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In this study, school heads in Cawayan East District, Division of Masbate, share their experiences, coping strategies, and insights before, during, and after armed conflict. Thematic examination of coded replies reveals the emergence of numerous major themes. When there is gunfire, school administrators first react instinctively, putting students' and instructors' safety first. They also display a range of fears, from complacent to post-traumatic, underscoring the nuanced emotional cost of these experiences. Even in the face of chaotic events, logical reactions take hold, such as proactive information sharing and dispelling false information. Modular learning, self-care techniques like self-healing or staying occupied, and expert mental health help are examples of coping mechanisms. The significance of being organized, following child protection procedures, and giving communication and safety procedures top priority are all emphasized by insights. The research comes to an end. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the impact of armed conflict on the tendency and value of investments in farm inputs. We further investigate whether unconditional cash transfers could stimulate investments in inputs under the context of armed conflict. Using panel data collected in 2014 and 2016 in Mali, we combine the control function approach with the correlated random effect model to address the time-invariant unobserved heterogeneity in non-linear context and the endogeneity problem of conflict variable. We take advantage of the randomized rollout of a national cash transfer program to investigate if there is any differential impact on farm inputs. We find that conflict has a negative and statistically significant impact on the tendency to use and the value of investments on fertilizers, pesticides and machinery. Interestingly, we find a statistically insignificant impact of the cash transfers on farm input investments. From a policy perspective, productive capacities of households cannot be restored by the cash transfers. Rather, a recovery of markets' operations through the re-establishment of security is a more effective policy measure to increase investments in farm inputs. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relationship between armed conflict, the environment and climate change is intricate and challenging to define. While international humanitarian law (IHL) includes some environmental protections, it did not anticipate the connection to climate change. Climate change can act as a risk multiplier, intensifying negative socio-economic impacts, and conflict-related environmental damage may contribute to climate change. Bridging these fields is crucial, and to this end, this article seeks to interpret IHL considering evolving understandings of armed conflict effects and progress under international environmental law (IEL). The article illustrates how existing norms can address climate change impacts in warfare, and explores how relevant IEL provisions, such as the Paris Agreement and the harm prevention principle, could be applied during armed conflicts to achieve similar goals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The notion of solidarity, although not new to the humanitarian sector, has re-emerged in recent discussions about effective and ethical humanitarian action, particularly in contexts such as Ukraine and Myanmar where the traditional humanitarian principles have been facing certain pressures. Because solidarity appears as a good but can also involve selectivity and privilege, and because it risks continued militarism and normalization of civilians participating within that militarism, the notion of solidarity merits rich and rigorous thinking. This article explores how the notion of solidarity is being utilized by those currently re-emphasizing its importance and what it might mean in practice in today's humanitarian contexts. The article argues that if solidary action involves not only a political stance but solidary working methods, the recent calls for solidarity demand respect for the variety of principles and practices within the humanitarian ecosystem, while nevertheless upholding mutual obligations owed within that professional community – that is, within careful limits as to what is considered humanitarian action. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of humanity has been much discussed with respect to humanitarian work and international humanitarian law. There is today an idea of a single humanity, with each member equally valued beyond superficial differences in belief, nationality, ethnicity etc., and a global legal framework exists to prevent needless human suffering, including in war. Dehumanization arises linguistically as the negation of a common, positive and mutually supportive humanity, though there is no single definition, and it certainly predates its opposite. Research indicates that dehumanization increases the risk of conflict/violence, increases the risk of abuses therein, and makes it harder to resolve conflict. This paper gives an overview of how humanity is currently defined and used, notably by the International Committee of the Red Cross (ICRC) as one Fundamental Principle of the International Red Cross and Red Crescent Movement, and what dehumanization means especially in relation to conflict and violence. The paper then explores why and how dehumanization happens and the real-world harm that can result when it is espoused or tacitly condoned by those in positions of power. Finally, the paper examines how global legal frameworks and the principle of humanity, bolstered by impartiality, independence and neutrality, in particular as enacted by the ICRC, work to curb and push back against some of the worst harms that dehumanization can cause. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is unquestionable that Colombian armed conflicts have had adverse impacts on the natural environment in the country. Current transitional justice mechanisms offer an opportunity to recognize harm and responsibility, establish restorative sanctions and reparations and adopt public policies for the recovery of ecosystems and prevention of further damage. This article focuses on how transitional justice mechanisms, especially the Special Jurisdiction for Peace, have addressed the effects of armed conflicts on the natural environment. Specifically, it analyzes the criminal characterization of environmental degradation, the question of whether amnesties and pardons could be granted for such conducts, precautionary measures and the implementation of restorative sanctions related to the environment. It presents some challenges regarding the preservation of the natural environment due to the persistence of armed conflicts after the 2016 Peace Accord between the government and the FARC-EP guerrillas, and the sustainability of reparations for victims and prevention of further damage. It also sustains that the developments of current transitional justice mechanisms may have significant influence on ongoing and future peace negotiations with other armed groups and the processes for establishing responsibility for environmental damages. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Artificial intelligence and machine learning techniques are being developed to improve decision making around the resort to force. These technologies are valued for their capacity to rapidly collect and analyse big data, model unique courses of action, offer probabilistic recommendations and predictions regarding the type and degree of force required, and evaluate the benefits, risks, and costs of action and inaction. Those concerned with these developments highlight the possibility of automation bias in human-machine teaming, and the potential de-skilling of individual and institutional decision making. This concern is valid, but too narrow in scope. In addition to human knowledge and skill, wisdom is imperilled by the growing technification of violence and war. Drawing on the lessons of tragedy, I argue that the speed, inflexibility, and false confidence of algorithmically assisted decision making cultivates an insensitivity to the tragic qualities of violence. This dulling of the tragic imagination is likely to lead to more imprudent and immoral uses of force, not less. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

