complex (MIC) through the works of John Kenneth Galbraith. MIC, or military power as he prefers, is a coalition of vested interests within the state and industry that promoted the military power in the name of "national security" for their interests. Galbraith's theory of giant corporations helps us understand the role of military corporations in the MIC. Moreover, he is a critical scholar in examining this topic because he was a political insider in the Roosevelt, Kennedy, and Johnson administrations and a prominent public intellectual against the Vietnam War. Against this background, this chapter has three parts. After explaining the development of military Keynesianism with respect to the main economic thoughts, it examines the history of the MIC and its impact on economic priorities during and after the Cold War through Galbraith's works. Finally, this chapter discusses MIC's relevancy today and evaluates Galbraith's prophecies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Evangelical Christian communities, the responsibility for maintaining the home is taken up primarily by women (Bartkowski, 1999 ; Gallagher & Smith, 1999). The discursive construction of the home as a sacred space free from toxic influences emerged during the Cold War, when the global turmoil seemed to demand the delineation of a matriarchal safe space (Shively, 2017; Neumann, 2019 ; Anagnost 2013). More recently, restrictions concerning COVID-19 have initiated a further shift from the public to the private sphere. Women who were accustomed to conducting housework while their husbands were at work have abruptly come to the foreground as life primarily took place at home. This article explores the intersection of daily activities with religious beliefs as reflected in the practice of blogging. Central to this study is the assumption that ordinary, daily activities provide a unique lens into the way people 'in the pews' live their lives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Optimum: Journal of Economics & Management Sciences / Ekonomi ve Yönetim Bilimleri Dergisi is the property of Optimum: Journal of Economics & Management Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The intensified geopolitical tension in Northeast Asia and the U.S.–China confrontation have shifted policy debates in Japan toward national security while the economic discussion has become thin. To regain more balanced policy talks, this paper tries to quantitatively comprehend the effect of the United States and its allies' export controls on the East Asian machinery production networks and Japan's trade performance. Major findings include the following four points: First, most of the supply chain decoupling policies by the Japanese government have been the ones to prepare for sudden interruptions of the supply of important items while decoupling policies for strategic competition are limited only in the context of the cooperation with the United States. Second, international trade statistics at the industry level do not show clear evidence of supply chain decoupling in East Asia due to the U.S. export controls, at least up to 2022. Third, however, the negative trade effect becomes visible at the product or individual firms' level, and the recent strengthening of the United States and its allies' export controls may augment the negative effect on machinery production networks. Fourth, although the scope of trade controls would expand further, the supply chain decoupling is likely to end up with a partial one. The paper claims that middle powers such as Japan must establish a well-balanced trade policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The main purpose of this article is to investigate the foundations of relations between Türkiye and the US and to analyze the impact of the Iraq War on relations between the two countries. The relations that developed in the context of security after the Cold War were naturally supported by economic aid. Although there were many problems in the fragile relations during the Cold War, the ties between the two countries were never completely severed. While frequent occurrences strengthened Türkiye's significance in the area, the divergent interests of the two nations have only recently begun to come into focus. The developments taking place in Türkiye's neighboring countries also attract the attention of the United States, and the repercussions of events in these regions are reflected in Türkiye, especially concerning conflicts involving Russia. In this context, although the relations between the two countries are often touted as an alliance, it highlights the fact that it leans more towards a necessity. At this point, the Iraq War has had a significant impact on the relations between the two countries and has led to the emergence and increase of problems between the two countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Comparative Connections chapter on US-India relations covering the period September to December 2022 highlighted the challenge of getting past Cold-War era differences to fully capitalize on Indo-Pacific synergies. In the months between September and December of 2023, Cold War-era differences took center stage in the bilateral partnership. As a sliver of hope that the partnership would transform into a formal alliance emerged earlier in the year, these di_erences were spoilers. Differences in outlook brought to light the perennial challenges in the relationship and the need to get past the muscle memory of the Cold War for substantial engagement as defense and security allies. Despite these political and security differences, economic and technological cooperation largely expanded with increased cooperation in critical technologies and supply chain diversification initiatives. US industries broke new ground in expanding their footprint