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This chapter concentrates on two large political corruption scandals—Lockheed and Flick—in two countries that are commonly seen as relatively corruption-free: the Netherlands and Germany. It argues that these corruption scandals were taken very seriously in these countries, but were handled in different ways from what current anticorruption policies would suggest. In both instances, the existing law was regarded as inadequate and the political elites tried to keep the scandals subdued by balancing refusal of formal prosecution against intense public debate, with the aim of maintaining the stability of the political system in the longer run. In illuminating the overlapping interests of political and financial elites, this chapter stresses the value of pragmatic as opposed to morally unbendable approaches to anticorruption.

There are many rules and measures governing the integrity of public administrations. They concern the quality of actions taken by public servants, measured on the basis of fundamental rules and public values. In particular, transparency rules, risk management programs, and codes of conduct for public officials aim to promote accountability, fairness, and discipline in public administrations; others, instead, correspond to limits and sanctions, such as restrictions (e.g., definitions of potential conflicts of interest), administrative responsibilities, and disciplinary sanctions. All these integrity rules and measures are established by global regimes and implemented by both national systems and the global regimes themselves. Global regimes set standards and oversee the compliance of national systems with global integrity rules. At the same time, they are themselves subject to administrative constraints and diversified integrity controls. Global regimes therefore play a dual role, as both controllers and controlled. This raises some questions, including how the application of integrity rules and measures can be controlled, the differences between integrity controls related to national systems and those pertaining to global regimes, and how integrity controls can contribute to the development of global administrative law. All these come together in a central question of why these controls represent a new challenge in global administrative law.

Financial disclosure systems are a vital component of transparency. By now 161 countries around the world have introduced financial disclosure systems, becoming commonplace around the world. But, although the rules are on the books, many practitioners are still struggling with the intricacies of the rules and how to implement them in the socioeconomic, historical, and legal context of their own country. Little guidance is available to assist them. This book aims to fill that void and provide practitioners with practical scenarios to consider before deciding on a particular course of action. This book contains short chapters that elaborate each topic and provide clear guidance on the issues that policy makers and those involved in the implementation of financial disclosure obligations will need to take into account before making a decision. How do you decide who should file? And how often? On-line or in hard copy? And what exactly? Everything they own directly—or also those apartments they own indirectly? How should information in declarations be checked? Should it be shared with public? How accessible should it be? This is the sort of practical guidance that this book aims to provide.

Afghanistan is a deeply fragile and conflict affected state. It has been in almost constant conflict for over 35 years since the Soviet invasion of 1979. Today the country is at a crossroads in its development with economic growth down sharply and poverty incidence stubbornly high. Afghanistan faces tremendous development challenges. Gross domestic product (GDP) per-capita is among the lowest in the world, poverty is deep and widespread, and social indicators are still at very low levels. The new government has declared its commitment to address Afghanistan’s development challenges, through its paper realizing self-reliance: commitments to reforms and renewed partnership presented at the London conference in December 2014. The purpose of this systematic country diagnostic (SCD) is to provide an evidence-based diagnostic within an objective framework to help in the identification of development priorities. Countries in conflict often face rapidly evolving circumstances and flexibility to adjust quickly is a necessity. The SCD is thus intended to set forth a broad and flexible framework for thinking about choices, prioritization, and sequencing.