First released in 2009, Peruvian filmmaker Claudia Llosa's La teta asustada has received "mixed" critical attention. While some accuse Llosa of exotifying Indigenous peoples and traditions, others suggest that the film succeeds in representing the traumatic memory of victims of Peru's Internal Armed Conflict (~1980–2000). Without necessarily disputing either interpretation, this article explores the filmmaker's apparent grappling with questions of coloniality, whiteness, and complicity, particularly among Lima's white elite. Analyzing the tense relationship between the film's Indigenous protagonist and her white employer, the essay proposes that La teta asustada offers an important critique of Lima's persistent coloniality, particularly as it relates to limeño responses to rural-to-urban migration and the nation's recent civil war. Moreover, it suggests that Llosa's critique of "White Lima" represents an exploration of her own privilege and complicity, as well as a possible reckoning with the problematic Conflict-era musings of her uncle, Mario Vargas Llosa [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Developments in the war of the future have brought to the fore unmanned aircraft or drones used in national and/or multinational military actions, as particularly important means to achieve operational success. The parameters related to this modern, flexible and particularly maneuverable combat system allow the conjugation of capabilities necessary to fulfill the missions received by the operational structures during preparation and conduct of operations. The present study first provides a general approach to drone use in military actions, taking into account aspects from previous armed conflicts, as well as from the ongoing war in Ukraine. The objective of the study points to a series of important drone purchases that will be made by our country, to increase the combat potential of the Romanian joint and tactical forces, which will act on national territory and within the North Atlantic Alliance, against any aggressive forces of an unfriendly state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Educación is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Colombiana de Educación is the property of Universidad Pedaggica Nacional and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Research highlights how academic inquiry understands and addresses wartime challenges - Based on student testimonies, conflict hinders civic engagement and democratic education - Educational research can serve as a transformative tool - Educational public scholarship and international collaboration are a necessity during crises Purpose: This research explores the pivotal role of educational research in supporting democratic civic education amid armed conflict. The study uses the recent experiences in Israel to examine how research can maintain democratic values and foster reconciliation during tumultuous times, aiming to illuminate the transformative capabilities of academic inquiry in crisis contexts. Approach: The research adopts a semi-empirical, exploratory design that evolved from ongoing events. Personal testimonies from a diverse group of seven students were analyzed for overarching theoretical themes. Findings: The analysis reveals that educational research during conflict may act as a critical, transformative tool, highlighting substantial challenges in maintaining civic engagement and democratic education. It underscores the dual role of research in understanding and actively addressing the complexities of armed conflict. Practical implications: The findings stress the need for educational public scholarship and international collaboration to support democratic education, highlighting the crucial role of researchers in shaping educational practices during crises. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the short- and long-term consequences of armed conflict and displacement on social cohesion among citizens within attacked nations, using Ukraine and Bosnia and Herzegovina as case studies. Through a pre-registered vignette study in Ukraine (December 2022; N = 1,623), we reveal a significant difference in social cohesion between those who stayed in the country during the war and those who left. This difference intensified when those who left did not want to return. A similar difference persists in Bosnia and Herzegovina 30 years after the Bosnian War (May 2023, N = 338), despite extensive reconciliation efforts. Our findings point towards an understudied consequence of armed conflict and displacement on social cohesion within the attacked nation and shed light on the challenges to post-war reconciliation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To present the attitudes, reactions and concerns of Polish and British societies towards refugees from Ukraine based on an analysis of the stock of social capital. It is understood as a network of ties between members of a community based on trust, solidarity and responsibility, and its high level translates into the quality of civil society. Measures of capital include the number of NGOs and volunteers, participation in elections and referendums, trust in the public and private sphere. The benchmark of Polish refugee activism was compared to British society. Its choice was justified by the fact of the UK’s high political activity in the international arena in relation to Russian military aggression, as well as British support for the Ukrainian people. Results: The multi-million pound influx of war refugees from Ukraine, observed from February 2022 onwards, has unexpectedly triggered huge amounts of social capital among Poles and Britons. Both societies became involved in helping people in need, although each society to a different extent. The Poles offered direct aid, first at the national border, then at home. The British supported the refugees financially and materially by offering assistance programmes. Both societies feared the conflict in Ukraine, feeling threats to their homeland, including fear, anger, irritation and anxiety. Methodology: The theoretical layer was based on analysis and synthesis and induction and deduction. The empirical layer used nationwide statistical data and the results of our own research, carried out by means of a diagnostic survey using the author’s survey questionnaire on a randomly selected research sample of Poles and Britons. The research was conducted in late 2022 and early 2023 in Poland and the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Memories about historical episodes of violence are a window not only into experiences of people's past struggles but also about their aspirations for the future. In this article, I focus on memories about the armed conflict in El Salvador (1980–1992) to better understand how sets of individual recollections reveal collected patterns in the narrative arcs of those who personally lived through the conflict. In so doing, I aim to expand prior works that have explored communities of memory in El Salvador. To accomplish this goal, I rely on an oral history archive. Using a grounded theory approach, I investigate how people in a rural community in northern El Salvador remember the armed conflict, how their collected memories compare with prior research about life stories of former members of the guerrilla movement and the armed forces, and finally, how oral histories contribute to a scholarly understanding of social memories of violence. I find that, within this archive, people's recollections of the armed conflict can be organized around four themes: (1) community organizing, (2) repression, (3) exile, and (4) reconstruction. I suggest that the metaphor of the exodus serves to understand how individuals from this region remember the armed conflict. I argue that the exodus memory community reveals the importance of acts of everyday resistance to state repression, sheds light on how noncombatants remember the conflict, and suggests a larger and ongoing trajectory to community organizing in which the war is an important chapter, but not the only one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ruch Prawniczy, Ekonomiczny i Socjologiczny (0035-9629) is the property of Adam Mickiewicz University and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Social Policy Studies / Sosyal Politika Çalismalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Social Policy Studies / Sosyal Politika Calismalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this paper, I interrogate the dominant representation of internally displaced persons (IDPs) in humanitarian discourse as helpless victims in need of rescue. Based on the stories of IDP women and gender diverse individuals in the Philippines affected by the Zamboanga City siege in 2013, I illustrate how they exercised agency to shape their trajectories of displacement. The capacity of Filipino IDPs to contend with their displacement is shaped by their power as bakwit (evacuees), and by their class and ethnoreligious identities. While Christian Filipino IDPs had access to material, financial, and social resources, allowing them to engage in temporary migration after displacement, Muslim Filipino IDPs with limited access to these same resources found themselves in unwanted mobility and prolonged situations of displacement. Yet, Muslim Filipino IDPs do not lack agency, as they continue to actively and consciously forge new strategies to regain a sense of home in extended exile. Ultimately, while identifying bakwit power as a useful conceptual tool to make legible how IDPs exercised control at different stages of their displacement, embracing such a framework should not negate the long history of political violence in the region that continues to keep some people on the move. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article analyses the dynamics of the sex trade in the context of the Colombian armed conflict. It argues that the sex trade has adapted to the conflict and its different actors and demonstrates how it operates in such constrained contexts. The article is based on ethnographic research with sex workers in Bogotá who have experience working in different conflict zones. It found that the sex trade is dynamic and that sex workers develop strategies to resist violence and adapt to the respective contexts. These sex workers are a type of ‘floating migrants’, living and surviving on the sex trade not only for the income it generates but also for the relationships they build with other sex workers, establishment managers, and combatants. The article concludes that the sex trade in Colombia did not arise as a result of the armed conflict. Rather, it is a phenomenon that exists as part of a broader market before, during, and after episodes of violence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although organised criminal networks and non-state armed groups (NSAGs) have historically exploited conflict situations to commit various crimes, the extent of human trafficking by these entities in the Sahel has barely been interrogated in academic literature. In principle, while states have an obligation to criminalise trafficking in persons, problems arise where the state has lost parts of its territory to NSAGs or is facing ongoing conflicts with such groups. Boko Haram, for instance, controlled a large swath of territory in Northeast Nigeria from 2009 to 2015, with evidence of human trafficking. Therefore, this paper examines two specific aspects of human trafficking in the Sahel conflicts: trafficking by organised criminals and trafficking by NSAGs, especially terrorist organisations. It argues that while domestic laws may be useful in combating trafficking linked to organised criminal networks, the traditional state-centric approach to human rights protection makes human trafficking governance more complicated where NSAGs are involved, especially where they exercise territorial control. The paper unpacks these complexities and highlights the deficits in existing international law treaties. It argues that customary international law could provide a solution to the anti-trafficking governance challenge in the Sahel and makes a case for the adoption of an anti-trafficking Deed of Commitment within the Geneva Call mechanism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The relevance of the work is determined by the need to improve the protection of children’s rights as the most vulnerable category of the population during the military conflict. The study aims to analyse the existing international mechanisms for the protection of children’s rights during the armed conflict and their effectiveness using the case of Ukraine. The work employed a doctrinal approach, the method of comparative law, a statistical method, and a content analysis. The research established that at the international level, there is an extensive system of legal documents and relationships between countries and international organisations aimed at protecting children’s rights during military conflict, but this system cannot provide the expected results. Using the case of Ukraine, it was proved that children’s rights are regularly violated in the war with Russia: 512 children were killed, and 1,158 were injured as of December 14, 2023. In Ukraine, numerous measures are taken to protect the children’s rights during the armed conflict. International cooperation plays an important role, but protective mechanisms still need significant improvement. The research results are useful in improving government measures related to protecting children’s rights in armed conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article emphasises the importance of computer models in forensics and their potential for predicting criminal activity and preventing offences in the context of military confrontation. The purpose of this paper is to determine the possibility of using computer models to analyse and predict criminal activity during military confrontation. The research employed the following methods: historical method of studying law, logical approach, qualitative method, method of analysis, and method of legal modelling. The study found that forensic modelling is mainly used at the pre-trial investigation or trial stage. The analysis of modern armed conflicts gives grounds to conclude about the high efficiency of computer modelling in preventing wartime crimes. The academic novelty is the obtained results of using computer modelling to prevent potential offences as opposed to its widespread use at the stage of pre-trial investigation. The research prospects include the possibility of the potential study of forensic computer modelling algorithms for accurate prediction of types of offences during the war. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Teorija in Praksa is the property of Teorija in Praksa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Poverty is widely acknowledged as a significant factor in the outbreak of armed conflicts, particularly fueling armed conflict within national borders. There is a compelling argument positing that poverty is a primary catalyst for intrastate armed conflicts; reciprocally, these conflicts exacerbate poverty. This article introduces a statistical model to forecast the likelihood of armed conflict within a country by scrutinizing the intricate relationship between intrastate armed conflicts and various facets of poverty. Poverty, arising from factors such as gender inequality and limited access to education and public services, profoundly affects social cohesion. Armed conflicts, a significant cause of poverty, result in migration, economic devastation, and adverse effects on social unity, particularly affecting disadvantaged and marginal groups. Forecasting and receiving early warnings for intrastate armed conflicts are crucial for international policymakers to take precautionary measures. Anticipating and proactively addressing potential conflicts can mitigate adverse consequences and prevent escalation. Hence, forecasting intrastate armed conflicts is vital, prompting policymakers to prioritize the development of effective strategies to mitigate their impact. While not guaranteeing absolute certainty in forecasting future armed conflicts, the model shows a high degree of accuracy in assessing security risks related to intrastate conflicts. It utilizes a machine‐learning algorithm and annually published fragility data to forecast future intrastate armed conflicts. Despite the widespread use of machine‐learning algorithms in engineering, their application in social sciences still needs to be improved. This article introduces an innovative approach to examining the correlation between various dimensions of poverty and armed conflict using machine‐learning algorithms.

