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This article explores the intersection of politics and leisure, pointing to the fact that power has always been present in leisure activities, settings, practices, and institutions. In noting some of the past contributions of leisure scholarship, it also highlights a need for increasingly political leisure research, where knowledge production, epistemologies, and methodologies help unpack multiple critical leisures. Using engagements with Foucauldian biopolitics, political ecology, and radical political thought, this article sets the stage for the eight manuscripts that engage with critical components of political dimensions of leisure. In light of the pressing catastrophes of our time, we contend that scholars and educators can and should be engaged in building a more critically diverse and intellectually productive academy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper explores the status and formation of edibility as a new site of food biopolitics. It builds directly on recent debates in geography that have examined the biopolitical mechanisms by which consumers are responsibilised to become "good" eaters. To date, these literatures have largely focused on already‐familiar food products. In contrast, this paper examines the biopolitics of novel foods – specifically, a range of new alternative proteins (APs), including cellular agriculture, edible insects and plant‐based proteins. Through their use of (bio)technology, APs claim to overcome the environmental and ethical crises that increasingly define the current livestock industry, and indeed our current epoch, now commonly referred to as the Anthropocene. They consequently offer individuals the choice of consuming their way to a more stable and ethical post‐Anthropocene. Critical to consumer adoption, however, is public acceptance of APs as "food." Given that their raw materials and production methods are unfamiliar to many consumers' food practices, there is much work to be done by AP developers to convince people that their products are indeed edible. It is in this process of edibility formation that I identify new biopolitical potentialities – what I refer to as the biopolitics of edibility. Drawing on recent critical geography literatures that have examined how "things become food" (Roe,), the paper identifies two distinct yet co‐productive ways in which AP developers are conducting this transition from inedible to edible: first, through material interventions on the molecular, physical and visceral characteristics of APs; and second, through discursive interventions that work to normalise APs through textual and visual language. It concludes by reflecting on the biopolitical implications of these processes and how the edibility formation of APs is both entangled and implicit in current politics around "good" eating and the individualised project of realising the post‐Anthropocene. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay describes the bifurcation of nostalgia over the course of its dispersion from Europe to the Americas from the 1790s to the 1860s. Nostalgia had previously been diagnosed in European ethnics who were displaced from home by compulsory service and were said to sadden and die due to a natal weakness to forced mobility. In the Americas, it was introduced into slave medicine and racialized, resulting in a new version of nostalgia that assigned to black bodies a different manner of dying—suicide—and a different cause of death—weakness to forced immobility, that is, captivity. Yet if this new biopolitical narrative captured the struggle between physicians and slaves over the significance of death (as a manifestation of freedom or illness), it only emerged in non-anglophone slave societies. In the anglophone New World, nostalgia was apparently never used as a diagnosis in slaves. Harriet Jacobs's Incidents in the Life of a Slave Girl (1861) implies that this non-use was deliberate, arguing that American medicine is distinguished by its strategic neglect of the affective health of the black body. To attend to black nostalgia is to attend to the affective conditions of death as a radical act of freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The denial of Taiwan's status as a nation by international communities has long-served as a catalyst for Taiwanese theatre practitioners' pursuit of an expressive body that responds to complex national identities. Taking Taiwanese society as the basis for considering the irreducible complexity of postcolonial struggles vis-à-vis the power relations of neoliberal cultural production, in the theoretical framework of this paper, I propose a biopolitical reading of modern Taiwanese theatre. In particular, to reveal the constructedness of the idea of the body, I foreground the embeddedness of theatre in local society and scrutinize the interplay between an imagined body and the theatre through Taiwanese practitioner Tian Chi-Yuan's (1964-1996) White Water (or Baishui, 1993). Using this work as a case study, I focus on his experiment of intercultural