A tese aqui desenvolvida é a de que a Lei 12.846/2013, também conhecida como lei anticorrupção, não será capaz de incentivar as empresas brasileiras à adoção de programas ou medidas simplificadas de compliance. A responsabilização administrativa e civil não é tão dissuasiva como poderia ser a responsabilização criminal. O estudo da lei por meio da análise econômica do direito sugere que um agente econômico racional não investiria em compliance, porque a utilidade esperada com a prática do delito é muito superior à utilidade caso a empresa não praticasse o delito, em razão da baixíssima probabilidade de ser punida. Além disso, os benefícios oferecidos – redução parcial somente da multa administrativa, sem possibilidade de atenuação das sanções civis – não compensariam o custo do compliance. Finalmente, a possibilidade de firmar um acordo de leniência e reduzir a multa em até 2/3 eliminaria a vantagem da empresa que possui e aplica um programa de compliance, em relação à empresa que não adota essas práticas. O trabalho foi estruturado em quatro capítulos. O primeiro capítulo estudou, à luz do direito comparado, as possibilidades regulatórias à disposição do legislador para a responsabilização das pessoas jurídicas, bem como as modalidades de culpa e a forma de atribuição dos atos das pessoas físicas às pessoas jurídicas. O segundo capítulo examinou o compliance no contexto do capitalismo regulatório, como uma estratégia de regulação responsiva para o controle da criminalidade empresarial. O terceiro capítulo verificou que a esfera administrativa e civil, escolhida pela lei 12.846/2013, não é tão dissuasiva como pode ser a esfera criminal, para a responsabilização das empresas. Além disso, examinou a lei sob a ótica da análise econômica do direito, concluindo que não existe uma ameaça crível de punição, no Brasil, por atos de corrupção. Por meio da comparação do cálculo de multas aplicadas a cinco empresas fictícias, sugere-se que uma empresa, ao analisar custos e benefícios, não investiria num programa de compliance, preferindo utilizar de outra forma esses valores. O quarto capítulo examinou os elementos de um programa de compliance e forneceu parâmetros para a avaliação de sua atividade, propondo um método estruturado em dois critérios: a presença dos elementos estruturais e a apuração da efetividade de seu funcionamento. A pesquisa concluiu que, para desequilibrar o mercado da corrupção e fazer com que as empresas adotem o compliance, será necessário aumentar a probabilidade de que os atos lesivos sejam descobertos, apurados e efetivamente punidos, e, ao mesmo tempo, ampliar os benefícios oferecidos às empresas que possuírem um compliance efetivo. Caso contrário, continuará valendo a pena apostar na ineficiência do sistema e não implementar um programa ou medidas simplificadas de compliance. The thesis developed in this study is that the Act 12.846/2013, also known as anticorruption law, will not trigger an increased use of compliance programs or simplified compliance measures by Brazilian companies. Administrative and civil sanctions are not as deterrent as criminal sanctions. The analysis of the act under an economic approach suggests that a rational economic agent would not invest in compliance, because the expected utility arising from the offense greatly exceeds the utility a company could get in case they did not commit the offense on account of the extremely low probability of being caught and punished. Besides that, the incentives offered – a partial reduction of the administrative fine only, without the possibility of reducing the civil sanctions – would not compensate the costs of compliance. And ultimately, the possibility of either a non-prosecution agreement or a deferred prosecution agreement, reducing the fine up to two thirds would eliminate the advantages of companies which use compliance programs in comparison to the ones which do not. The research is structured in four chapters. The first chapter analyzes, in light of comparative law, the regulatory choices available to the legislatures to punish legal persons, as well as the types of culpability and the criteria to attribute the acts of individuals to legal persons. The second chapter examines compliance in the context of regulatory capitalism, as a