This study investigates the spatial effects of armed conflict on Sub-Saharan Africa’s (SSA) economic growth, focusing on Central Africa, East Africa, and West Africa. Utilizing Spatial Durblin Model (SDM), the analysis reveals significant spatial effects of armed conflict intensity, indicating that conflict in neighboring countries influences conflict levels within a focal country. The study finds a weak or inconclusive relationship between GDP per capita (GDPpc) and conflict intensity, with East Africa showing a significant negative association, suggesting that higher economic prosperity in neighboring countries may mitigate conflict. Conversely, higher corruption levels in Central and West Africa are positively associated with increased conflict intensity, highlighting corruption’s destabilizing influence. Spatial lag SDM results suggest potential benefits of regional economic cooperation in reducing conflict intensity. Moreover, significant positive spatial autocorrelation underscores the interconnected nature of conflict within SSA, with West Africa exhibiting more pronounced spatial spillover effect. Findings from Spatial Autoregressive (SAR) models confirm the weak association between GDPpc and conflict intensity but emphasize the consistent positive association between corruption and conflict intensity. Additionally, the Spatial Error Model (SEM) reaffirms corruption’s detrimental impact on governance and stability. Additionally, the hypothesis of a significant difference in the effect of armed conflict across different SSA subregions is supported, with Central Africa experiencing the strongest negative impact on economic growth, followed by East and West Africa. The study highlights substantial regional heterogeneity in the economic consequences of armed conflict, emphasizing the need for regionally tailored policy interventions to address conflict-related economic disruptions in SSA.