bodily gestures through which the fabrication of national identity is both revealed and questioned. I consider Tian's practice of integrating cultural traditions expressive of the dynamics of decolonization with the experiment in reconfiguring the local body—a practice that positions the theatre in Taiwan as an experimental and cathartic site for pursuing an epistemological change in identity formation. Thus, the theatre constitutes a performance of a necessary identity-burdened space between history and memory, struggling to renew itself in distinctive contexts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article first examines the resurgence of popular, semi-academic nationalist discourses that solidify the figures of "Japan" and "Okinawa" within post-1945 U.S.-led formation of nation-states across the Asia-Pacific. It critiques two discourses that are symptomatic of such a return to the figure of the nation: developmental economist Matsushima Yasukatsu's thesis of "Ryukyu's independence" and philosopher Takahashi Tetsuya's call to relocate the U.S. military bases from Okinawa to mainland Japan. These symptomatic instances of the mutually transferential nationalisms in Okinawa and mainland Japan rely upon crudely culturalist assumptions about the self and the others and are thus surprisingly oblivious to how the very nation-forms have been instituted as part of imperial modernity. Their implicit figurations of the exemplary national subjects partake in the biopolitical assumptions as to whose lives must be "made to live" and "made to die" within and outside the border of the national. Ultimately, such nationalist discourses about Japan and Okinawa engage in a zero-sum exchange of imperial shame and colonial shame, a process that further stabilizes the co-operative placement of local nation-forms within the U.S.-led inter-state regime of warfare and biopolitics. But insofar as these discourses require the images of the nations that they seek to represent, their (re)production of what Naoki Sakai calls "a schema of co-figurative" nationalities needs to be critiqued through an exploration of a radical aesthetics and affect that pertain to image production. The second part of the article presents my interpretation of artist Nema Satoko's recent book of photography titled Paradigm, a work in which both bodies and objects explore their potential transformations in the midst of their precarious exposure to one another. I argue that Nema's images of fragile bodies and objects in the present landscape of Okinawa are poised on the cusp between the past that invokes a sense of shame and this past's potential future that necessitates an ethical posture of humility. In the vicinity of Adorno's notion of "art's shame," Nema's photographic images illuminate an amorphous realm of fragile beings, whose linkage and exposure to one another opens a space of viability that is obscured by the biopolitical imaginaries of nation-forms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to Cas Mudde, we live in a "populist Zeitgeist". The paper argues that not just the 21st, but also the 20th century is about populism. In the fi rst section I elaborate the theoretical background of populism, which is claimed to be a never-ending phenomenon: here, various notions of populism are analysed; I investigate the relationship between democracy and populism; and I refer to the biopolitical framework of populism (called biopopulism) as well. This theoretical framework will be used to analyse Communist populism in Hungary. I elaborate the populism of the Horthyera (1920-1944) in the context of Communist populism. Then I analyse the case of Communist populism in Hungary (1948-1989) according to the following aspects: in the context of the working class and the bourgeois elite; the biopolitical character of the regime; goulash Communism as populist legitimacy; and the viewpoint of socialist patriotism. The main aspect of Communist populism is summarized at the end of the third section, and I briefl y refer to the afterlife of Communist populism as a nostalgic phenomenon. The regimes analysed in this study aimed to govern the entire life of the citizens, which is why biopopulism is a useful analytical concept. The biopopulist framework shows that the investigation of the historical backgrounds of populism is necessary to understand contemporary populist tendencies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite their apparent pervasiveness, individual political behaviors in organizations have received minimal theoretical and research attention. This discussion focuses on individual power related behaviors. A conceptual scheme links: (a) the bases of individual power; (b) the intent of the powerholder; and (c) the means of the powerholder. Implications for related areas and suggested research approaches are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is presented in which the editor discusses several reports within the issue on topics including knowledge about COVID-19, theories of biopolitics, and changing work demands due to pandemic.