responsive regulation strategy for imposing corporate criminal liability. The third chapter shows that the administrative and civil regime of Act 12.846/2013 is not as deterrent as a criminal regime could be. In addition, the chapter examines the act through the lenses of the economic analysis of law, concluding that there is not a credible threat of punishment in Brazil for acts of corruption. Comparing the fines that would be applied to five different fictitious companies, the research suggests that companies, when reflecting on costs and benefits of compliance programs, would prefer to direct their resources into other activities. The fourth chapter presents the elements of compliance programs and proposes standards for the assessment of its effectiveness under two criteria: the presence of structural components and the effectiveness of their performance. The conclusion is that, so as to unbalance the market of corruption, it would be essential to greatly enhance the probability of detection, investigation and punishment of illicit acts, and, at the same time, increase the benefits offered to the companies which implement an effective compliance program. Otherwise, relying on the inefficiency of the system and thus not implementing compliance will still pay off, though. La tesis expuesta consiste en que la Ley n. 12.846/2013, también conocida como ley anticorrupción, no sería capaz de incentivar a las empresas brasileñas a la adopción de programas o medidas simplificadas de compliance. La responsabilización administrativa y civil no es tan disuasiva como podría ser la responsabilización criminal. El estudio de la ley por medio del análisis económico del derecho, indica que un agente económico racional no invertiría en compliance porque la utilidad esperada con la práctica del delito es muy superior a la utilidad, caso la empresa no hubiese practicado el delito, debido a la bajísima probabilidad de ser punida. Además, los beneficios ofrecidos – reducción parcial solamente de la multa administrativa, sin posibilidad de atenuar sanciones civiles – no compensarían el coste del compliance. Finalmente, la posibilidad de firmar un acuerdo de colaboración y reducir la multa en hasta 2/3 eliminaría la ventaja de la empresa que posee y aplica un programa de compliance en relación a la empresa que no adopta estas prácticas. El trabajo fue estructurado en cuatro capítulos. El primer capítulo ha estudiado, desde la óptica del derecho comparado, las posibilidades regulatorias a disposición del legislador para la responsabilización de las personas jurídicas, así como las modalidades de culpa y la forma de atribución de los actos de las personas físicas a las personas jurídicas. El segundo capítulo ha examinado el compliance en el contexto del capitalismo regulatorio, como una estrategia de regulación responsiva para el control de la criminalidad empresarial. El tercer capítulo ha verificado que la esfera administrativa y civil, elegida por la Ley 12.846/2013, no es tan disuasiva como puede ser la esfera criminal, para la responsabilización de las empresas. Además, ha examinado la ley en el marco de análisis económico del derecho, concluyendo que no existe una amenaza creíble de punición en Brasil, por actos de corrupción. La comparación del cálculo de las multas aplicadas a cinco empresas ficticias, sugiere que demostrado que una empresa, al analizar costes y beneficios, no invertiría en un programa de compliance, prefiriendo utilizar estos valores de otra manera. El cuarto capítulo ha examinado los elementos de un programa de compliance y ha fornecido parámetros para la evaluación de su eficacia, proponiendo un método estructurado en dos criterios: la presencia de los elementos estructurales y la apuración de la eficacia de su funcionamiento. La investigación ha concluido que, para desequilibrar el mercado de la corrupción y hacer que las empresas adopten el compliance, será necesario incrementar la probabilidad de que los actos lesivos sean descubiertos, apurados y efectivamente punidos y, al mismo tiempo, ampliar los beneficios ofrecidos a las empresas que poseerían un compliance eficaz. En caso contrario, continuara valiendo la pena apostar en la ineficiencia del sistema y no implementar un programa o medidas simplificadas de compliance.