Background: Armed conflict is a complex global phenomenon resulting in numerous injuries and significant health risks, particularly for individuals with chronic illness. This study aims to highlight the degree of medication non-adherence during armed conflict in northwest Ethiopia. Method: An institution-based cross-sectional study was conducted at comprehensive specialized hospitals in northwest Ethiopia. Proportional allocation was used to assign patients in each setting. Proportions and means were compared using the chi-square test and the t-test, respectively. Binary logistic regression was employed to identify significant factors. Results: The degree of medication non-adherence was 68.1 %, and 88.3 % of participants reported that the armed conflict had a negative impact on their treatment. Additionally, 69.1 % of participants claimed that they did not use strategies to cope with the challenges they faced. Significant factors associated with medication non-adherence included the absence of health insurance (AOR = 3.43 (95 % CI 2.04–5.76)), the presence of comorbid illness (AOR (95 % CI): 5.19 (2.91–9.24)), medication unavailability (AOR = 1.84 (95 % CI 1.02–3.30)), and routine follow-up disturbances (AOR = 2.03 (95 % CI 1.08–3.79)). Conclusion: Patients with chronic diseases exhibited a high rate of medication non-adherence during times of conflict. Particular attention should be given to patients with no social insurance, those with comorbid diseases, those experiencing follow-up disturbances, and those facing medication unavailability. Relevant entities are expected to develop initiatives that minimize constraints on medication adherence during armed conflicts.