This article examines the current European refugee 'crisis' by challenging, from a theoretical perspective, the way in which the European Union (EU) has used the increased number of deaths in the Mediterranean as an opportunity to frame recent migration flows as an emergency that, by definition, can only be addressed through the adoption of exceptional measures. The analysis engages with the work of Giorgio Agamben on biopolitics and state of exception to illustrate, first, the need to rethink the way in which borders are defined and used (for example, externalized) within the context of the European refugee 'crisis'. Second, Agamben's work is useful to understand what moves the externalization and privatization of migration, and to ascertain how international law has enabled the emergence of this 'crisis' framing, whilst, at the same time, partly losing its ability to challenge EU policies. The article argues that the posture of humanitarianism adopted by the EU masks the fact that the appalling situation in which refugees are abandoned is not accidental but, rather, inherent to the enhanced measures adopted by the EU and its member states as part of the European Agenda on Migration. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fruit Chan’s 2004 film Dumplings (Jiaozi) tells a macabre tale in which rejuvenation comes at the price of ingesting human foetuses, made palatable in the form of dumplings by the former Mainland gynaecologist turned miracle-dumpling vendor, Aunt Mei. But Chan’s film does not only exploit the genre of food film for the purpose of cannibalistic horror. His film - released both in a shorter version as part of the Three Extremes omnibus and in a feature-film version with a different ending - also engages in a critical reflection on regional and globalized biopolitics. Smuggled as contraband across the PRC-Hong Kong border, the foetuses that restore the youth of Hong Kong women such as the protagonist, Mrs Lee, come from a PRC clinic in which women abort mainly female babies due to the one-child policy. Cannibalism in Dumplings stands in the tradition of modern Chinese representations of anthropophagy as critiques of Chinese culture - for instance, in Lu Xun’s “Diary of a Madman” (Kuangren riji). And yet, Chan’s cannibalism made in China extends its critical scope beyond the national and culturally specific to a regional and finally global scenario of migration, capital flows, mediascapes, and biopolitically controlled life. In the film, Hong Kong is both China’s other and its double, much as the border crossing between the PRC and Hong Kong represents a microcosm of globalized capitalism. This essay reads Chan’s film through the lenses of cannibal and immunological imaginaries in order to reflect on the liminal yet productive position of Hong Kong culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Canada's Food Guide is promoted as an educational tool that translates nutrition for laypeople and provides tools to measure eating and its effects on the body. However, the discourses it circulates have been critiqued as abstract and difficult to apply in everyday practice, and linked to a nutritionally confused environment where the disempowered eater is positioned as lacking knowledge about nutrition and in need of expert intervention to learn how to eat right and become a responsible, healthy subject. By mobilizing a biopolitical frame, this article takes a closer look at the work Canada's Food Guide does in constructing particular ideas about nutrition, and at the issues of confusion and personal responsibilization that emerge through its quantitative healthy eating discourse. This work turns to literature on scientific and quantitative languages that drive nutrition guidance in texts like Canada's Food Guide, namely, the concepts of "discourses of quantification" and "nutritionism," which prioritize scientific knowledge about food while excluding complex economic, political, and sociocultural issues tied to how we eat. In light of Health Canada's ongoing revision of the food guide, this work seeks to add to discussions about how ideas of healthy eating may be renegotiated with the goal of enriching the way future Canadian public health initiatives and nutrition policies are constructed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses approaches embedded in practical and popular geopolitics for analysing how Russia capitalizes on the refugee crisis to redefine Europe. Two of Russia's European policies are at the centre of this analysis: 1) Moscow's direct appeal to Russian-speaking communities, and 2) the Kremlin's liaisons with Eurosceptic parties of national conservative background. The main questions these two policies raise are: 1) how Russia benefits from anti-refugee attitudes among European national conservative groups, and 2) how illustrative Russia's policies are of Moscow's strategy toward Europe in the context of the refugee crisis. The article argues that, for Russia, these two policies constitute a strategy of re-entry into Europe from which Moscow was increasingly isolated in the aftermath of the annexation of Crimea in 2014. In this context, the authors claim that the refugee crisis has widened room for Russia's return to the European (geo)political scene through a strategy of redefining Europe in more conservative and traditionalist terms, as opposed to the liberal cosmopolitanism of EU's project. Using the concepts of trans-ideology and biopolitics, the article claims that Russia's strategy of re-entry includes narratives of othering today's Orientalized Europe and salvaging it from liberal tolerance, political correctness and cultural fragmentation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay considers Diane DiMassa's 1990s comic book series Hothead Paisan: Homicidal Lesbian Terrorist alongside the recent rise and visibility of White supremacist movements following the 2016 United States election. While Hothead's acts of queer revenge primarily target White heterosexual