Over the past five years, the World Bank has made significant progress supporting governance as a core element in operations to end extreme poverty and boost shared prosperity. To help its clients, the Bank strives to deepen its understanding of the environment through the design and implementation of its projects. Since the inception of the Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) Strategy in 2008, the Governance Partnership Facility (GPF) has played a vital role in the success of its implementation.

Globally, increasingly vigilant and vocal civil society groups—important actors in the new multilateralism—are demanding that companies publish what they pay in revenues, aid agencies publish what they fund, and governments publish what they spend. These initiatives reflect a renewed and heightened focus on openness, transparency, and citizen participation in the discourse and practice of governance. This idea of open government stresses information sharing and participation, rather than discretion and secrecy, as foundations of good and effective governance.

Individual citizens can effect social change through mediated action. There has been a paradigmatic shift in how social networks coalesce online for collective action. The Internet, and especially the creation of open and accessible social media networks, has facilitated and significantly accelerated the generation and mass awareness of social categories, such as people with grievances about government corruption. It has also provided the means to create and share an abundance of content—images, videos, and stories— that feed the narratives around which networks for action coalesce.

в статье представлены формы работы с родителями (законными представителями) и детьми дошкольного возраста в аспекте правового воспитания. Автор представляет план по воспитанию основ правовой культуры детей., The article presents ways of working with parents (legal representatives) and children of preschool age in the aspect of legal education.

This paper develops a structural approach for modeling how respondents answer survey questions and uses it to estimate the proportion of respondents who are reticent in answering corruption questions, as well as the extent to which reticent behavior biases down conventional estimates of corruption. The context is a common two-step survey question, first inquiring whether a government official visited a business, and then asking about bribery if a visit was acknowledged. Reticence is a concern for both steps, since denying a visit sidesteps the bribe question. This paper considers two alternative models of how reticence affects responses to two-step questions, with differing assumptions on how reticence affects the first question about visits. Maximum-likelihood estimates are obtained for seven countries using data on interactions with tax officials. Different models work best in different countries, but cross-country comparisons are still valid because both models use the same structural parameters. On average, 40 percent of corruption questions are answered reticently, with much variation across countries. A statistic reflecting how much standard measures underestimate the proportion of all respondents who had a bribe interaction is developed. The downward bias in standard measures is highly statistically significant in all countries, varying from 12 percent in Nigeria to 90 percent in Turkey. The source of bias varies widely across countries, between denying a visit and denying a bribe after admitting a visit.

The Country Partnership Framework (CPF) will succeed the Myanmar interim strategy note (FY13-14) and be the first full country strategy for Myanmar since 1984. This CPF comes at a time of great opportunity for Myanmar; over the three year period covered in this CPF, the reforms initiated in 2011 have the potential to bring Myanmar into a new era of peace and prosperity. Myanmar s history, ethnic diversity, and geography combine into a unique set of development challenges and opportunities, including (i) emergence from a long period of international isolation; (ii) widespread poverty, despite rich land, water, and mineral resource endowments; (iii) a strategic location in the fastest-growing region in the world; (iv) the role of the military and associated groups in the economy; and (v) long standing armed conflict and ethnic and religious tensions. Myanmar is on a path of fundamental transformation, seeking to address all these challenges and opportunities simultaneously. Along with unique opportunities, the CPF supported program will also face substantial risks. Political risks associated with the elections in late 2015 include a polarization among stakeholders, policy discontinuity, and a slow-down of reforms. The national peace process to resolve decades-old conflicts remains fragile. On the economic front, risks include vulnerability to volatile oil and gas prices, spending pressures, an underdeveloped financial sector, and a weak regulatory framework, while overall capacity constraints may limit the country s ability to effectively manage macro-financial shocks. The design of the WBG program will help manage and mitigate these risks, and the WBG will regularly review risks and opportunities and adapt the CPF during implementation as warranted. A performance and learning review planned for late FY16 will facilitate the adaptation of the WBG program to country developments as needed.

This publication fills an important knowledge gap by providing guidance on how to assess contextual drivers of social accountability effectiveness. It aims to strategically support citizen engagement at the country level and for a specific issue or problem. The report proposes a novel framing of social accountability as the interplay of constitutive elements: citizen action and state action, supported by three enabling levers: civic mobilization, interface and information. For each of these constitutive elements, the report identifies 'drivers' of contextual effectiveness which take into account a broad range of contextual factors (e.g., social, political and intervention-based, including information and communication technologies). Opening the Black Box offers detailed guidance on how to assess each driver. It also applies the framework at two levels. At the country level, the report looks at 'archetypes' of challenging country contexts, such as regimes with no formal space or full support for citizen-state engagement and fragile and conflict-affected situations. The report also illustrates the use of the framework to analyze specific social accountability interventions through four case studies: Sierra Leone, Pakistan, Yemen, and the Kyrgyz Republic.

Anthropologists studying audit culture focus on the success of rankings, ratings and indicators in constituting or reproducing discourses, a kind of audit juggernaut of power. But in fact, alot of these rankings have no impact at all. The short commentary, part of a group of papers on audit culture, rankings and indicators, compares the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index with the lesser known World Bank Governance Matters index. Anthropologists need to study why some audit discourses have no impact at all.