This article reflects on the history of cattle ranching in Colombia and how it was impacted by the armed conflict in the country and its regions, and the transformation amongst decades of forms of violence and actors involved in this scenario. To conduct the analysis, a review of academic literature on the relationship between cattle ranching and armed conflict in Colombia and some African countries was carried out. Subsequently, a database of 206 violent events related to cattle ranching was constructed, covering three decades of armed conflict (1980–2010), based on primary sources from reports, police evidence, and testimonies of two previous databases. This database contributed to the analysis of the impact of violence on the cattle ranching industry. Thus, this article contributes to the understanding of the history of cattle ranching in Colombia and to the complex transitional process in Colombia today. It demonstrates that productivity and efficiency have not always been the prevailing principles in the history of the cattle industry, but that land tenure and accumulation have operated as a way of securing power by the agrarian and political elites of the country. Such approaches are crucial for comprehending the historical connection between conflict and cattle ranching, especially if the aim for this sector is to adapt to a logic of productivity and innovation in the contemporary world. Also, the findings show that further research on these topics, i.e., related to current environmental and social problems such as climate change, food security, and new social and geopolitical challenges, is needed.

BackgroundVaccinating pregnant women with tetanus toxoid (TT) is crucial to prevent neonatal tetanus, reducing related deaths by 94%. In conflict zones with restricted access to deliveries, neonates face a fatality rate of 80%–100%. This study explores the uptake of protective TT vaccine doses and maternal associated factors during pregnancy in an armed conflict zone.MethodsA hospital-based, descriptive, cross-sectional study was conducted of 357 pregnant women at delivery using simple random sampling. Data were collected through interviews with a structured questionnaire, and entered using Epi-data version 3.1, and exported using SPSS version 22 for further analysis. Binary and multivariable logistic regression analyses were used to identify significant variables for receiving protective TT doses during pregnancy at P

The paper examines the intricate relationship between armed conflict and regional integration, focusing on its role as an ‘undoing’ force in the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) context. A significant element of development and economic cooperation in Africa is the perennial problem of violent conflict in almost all sub-regions. Moreover, organized crime is rising across the continent, coupled with the emergence of new forms of violence associated with today’s globalization and other post-Cold War phenomena. Globalization has led to greater interdependence among countries and fostered cooperation among states. However, a country’s internal conflict often has repercussions beyond its borders and threatens regional and global peace and stability. In addition, armed conflict can affect countries’ relations and state cooperation. Peace provides a good foundation for development and economic cooperation, while development ensures the permanence of peace. The central question addressed in this paper is whether constructive regional economic integration and cooperation can be effectively achieved while some African countries are experiencing armed conflict. A qualitative research approach is used to analyze how armed conflict will likely negatively impact the achievement of AfCFTA goals.

Preserving the full life of an elderly person as the most vulnerable category of the population in times of armed conflict raises many methodological, theoretical, and practical issues for scholars. The article is an attempt at a problematic and reflective analysis of the heuristic nature of the concept of successful ageing for the study of ageing of elderly Ukrainians in the context of the war with Russia. The paper presents a problem-oriented review of contemporary Western literature on successful ageing. In addition to the basic empirical and theoretical works, a significant part of the theoretical analysis is based on the results of the most significant meta-analytical studies on this topic. The methodology of problem-oriented and integrative analysis was used to determine which problem areas of the concept of successful ageing can contribute to its study in wartime. The potential and limitations of the modern concept of successful ageing are considered. Eight problem areas of this concept are presented, which reveal certain contradictions, debatable issues, and gaps, which are simultaneously directions for the development of both the concept itself and its research in the context of war. Among them: vagueness of the criteria for successful ageing and its dilution with similar concepts; interaction of biomedical and psychosocial contexts of successful ageing; limits of responsibility for the success of ageing in the context of the “person – society” dichotomy; socio-structural inequalities between older people and the inability to age equally “successfully”; discrepancies between subjective and objective indicators of successful ageing; dominance of the Western model of successful ageing and levelling of its cultural specificity; integration of individual, social and scientific conceptualization of successful ageing. The author analyses the most promising theoretical and methodological concepts and theories of successful ageing that are most relevant to the problem of ageing in war. The literature review presented in the article will help to draw attention to the problem of improving and preserving the full life of an elderly person in the context of armed conflict. The results of the research will be useful to scholars and practitioners for the further development of programmes to protect the mental and physical health of older people in war