cismen, several issues feature Hothead taking aim at neo-Nazis and the KKK. Exploring the way in which Hothead's relationship to debility and capacity is mediated by her gender, sexuality, and race, the essay argues that a biopolitical approach, including the recent scholarly turn to the non-human, can provide a useful framework for approaching interlocking systems of violence and oppression that go beyond traditional intersectional models of resistance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper draws on an affirmative biopolitical framework to analyze the governing of young lives in education and social spaces in Cusco, Peru. We engage with Berlant’s theorization of affect and spatialization of biopolitics in order to discuss youth’s embodied experiences of alternative forms of biopolitical governance. With a case study of a grassroots, non-profit center for residential care and social and educational programs for Quechua-speaking girls, we investigate how the girls sense and respond to the center’s mediation of rural-to-urban projects of “getting ahead,” domestic work, and the tourism and hospitality sector. We reveal the center’s biopoliticization of their lives in an affective manner within the processes of postcolonial educational marginalization, precarity in urban economies, professionalization, and tourism in and beyond Cusco. Our study intends to contribute to an expanded understanding of the production of education, aid, social care, and protection spaces, and to highlight the utility of affective inquiry in examining the contested terrains of (alternative) childhoods/youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The main, presently evolving demographic phenomena which are perceived as Global Risks in terms of both structure (ageing, proportion of young people, and gender imbalance in the workforce) and dynamics (growth, fertility, mortality, and migrations) have become indispensable components of narratives aiming to shape the demographic behaviour of individuals and populations. Most of these stories start out from stereotypes, distortions and halftruths, to such an extent that they could be classified under the heading of what is now known as post-truth. This text defines "posttruth" and discusses its use in demography, giving examples as well as discussing its relationship with a shift from the governability of biopolitics to that of thanatopolitics, which is now being fostered in neoliberal discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers the author's insights on the biopolitics of mobility in the U.S. Topics mentioned include the effects of hate crimes, employment discrimination, and travel advisory to society and tourism, the alleged police hostility and discrimination against African-Americans, and the discrimination in tourism. Also mentioned was the consequences of black mobilities in tourism.

What would it mean to take antiblackness seriously in theories of biopolitics? How would our understanding of biopolitics change if antiblack racialization and slavery were understood as the paradigmatic expression of biopolitical violence? This essay thinks through the significance of black studies scholarship for disentangling biopolitics’ paradoxes and dilemmas. I argue that only by situating antiblackness as constitutive of modernity and of modern biopolitics can we begin to meet the theoretical and political challenges posed by biopolitics. While Roberto Esposito formulates some of the most important questions about biopolitics, his responses will always be insufficient insofar as he engages in no discussion of blackness, antiblackness, slavery, white supremacy, or the role of sociopolitical processes of racialization, violence, and domination. I move from a critique of Esposito to explore the modernity-making processes of the imbrication of antiblackness and biopolitics. To do so, I analyze the biopolitics of birth and of flesh, and interrogate the (im)possibility of an affirmative biopolitics. Ultimately, the essay argues that theories of biopolitics can be genuinely critical only to the extent that they center antiblackness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract This article argues for a reading of biopolitics as a mechanism of political empowerment under conditions in which the state perpetuates exclusion by paradoxically affirming the political equality of marginalized individuals or groups. After differentiating Michel Foucault's conceptualization of biopolitics from its conventional interpretation in Giorgio Agamben, I show how the Canadian state counterintuitively perpetuates Indigenous exclusion through an inclusive liberalism that re-affirms Indigenous persons as full and equal citizens. I then conclude the article by showing how a statistics or information-based discourse of population—an Indigenous infopolitics —has concomitantly become an indispensible means of Indigenous resistance in Canada today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, we take a concrete case study as a starting point for a reflection on preventive family support. More specifically, we conducted fieldwork in the setting of a waiting room of a childcare consultation office for parents with young children. The writings of the philosopher Giorgio Agamben allowed us to come to an alternative understanding of both the room as such and the behaviors of adults and children in this room. This article can be read as the result of an experiment with fieldwork in philosophy of education: an attempt to enrich Agamben’s philosophical account of biopolitics with an everyday example as well as an attempt to reread what actually happens in the case we have studied from an Agambenian perspective. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Bioetica is the property of Conselho Federal de Medicina and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The March 2011 Tōhoku earthquake, and the subsequent tsunami and release of nuclear contamination from the Fukushima Daiichi power plant, is clearly one of the largest disasters of the past century and it has devastated large portions of eastern Japan. In this paper we explore the coping mechanisms of people navigating these landscapes of contamination, as well as examine state policies developed to deal with the disaster. We argue that there has been a significant discrepancy between state policies and the needs of people directly affected by the catastrophe. To more fully examine why this discrepancy exists - and how it is produced - we investigate the complex geographies of contamination and risk near the damaged Fukushima power plant through the conceptual lens of ‘wet ontologies’ coupled with an analysis of state strategies for the governance of the affected populations. In our research we found that Foucauldian theorizations on biopower, neoliberalism and environmental governance can help explain how nuclear power as a social institution can require states to sacrifice the well-being of hundreds of thousands of their citizens in ways that affect people in gendered and age-specific ways. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I analyse the historical emergence of pain management in obstetric literature and practice and how it affected the constitution of a new epistemology of obstetrics in Portugal. The text draws largely on archival research on biomedical articles and theses from mid-19th up to early-20th-century Lisbon, revealing an emerging and shifting biomedical understanding of pain and the labouring body, the agency of the obstetrician, and the political role of obstetrics. The research is part of a longitudinal anthropological study of childbirth pain approached as a locus where affectivities, shifting ontologies and biopolitics merge. Rather than considering childbirth pain as a taken-for-granted physical phenomenon, its materialization within the specific biomedical and historical context of Portugal at the turn of the 20th century is analysed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper argues that Chronic Fatigue Syndrome/Myalgic Encephalomyelitis (CFS/ME) constitutes a biopolitical problem, a scientific object which needs to be studied, classified and regulated. Assemblages of authorities, knowledges and techniques make CFS/ME subjects and shape their everyday conduct in an attempt to increase their supposed autonomy, wellbeing and health. CFS and CFS/ME identities are however made not only through government, scientific, and medical interventions but also by the patients themselves, a biosocial community who collaborates with scientists, educates itself about the intricacies of biomedicine, and contests psychiatric truth claims. CFS/ME is an illness trapped between medicine and psychology, an illness that is open to debate and therefore difficult to manage and standardise. The paper delineates different interventions by medicine, science, the state and the patients themselves and concludes that CFS/ME remains elusive, only partially standardised, in an on-going battle between all the different actors that want to define it for their own situated interests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The simplicity of American Indian frybread, composed only of flour, water, salt, and lard, belies a complex—and contentious—history and ecology. Tracing this bread’s ecology allows us to map the broader physical and epistemic violence levied by US settler-colonial society, specifically against the American Indian body under the guise of “healthcare,” while also evincing the agency of American Indians during these times of violence. This is shown initially through the problematics of a specific case in which non-Native medical industry professionals targeted frybread as a food to be banned. While seemingly a minor inconvenience, this incident recalls more vicious actions by settler-colonial society to control and regulate American Indian bodies, such as through the violence of forced sterilizations during the late twentieth century. Using this specific American Indian framework to situate Foucault’s biopolitics model provides vital insight into the spectrum of medicalized colonialism tactics that attempt the physical and symbolic removal of American Indians. Analyzing these structural forces furthers our understandings of the complex linkages between foodways conflicts (here, regarding the history, consumption, and continuance of frybread) and some of society’s most acute and pressing issues, such as poor health outcomes among American Indians. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Turkey's border with Syria today is a laboratory in which biopolitics and the spectacle coincide in new ways. As a consequence of the ongoing war between the state and Kurdish insurgents, and the state of emergency accompanying it, this border region has incrementally transformed into a "zone of indistinction" in which the spatial concepts of inside and outside interpenetrate. As exception is normalized, the logic of "the camp" (in Agamben's sense) tends to become a dispositif. Exceptional routines are being exercised in this border region both to (re)construct the figure of the "Kurd" as a citizen and to generalize the domain of the camp, while also producing bare life in the context of counterterrorism. However, the "Kurd" as a subject cannot be ambiguously constructed, neither can the region be politically homogenized. Based on multisited fieldwork in the border city of Mardin, I claim that this zone of indistinction is simultaneously the place of revolt and resistance for the Kurdish case. Against this backdrop, the article argues the practical implications of counterterrorism policies in the region by focusing on how the state of exception is enforced on the Kurdish population as a biopolitical tool while being represented as a public spectacle to the rest of Turkey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article builds on the recent and growing scholarship on the negative effects of the drone programme. Current