Paper presented at Workshop on the Sociology of Transparency, Univ. Osnabruck, Nov. 2015. Disclosure and transparency, being open so that others can look deeper into to your organization, is not just a requirement imposed by government regulations or funding agencies. Transparency is also tied to a value of authenticity, sincerity and ethics. There is moral dimension to transparency. Being open is to be good. Concealment or opacity is bad. On the other hand, there are those who say that transparency is the same as professionalism; that transparency is good for business. Here transparency is not moral but strategic. This paper explores the issue of morality and transparency using ethnographic examples from two worlds: that of NGOs who ‘do good’ and that of the burgeoning field of ‘Ethics and Compliance’ within the private business sector. The active concept of 'transparenting' is introduced. What does ‘transparenting’ entail from a moral point of view? Are being ethical, doing good and being transparent all the same thing? Has exposing ourselves to the gaze of others become a moral imperative? Can nothing be held confidential anymore?

The general theme discussed in the doctoral thesis focuses on"the control of the Court of Auditors on public management andadministrative Anticorruption".The current importance of this theme is evident if only weconsider the recent "Feels Ranking of Corruption" - the CorruptionPerception Index 2014 of Transparency International-published in December 2014 that, in reporting the assessments of internationalobservers on the level of corruption of 175 countries of the world, putsItaly on the podium (together with Romania, Greece and Bulgaria) ofthe most corrupt countries among those belonging to the EuropeanUnion.These data require the Italian legislature a deep reflection onthe strategies adopted or that will be adopted in the fight againstadministrative corruption, especially in a time of great economic andfinancial difficulties for the Italian state, which derived among otherthings, from the spread of the phenomenon of administrativecorruption in public administrations.Importantly, from the analysis on the recent history of thenational legislative landscape it has also to be noted the attempt of theItalian state to put a stop to the phenomenon of the corruption alsowith more strategies and tools than those typical of criminal law. For istance in 2012 the Italian legislature approved on the onehand, the so-called law Severino (law 190 / 2012) which prescribes,for the first time in an organic way, an administrative approach to the"disease" of corruption (through, for example, the appointment of a'National Anti-Corruption Authority, the promotion of ethics public,the administrative transparency), and on the other hand, the decree 174/2012 (converted into Law 213/2012), entitled "Strengthening ofthe participation of the Court of Auditors in auditing the financialmanagement of local authorities", which represent a starting point fora phase of reform of the controls in order to remedy the gradualdeterioration of the local finance, also caused by numerous scandalsinvolving some of the Italian regional councils, has launched a phaseof reform of the controls.The doctoral thesis, which analyzes the "leaven" of the Italianlegislature and the attempt to put a stop to the phenomenon ofadministrative corruption also turn the 'attention', in a comparison key,to the French law. The last chapter of the thesis is, in fact, dedicated to thedeepening of the theme of the fight against administrative corruptionand the role played by the Court of auditors in 'French law whichalmost a decade before Italy ( in 1993) drafted a comprehensive lawaimed at combating administrative corruption (the so-called LoiSapin).In summary, the thesis through a comparison of the French lawand Italian law, aims to encourage reflection not only on the delicate issue of the controls of the Court of Auditors on public managemen tbut also on administrative anticorruption., Le sujet de la thèse de doctorat porte sur "le contrôle de la Cour des comptes sur la gestion publique et sur l’anticorruption administrative."La brûlante actualité de ce sujet résulte du récent "Classement de la corruption perçue" - le « Corruption Perception Index 2014 de Transparency International» - publié en Décembre 2014, qui, sur la base des évaluations des observateurs internationaux sur le niveau de corruption de 175 pays du monde place l'Italie, sur le podium (avec la Roumanie, la Grèce et la Bulgarie) des Pays les plus corrompus parmi ceux qui font partie de l'Union européenne.Ces données qui imposent au législateur italien une profonde réflexion sur les «moyens» utilisés et à utiliser dans la lutte contre la corruption administrative, se situent dans un moment de grandes difficultés économiques et financières pour l'Etat italien, à cause de la propagation du phénomène de la corruption administrative dans les administrations publiques.Toutefois, il convient de noter que, à partir d'une analyse de l'histoire récente de la législation nationale, il surgit la tentative de l'État italien de mettre fin à ce phénomène par des techniques et des instruments autres que ceux de la loi pénale.D’ une part, il suffit de rappeler que, dans la même année, 2012,le législateur italien , avec la « loi Severino » ( 190/2012) envisagé,pour la première fois de manière organique et suivant une approche administrative, la «pathologie » de la corruption (par exemple, à travers la nomination d'une «autorité nationale de lutte contre la corruption, ou par la promotion de l'éthique publique,de la transparence administrative). D’ autre part, avec le décret loi 174/2012 (converti dans la loi 213/2012) afin de remédier à la détérioration progressive de la finance locale, causée par les nombreux scandales impliquant certains des Conseils régionaux italiens, a lancé une phase de la réforme du système de contrôle, débouchée sur l'émanation du décret loi 174/2012 intitulé "Renforcement de la participation de la Cour des comptes au contrôle sur la gestion financière des collectivités locales."La thèse de doctorat analyse,donc, l’ effervescence du législateur italien dans le domaine du contrôle de la Cour des compte safin de mettre fin au phénomène de la corruption administrative focalisant aussi l’« attention », en termes de comparaison, àl’ organisation française.Le dernier chapitre du travail est, en fait, consacré à l'approfondissement du thème de la lutte contre la corruption administrative et au rôle joué par la Cour dans l’ organisation française qui, en effet, presqu’ une décennie avant l'Italie, en 1993, a élaboré une loi organique visant à lutter contre la corruption administrative, la loi Sapin.En bref par le biais d’ une comparaison entre le système français et le système italien ce travail vise à encourager la réflexion sur la question délicate des contrôles de gestion de la Cour des comptes sur les administrations publiques et sur la lutte contre la corruption.