The paper discusses the concept of neutrality in contemporary international law. The traditional notion of neutrality, stemmed from states’ practice since the 17th century, means the particular status, defined by international law, of a state that is not party to an armed conflict. The basic premise of this notion is, in short, quite straightforward: on the one hand, the neutral state has the right to remain apart from, and not to be adversely affected by, the conflict. On the other hand, the neutral state is under the obligation of non-participation and impartiality. In the 20th and 21st centuries, however, following several treaties and modifications of states’ practice on that matter, the law of neutrality underwent changes and introduced new concepts, e.g. qualified neutrality or non-belligerency. This change, however, has produced only modifications of specific rules of the law of neutrality, not a general abolition of this whole body of law.

Abstract Background Frontline hospitals near active hostilities face unique challenges in delivering emergency care amid threats to infrastructure and personnel safety. Existing literature focuses on individual aspects like mass casualty protocols or medical neutrality, with limited analysis of operating acute services directly under fire. Objectives To describe the experience of a hospital situated meters from hostilities and analyze strategies implemented for triage, expanding surge capacity, and maintaining continuity of care during attacks with limited medical staff availability due to hazardous conditions. A focus will be placed on assessing how the hospital functioned and adapted care delivery models in the event of staffing limitations preventing all teams from arriving on site. Methods A retrospective case study was conducted of patient records from Barzilai University Medical Center at Ashkelon (BUMCA) Medical Center in Israel within the first 24 h after escalated conflict began on October 7, 2023. Data on 232 admissions were analyzed regarding demographics, treatment protocols, time to disposition, and mortality. Missile alert data correlated patient surges to attacks. Statistical and geospatial analyses were performed. Results Patients predominantly male soldiers exhibited blast/multisystem trauma. Patient surges at the hospital were found to be correlated with the detection of incoming missile attacks from Gaza within 60 min of launch. While 131 (56%) patients were discharged and 55 (24%) transferred within 24 h, probabilities of survival declined over time reflecting injury severity limitations. 31 deaths occurred from severe presentation. Conclusion Insights gleaned provide a compelling case study on managing mass casualties at the true frontlines. By disseminating BUMCA's trauma response experience, strategies can strengthen frontline hospital protocols optimizing emergency care delivery during hazardous armed conflicts through dynamic surge capacity expansion, early intervention prioritization, and infrastructure/personnel protection measures informed by risks.

Clean and safe water is a fundamental requirement for human survival and well-being. The destruction of civilian infrastructure during wars or natural disasters can severely limit access to clean water for the local population, military, rescue workers and volunteers. The objective of the study was the evaluation of the efficiency of fresh water disinfection by electrolytic ozonation. The ozone concentration was measured photometrically by the intensity of the colour change in the reaction with N, N-diethyl-p-phenylenediamine sulfate. The water quality was assessed microbiologically by determining the total microbial count of the samples and by analysing the colour of the bottom of the flasks in which the water samples were stored. The efficiency of ozonation of artesian water in the field was evaluated. Electrolytic ozonation of 500 mL of spring water for two and five minutes produced an aqueous ozone solution with a concentration of 0.74 and 1.72 mg/L, respectively. Electrolytic ozone decomposed slowly and was detected in the samples three days after the water treatment. Ozonation of spring water for 5 and 10 minutes effectively inactivated all natural microorganisms (2.11 log CFU/mL), the water remained sterile and without any colour changes for a month. Water samples ozonated for 2 minutes did not demonstrate any visible changes after a month of storage, however the natural microflora partially recovered. Planktonic microorganisms in the amount of 2.33 log CFU/mL, as well as biofilms on the walls of the flasks, were detected in a month in the control water samples. The colour of the bottom of the control flasks changed to dirty yellow. In the field, ozonation of water for 10 minutes prevented its spoilage even when the recommended treatment volume was increased by 10 times. The obtained results indicate that electrolytic ozonation is an effective method of freshwater disinfection, and portable ozonators can play an important role in emergency water purification in areas of armed conflicts or natural disasters

Abstract Introduction In Colombia, research on health and conflict has focused on mental health, psychosocial care, displacement, morbidity, and mortality. Few scientific studies have assessed health system functioning during armed conflicts. In a new period characterized by the implementation of the peace agreement with the Revolutionary Armed Forces of Colombia (FARC) armed group, understanding the effects of armed conflict on the health system, the functions, and institutions shaped by the conflict is an opportunity to understand the pathways and scope of post-conflict health policy reforms. Therefore, this study was conducted to assess the effects of armed conflict on the health system, response, and mechanisms developed to protect medical missions during armed conflict in Colombia. Methods This research was conducted using a qualitative approach with semi-structured interviews and focus group discussions. The qualitative guide collected information in four sections: (1) conflict and health system, effects and barriers in health service provision, (2) actions and coordination to cope with those barriers, (3) health policies and armed conflict, and (4) post-accord and current situation. Twenty-two people participated in the interviews, including eight policymakers at the national level and seven at the local level, including two NGOs and five members of international organizations. An academic project event in December 2019 and four focus groups were developed (World Cafe technique) to discuss with national and local stakeholders the effects of armed conflict on the health system and an analytical framework to analyze its consequences. Results The conflict affected the health-seeking behavior of the population, limited access to healthcare provision, and affected health professionals, and was associated with inadequate medical supplies in conflict areas. The health system implemented mechanisms to protect the medical mission, regulate healthcare provision in conflict areas, and commit to healthcare provision (mental and physical health services) for the population displaced by conflict. Conclusion The state’s presence, trust, and legitimacy have significantly reduced in recent years. However, it is crucial to restore them by ensuring that state and health services are physically present in all territories, including remote and rural areas.