literature has shown that the drone programme terrorises the civilian population that it keeps under surveillance. Furthermore, it has articulated the drone programme’s violence as biopolitical and its surveillance as a necropolitical technology of distinction. It is argued in this article that the Orientalist attitudes and logic necessary for drone targeting form the basis for the biopolitical and necropolitical component of the drone programme. This article explores the Orientalism that suffuses the US drone programme in order to juxtapose it with governmental discourses that characterise the drone programme and its surveillance as neutral and humane - demonstrating the gap between government discourses of modernity and the actual drone programme. The necropolitical logic of distinction used for targeting leads to the assimilation of those under the drone’s gaze to a population that can be put to death, leading the drone programme to operate indiscriminately. The biopolitical logic is visible in the US practices, which I argue constitutes terrorism with the corroboration of civilian testimonies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Growing old 'badly' is stigmatizing, a truism that is enrolled into contemporary agendas for the biomedicalization of ageing. Among the many discourses that emphasize ageing as the root cause of later life illnesses, dementia is currently promoted as an epidemic and such hyperbole serves to legitimate its increasing biomedicalization. The new stigma however is no longer contained to simply having dementia, it is failing to prevent it. Anti-ageing cultures of consumption, alongside a proliferation of cultural depictions of the ageing-dementia relation, seem to be refiguring dementia as a future to be worked on to eliminate it from our everyday life. The article unpacks this complexity for how the ageing-dementia relation is being reassembled in biopolitics in ways that enact it as something that can be transformed and managed. Bringing together Bauman's theories of how cultural communities cope with the otherness of the other with theories of the rationale for the making of monsters - such as the figure of the abject older person with dementia - the article suggests that those older body-persons that personify the ageing-dementia relation, depicted in film and television for example, threaten the modes of ordering underpinning contemporary lives. This is not just because they intimate loss of mind, or because they are disruptive, but because they do not perform what it is to be 'response-able' and postpone frailty through managing self and risk. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers a critical interrogation of the relationship between two emerging conceptual frameworks whose importance has grown quickly within the context of international environmental law: the ecosystem approach and ecosystem services. Both premised on the concept of the ecosystem, their origin is parallel, but their present and future is convergent and increasingly intertwined. The ecosystem approach, increasingly deployed in a variety of normative and regulatory contexts, has become a key strategy for the integrated management of human activities, and has been characterized as a paradigm shift in environmental law and governance. Ecosystem services, mainstreamed by the Millennium Ecosystem Assessment series in the early 2000s, refer to the benefits people obtain from ecosystems. The relationship between the two concepts is arguably underexplored. This article aims at filling this gap from a particular critical legal perspective, and will read this relationship in terms of a ‘biopolitical entanglement’. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that geographies of welcome complicate simple binary oppositions between fully enfranchised citizenship and what is often theorized as the 'bare life' of refugee rejection in 'spaces of exception'. Ranging from sanctuary cities and squats to clinics, classrooms, kitchens and gardens, spaces of welcome instead offer islands of limited enfranchisement, agency and hope amidst seas of sub-citizenship, subjugation and fear. The concept of sub-citizenship can be used thus to elucidate how welcome and its suppression create a spectrum of intermediate experiences between the abstract poles of biopolitical belonging and necropolitical rejection. Geographies of welcome thereby become legible as in-between spaces in which the damage done by the suppression of welcome is contested and countered, however incompletely. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Saúde e Sociedade is the property of Universidade de Sao Paulo, Faculdade de Saude Publica and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Interface - Comunicação, Saúde, Educação is the property of Fundacao UNI and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article proposes that the motif of the family tree might be reimagined, so as to incorporate a wider and more fluid set of relations. After offering a critical analysis of the normative images of the family tree and the rhetorical sleights of hand they perform, it suggests that we might locate alternative models of the family tree by closely examining literary representations of actual trees. It then focuses on two Australian novels that offer unconventional depictions of trees while valorizing queer kinship relations outside the constraints of the nuclear family: David Malouf's Remembering Babylon (1993) and Patrick White's Riders in the Chariot (1961). Through a close examination of how Malouf and White each depict the tree's temporality, its dynamic motion, and its active engagement with surrounding organisms, the article points to aspects of the natural world that might help inform and enrich our conceptions of the family tree. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper I document links between the racialised biopolitics that characterised the US government interventions in the US South in the early 20th century, and the USA's and the UK's late colonial and early development strategies in Africa. I do so by interrogating why Thomas Campbell, the United States Department of Agriculture's (USDA) head of African‐American agricultural extension, was chosen by US philanthropic elites and approved by the UK's Colonial Office to co‐direct a 1944–1945 survey of educational facilities in Africa. I show that it was Campbell's experiences and expertise with “improving” rural life through strategies of self‐help and character‐ and community‐building – key markers of a liberal way of development – that made his presence on the survey seem essential to both the USA and UK elites. By so doing, this paper documents the importance of the USDA's biopolitical interventions in the US South for understanding the historical geography of late colonialism and liberal forms of development, thus contributing to critical geographies of development. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article provides an overview of People’s Republic of China (PRC) counter-terrorism policies targeting Uyghurs since 2001 when the state first asserted that it faced a terrorist threat from this population. In reviewing these policies and their impact, it suggests that the state has gradually isolated and excluded Uyghurs from PRC society. Drawing on the writings of Michael Foucault, it articulates this gradual exclusion of Uyghurs as an expression of biopolitics where the Uyghur people as a whole have come to symbolize an almost biological threat to society that must be quarantined through surveillance, punishment, and detention. Rather than suggesting that these impacts of China’s “war on terror” coincide with the intent of state policy, the article argues that they are inevitable outcomes of labeling a given ethnic population as a terrorist threat in the age of the Global War on Terror. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Within the political economy of informational capitalism, commercial surveillance practices are tools for resource extraction. That process requires an enabling legal construct, which this essay identifies and explores. Contemporary practices of personal information processing constitute a new type of public domain—a repository of raw materials that are there for the taking and that are framed as inputs to particular types of productive activity. As a legal construct, the biopolitical public domain shapes practices of appropriation and use of personal information in two complementary and interrelated ways. First, it constitutes personal information as available and potentially valuable: as a pool of materials that may be freely appropriated as inputs to economic production. That framing supports the reorganization of sociotechnical activity in ways directed toward extraction and appropriation. Second, the biopolitical public domain constitutes the personal information harvested within networked information environments as raw. That framing creates the backdrop for culturally situated techniques of knowledge production and for the logic that designates those techniques as sites of legal privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues, contra-Derrida, that Foucault does not essentialize or precomprehend the meaning of life or bio-in his writings on biopolitics. Instead, Foucault problematizes life and provokes genealogical questions about the meaning of modernity more broadly. In The Order of Things, the 1974-75 lecture course at the Collège de France, and Herculine Barbin, the monster is an important figure of the uncertain shape of modernity and its entangled problems (life, sex, madness, criminality, etc). Engaging Foucault's monsters, I show that the problematization of life is far from a "desire for a threshold," à la Derrida. It is a spur to interrogating and critiquing thresholds, a fraught question mark where we have "something to do." As Foucault puts it in "The Lives of Infamous Men," it an ambiguous frontier where beings lived and died and they appear to us "because of an encounter with power which, in striking down a life and turning it to ashes, makes it emerge, like a flash [...].". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In order to show how what Michel Foucault described as Chicago School neoliberalism in The Birth of Biopolitics devalues human life while masking that devaluation, I examine the 2015 death of Freddie Gray in Baltimore, Maryland, and the following civil unrest. Through an exploration of the concept of human capital, I argue that this concept, while seeming to answer a question regarding labor in economics, exacerbates the devaluation of human life in the U.S. generally and in the case of Freddie Gray more specifically. Foucault's Birth of Biopolitics lectures illustrates why the devaluation of life has gone largely unrecognized. As the concept of human capital, along with other 'market values,' proliferated beyond the realm of economics into daily life, human beings have come to be characterized as 'enterprise units.' I will argue that the prosecution of the War on Drugs provides a paradigmatic case of characterizing human beings as enterprise units, some useful and others surplus, looking to Baltimore to provide concrete examples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Soft power as a concept measures the ability of a nation in obtaining positive outcomes overseas through cultural means, but its core ideas of attraction and credibility are productive in analyzing eulogistic comedy's contradictory functions of propagating official policy and refashioning self-interests in socialist China. It's My Day Off (1959) satisfies official expectations of constructing positive models for viewers to emulate, but it also reveals the technology of self-fashioning as a process under surveillance by the Party and the patriarch. A series of comic situations of missed opportunities foreground the logic of instant public recognitions and deferred libidinal gratification that overdetermines socialist