in India, and Indian conglomerates invested in the US, capitalizing on the Biden administration's Inflation Reduction Act and other industrial policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In seven decades of the multiparty democracy period, Turkey has experienced four military coups. Even though the coups are thought to be a cold war phenomenon in the literature, they are still relevant. The failed coup attempt in 2016 reminds us that the military coup is still a critical issue in Turkish democracy and the economy. Interestingly, there is not an adequate amount of empirical research on the political economy of Turkey's military coup experience. This study's motivation is to provide empirical evidence for the economic growth-coup nexus literature with a core focus on Turkey, which is a remarkable case in many aspects. For this purpose, we extend an open-economy Cobb-Douglas production function with coups and use the autoregressive distributed lags (ARDL) method for the period 1950 to 2014. According to the study's empirical findings, coup d'états negatively affect real GDP in Turkey. Through structural reforms, Turkey should strengthen its democratic institutions to prevent such antidemocratic attempts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Two ideological views on science dominated the Cold War era: one of a free and apolitical science, and the other emphasizing partisanship in science, associated with the Western and Eastern Blocs, respectively. This study offers a specific perspective of important elements belonging to these scientific positions, as it reveals their entanglement with geopolitical and socio-economic processes of the (semi)peripheral Yugoslav socialist system during the Cold War period. After the Second World War, and before its break with the USSR in 1948, Yugoslavia tended to emulate Soviet ideology in all aspects of society, including science. In the period following this break, the Yugoslav socialist regime, at least initially, leaned heavily toward the Western Bloc. By comparing Yugoslav science before and after the break with the USSR, this study provides insight into the consequences of the geopolitical shift and socio-economic transition of the Yugoslav socialist system, primarily in terms of the model of scientific organization, financing, and scientific discourse. Exposed to the dynamics of decentralization and, to a larger extent than before, market forces, Yugoslav socialism after the break with the USSR adopted a specific form, namely Socialist Self-Management. Herein, I show that this led to the emergence of novel organizational and discursive tendencies in Yugoslav science, which were compatible with certain aspects of the perspective of science as 'pure', autonomous, and apolitical. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Today's world is less stable than the Cold War international system. Why didn't the high expectations for a peaceful world materialise that existed 30 years ago? This Article singles out two interrelated trends that stem from mistakes made when it seemed that humanity, having learned from history, was entering a period of the 'end of history'. This forms the very basis for today's negative tendencies to flourish. The triumphant West tried to unify the whole world under one leadership and to make it uniform. Yet, the world is simply too big, complex and diverse for only one ideology, be it Judeo-Christian, Anglo-Saxon, Confucian, Muslim or secular liberal-democratic, to dominate. Therefore, those states that couldn't or didn't want to follow Washington, began to claim their own place and the right to go their own way. Until it is recognised that there is a value in acceptance of diverse ways of life within a society and in the existence of diverse political systems, economic models and societal arrangements, there will not be even a relative peace in the world. Equally, recognition and acceptance of balance of power in international relations is even more important than the adherence to the principle of separation of powers within states. The second trend is expressed in conflicts between elites and masses, whose grievances are exploited by populists. The idea that globalisation would lead, if not to the disappearance of the State, then at least to a considerable shrinking of its role, turned out to be wrong. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses how China has overcome the limit of coercion through the use of Private Security Companies since the end of the Cold War until 2021. For this purpose, the Security Governance approach was applied to understand how the decentralisation and fragmentation of the security monopoly by the state could result in convenient coercive acts against societies. We point two paths of observation: an international path – the protection of the Chinese diaspora and the Belt and Road Initiative facilities; and a national path – the governmental interests that pave the monitoring and controlling mechanisms of Chinese society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The strategy of integrated deterrence is a repackaged version of Cold War strategies. The integration of assets to deter adversaries was part of both the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations' overarching strategies that forced the military services to change their operating concepts, capabilities, and doctrine simultaneously. The US Army is an example of how national strategy forces organizational changes. This article assesses how the Eisenhower and Kennedy administrations forced institutional change while considering the significance of integrating deterrence. These examples will assist US military and policy practitioners with adapting their organizations to existing national defense strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]