Abstract Background Gender-based violence (GBV) particularly against women is unfortunately common during armed conflicts. No rigorous and comprehensive empirical work has documented the extent of GBV and its consequences that took place during the two years of devastating armed conflict in Northern Ethiopia. This study aims to assess GBV and its consequences in war-torn areas of northern Ethiopia. Methods We used a qualitative method augmented by quantitative method to enroll research participants. We conducted in-depth interviews to characterize the lived experiences of GBV survivors. All interviews were conducted confidentially. The data were collected to the point of data saturation. All interviews were transcribed verbatim into local language, translated into English, and analyzed using a thematic analysis approach. We also used reports from healthcare facilities and conducted a descriptive analysis of the demographic characteristics of study participants. Results One thousand one hundred seventy-seven persons reported GBV to healthcare providers. The qualitative study identified several forms of violence (sexual, physical, and psychological). Gang rape against women including minors as young as 14 years old girls was reported. Additionally, the perpetrators sexually violated women who were pregnant, and elderly women as old as 65 years, who took refuge in religious institutions. The perpetrators committed direct assaults on the body with items (e.g., burning the body with cigarette fire) or weapons, holding women and girls as captives, and deprivation of sleep and food. GBV survivors reported stigma, prejudice, suicide attempts, nightmares, and hopelessness. GBV survivors dealt with the traumatic stress by outmigration (leaving their residences), seeking care at healthcare facilities, self-isolation, being silent, dropping out of school, and seeking counseling. Conclusion GBV survivors were subjected to multiple and compounding types of violence, with a wide range of adverse health consequences for survivors and their families. GBV survivors require multifaceted interventions including psychological, health, and economic support to rehabilitate them to lead a productive life.

Abstract Background Intimate partner violence against women (IPVAW) is prevalent in conflict-affected settings. Yet, there is limited knowledge about the risk factors that influence men’s use of IPVAW in conflict-affected settings. This paper adopts a transdisciplinary perspective to understand how experiences hypothesized to increase men’s use of IPVAW relate to each other and to men’s use of IPVAW. The findings may help researchers and interventionists to better select and target interventions for IPVAW in conflict-affected settings. Methods We used baseline data from the Tushinde Ujeuri project in the Democratic Republic of Congo. Men with at least partial data for the variables of interest were included in the analysis (n = 2080). We estimated a structural equation model that explored how five constructs – interpersonal violence, mental health, socioeconomic adversity, gender inequitable attitudes, and conflict violence – influenced men’s self-reported past-year use of physical and/or sexual IPVAW. Results The model had acceptable fit (χ2 = 1576.574, p = 0.000; RMSEA = 0.041; CLI = 0.882; SRMR = 0.055). There was a statistically significant path from interpersonal violence to IPVAW (β = 0.875; OR = 2.40). Interpersonal violence also was linked to gender inequitable attitudes (β = 0.364), which were linked to increased use of IPVAW (β = 0.180; OR = 1.20). Moreover, interpersonal violence was linked to trauma symptoms (β = 0.331), which were linked to increased use of IPVAW (β = 0.238; OR = 1.27). Use of IPVAW decreased as conflict exposures increased (β=-0.036; OR = 0.96), and there was no path from socioeconomic adversity to IPVAW. Conclusions Our findings suggest interpersonal violence exposures, trauma symptoms, and gender inequitable attitudes are all risk factors for the use of IPVAW in a conflict-affected setting. While continuing to focus on gender inequitable attitudes and norms, interventionists should also consider addressing men’s experiences of victimization and mental wellbeing. Doing so can help to improve trauma symptoms and may hold promise to reduce IPVAW in conflict-affected settings.