self-fashioning as an endless psychic-somatic mechanism of self-othering. Surprisingly, it is by demonstrating the attraction of altruism that the film may have gained its unintended critical edge in disclosing the panoptic biopolitical condition in a socialist utopia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article studies and exposes the main elements of the biopolitical theory of Roberto Esposito to explain what happens in the period in which subjectivity is placed within the negative defense of life, and in the sense of what the French philosopher conceived as governmentality. Four sections on this problem are worked on to explain Esposito's impolitic project and show his criticism of the current metaphysical character of political concepts: sovereignty, democracy, community and freedom. The concepts of community and immunity are studied transversally to understand the author's need to amputate the bios-zoé relationship of the biopolitical theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In February 2015, two Anishinaabe tribal members, Mushkoob Aubid and Autumn Martineau, passed away after car accidents in Northeastern Minnesota. Their bodies were slated to undergo autopsy, sparking opposition from their families on religious grounds. This sparked a struggle that pitted the families and tribal allies against state structures, in what led to the recovery of the bodies and changes in Minnesota state laws surrounding autopsy. The role of 'quotidian' settler violence in the events that transpired, through a theoretical framework of settler colonialism, biopolitics and the importance of autopsy, is placed in opposition to the role of ‘quotidian’ indigenous resistance, informed by a theoretical framework of counter-conduct and indigenous modes of knowledge and being. It is argued that although settler colonial society and its associated structures are able to reconfigure themselves at will in a variety of articulations in order to subjugate indigenous peoples, indigenous people are able to resist this subjugation with resourceful and multifaceted resistance of their own. This can be seen in the ability of the Aubid and Martineau families to recover the bodies of their loved ones. The paper concludes by considering the implications of the case study for future Anishinaabe/indigenous resistance against autopsy, and in more general applications. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article intends to contribute to the existing body of critical scholarly work on the sharing economies of tourism. Focussing on the Airbnb platform, it investigates the biopolitical spatialities that emerge from its qualification and quantification of bodily performances of hospitality. Drawing on the work of Roberto Esposito, the article challenges the notion of “community” pervading the rhetoric of the platform and crucially influencing the ways in which travel, hospitality and home are reconceptualized. It does so by analysing some of the key technologies and calculative rationalities that drive the making of these global “communities”, and give rise to the champion of the Airbnb world of hospitality: the Superhost. We reflect on how ideas of community and hospitality translate into a metrics of care, “localness” and belonging, and on how specific practices related to the “spatialities of the home” are central to the qualification/quantification of life and of living spaces generated by the platform. We conclude by suggesting that, by exploring these sites and concepts, it is perhaps possible to unravel how these new geographies of hospitality are operationalized through the giving of “what is proper” – the intimate spatialities of the home – on the part of the hosts in order to become members of a greater Self, the Airbnb global community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article suggests a new approach to understanding the self-formation of subjectivity in the work of Michel Foucault that emphasizes the influence of his mentor, the philosopher and historian of science Georges Canguilhem (1904-1995). I argue that Foucault adapts Canguilhem’s biological-epistemological notion of ‘error’ in order to achieve two things: (1) to provide a notion of subjective self-formation compatible with the claims of his ‘archaeology of knowledge’ and ‘genealogy of power’, and (2) to provide an alternative to the phenomenological theory of the subject. The notion of ‘error’ accomplishes these goals because it posits that experience is the result of knowledge, not vice versa. To illustrate the notion of ‘erroneous’ subjectivity, I turn to two volumes edited by Foucault: I, Pierre Rivière, having slaughtered my mother, my sister and my brother… and Herculine Barbin; Being the Recently Discovered Memoirs of a Nineteenth- Century French Hermaphrodite. Both juxtapose ‘subjective’ accounts of ‘abnormal’ individuals with ‘objective’ documents written by judges, psychiatrists and medical professionals in order to show how ‘erroneous subjectivities’ may transgress epistemological limits and form new concepts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An introduction is provided on articles within the special issue on the themes of indigenous peoples' lifeways and settler colonial biopolitics.

The article discusses the white settler colonists' biopolitical orientation towards Indigenous Australians in Australia from the late 19th century through the early 21st century. An overview of Indigenous Australians' resistance to the Australian government's assimilation policies, including efforts to maintain their ontological integrity, is provided.

The article reflects on the articles within the issue on the themes of biopolitics and the government regulation of Indigenous peoples' lifeways and culture from the 19th century through the early 21st century. Topics, including indigenous resistance to government, attempts to assimilate indigenous Australians and whites settler colonists' abduction of indigenous girls, are discussed.