This photo-essay, entitled 'Our Stories: Cartography of a Conflict', is born from the fieldwork carried out in the scope of the research 'Past, Present and Future in the Voice of Women and Girls Affected by the Conflict in Cabo Delgado: A Feminist Analysis', as a way of naming and disseminating the diversity of voices of displaced women, and broadening the visibility of their stories, which have very often been reduced to statistics. The aim of this article is to share their perceptions and demands, their stories and journeys in search of security and possible horizons for their re-existence. This photo-essay shows that women displaced and affected by the conflict need to be named, singularised in their aspirations, needs and struggles. Their life stories are the reason for this work. It is their pain and resilience, their desires, their invisible and visible powers, their strategies for rebuilding their lives, families and communities that we want to make known. Their voices need to be heard, read, understood and placed at the centre of all governmental and civil society interventions for reconstruction, humanitarian response and peacebuilding in Cabo Delgado. Each woman participating in this photo-essay has chosen to share her story and her face, and has decided how to be photographed and represented, with the desire that somehow their trajectories become sources of direct knowledge to guide the paths to Peace in the province. They want to be known and recognised in their dignity, in their determination and perseverance, as well as in their deepest needs. The story of each woman shared in this article is a local and national reference to build a nonviolent future in Mozambique.

Armed conflicts have caused extreme social crises worldwide, where children represent the most vulnerable group, often experiencing severe trauma and violence in war zones. Globally, one in four children lives in a country affected by armed conflicts, natural disasters, or epidemics. This study aims to provide an overview of research on the psychological impact of armed conflicts on children, including the types of mental disorders that result after war trauma and interventions to minimize psychological damage after exposure to war and conflict. The research was based on a systematic review of the literature, using the Elsevier, Google Scholar, and PubMed databases. Key terms used in the research include: war and mental health or armed conflict, children or refugees and trauma or exposure to war trauma; and post-traumatic stress disorder. Children’s continued exposure to war trauma is associated with mental health problems including post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD), depression, suicidal thoughts or behaviors, dissociative disorders, depersonalization, derealization, numbing, catatonia, and behavior disorders, especially aggression and violent criminal behavior. Based on the studies used, the results show that the crises caused in children by wars has significant effects on mental health, such as anxiety, depression, post-traumatic stress, sleep disorders, and suicidal thoughts. The cited studies recommend increasing human resources for the identification, diagnosis, rehabilitation, and psychosocial support of children who are evacuated from war zones to other countries.

La reconstrucción del pasado reciente del conflicto armado y los procesos de verdad, justicia y reparación con garantías de no repetición, como pilares fundamentales de la justicia transicional en defensa de los derechos de las víctimas, han exacerbado los ejercicios de construcción de memoria en el país. El presente artículo tiene como objetivo describir la producción intelectual sobre los usos y abusos de la memoria, a partir de un ejercicio de revisión documental en bases de datos de producción científica, considerando sus prácticas en términos de intervención, las temáticas abordadas y las metodologías que se han utilizado para el análisis de la construcción de memoria en el marco del conflicto armado colombiano y la reparación de las víctimas en el periodo de 2008 y 2017. Los resultados indican que existe una vasta producción documental sobre la construcción de la memoria histórica en términos de reparación, formas de resistencia y procesos judiciales. The construction of the recent armed conflict and the truth process, justice and reparation of guareantees of not repeated, as a fundamental anchor of the transitional justice defending the humanrights of the victims, it has beeen exarcebate the costruction of memory in our country. The recent article has as an obtective to describe the intelectual production about the uses and abuses of the memory, according to an exercise of documental revisión and the data base of cientific production, considering the practicum in terms of intervention, the thematics well talked about in this documentary and the methodology used for the analysis of the memory construction in the frame of the conflicto armed in Colombia and the victims affair during 2008 and 2017. The results indicates that there is a documental production about the comnstruction of the history memory in terms of reparation, ways of resistence ans judicial processs.

For decades, the armed conflict in Colombia has profoundly impacted across various domains, causing psychosocial, economic, environmental, political, and moral damages throughout the country. One of the most affected sectors has been education, which involves all stakeholders within the educational system, particularly teachers who have directly or indirectly experienced this violence. This article, stemming from research on the resignification of armed conflict and peacebuilding, focuses on how teachers have transformed these impacts into educational actions that contribute to peacebuilding. We analysed the experiences and reflections of 412 participating teachers on-site in five conflict-affected zones in Colombia. Four main categories emerged: (1) psychosocial actions, (2) responsible teaching practices, (3) pedagogical actions, and (4) discussion and reflection spaces. These findings reveal insights not only about the actions that foster peace through school activities but also those within homes and, importantly, the work on oneself. While these actions may not be adopted by all teachers and do not guarantee immunity against future violent events, we believe this analysis could greatly benefit humanity. It prepares us to prevent and confront various forms of aggression, while also assisting in reframing everyday events that could nurture a vulnerable society suffering in silence.

The impact of the active hostilities associated with Russia’s large-scale armed invasion of the territory of Ukraine on soil degradation as a result of military actions has resulted in soil damage due to heavy military armored vehicles. Debris from destroyed military equipment, ammunition, and fuel remnants lead to multi-factor damage to the soil system, causing local and global pollution and losses of soil resources. In all the studied cases, mechanical, chemical, and physical soil degradation were observed. This was manifested in changes in granulometric fractions at explosion sites, burning areas, and locations with heavy-metal contamination. Equipment incineration has resulted in an increase in the sand fraction (2.0–0.05 mm) by 1.2–1.8 times and a decrease in the clay fraction (