Anthropologists studying audit culture focus on the success of rankings, ratings and indicators in constituting or reproducing discourses, a kind of audit juggernaut of power. But in fact, alot of these rankings have no impact at all. The short commentary, part of a group of papers on audit culture, rankings and indicators, compares the Transparency International Corruption Perception Index with the lesser known World Bank Governance Matters index. Anthropologists need to study why some audit discourses have no impact at all.

The community of development partners in the Republic of Moldova would be honored to engage in the development policy dialogue with the new Government. This briefing book from development partners is offered as a first step in such a dialogue and is solely intended to assist the new Government by providing development partners views and proposals that it can use to the extent it considers useful and relevant. These recommendations are based on Moldova s existing policy orientations as set out in the National Development Strategy Moldova 2020, its international obligations, and the Association Agreement (AA) with the European Union (EU). Moldova made a formal commitment to accelerate the country s development by making it capital-intensive, sustainable and knowledge-driven. With a strategic framework outlining Moldova s development path in place, it is now critical to accelerate implementation of the reforms including those set out in the Association Agenda to move closer to the EU. Moldova faces significant risks in the financial sector, which should be addressed as a matter of urgency. A well-regulated and reliable banking sector is fundamental to business, people and international investors. At the same time a robust system of public financial management should be in place to ensure transparency and accountability of public finances. Moldova should develop a competitive business environment attractive to new investment. Moldova should also take advantage of new trading opportunities through effective implementation of the Deep and Comprehensive Free Trade Area (DCFTA).

The general theme discussed in the doctoral thesis focuses on"the control of the Court of Auditors on public management andadministrative Anticorruption".The current importance of this theme is evident if only weconsider the recent "Feels Ranking of Corruption" - the CorruptionPerception Index 2014 of Transparency International-published in December 2014 that, in reporting the assessments of internationalobservers on the level of corruption of 175 countries of the world, putsItaly on the podium (together with Romania, Greece and Bulgaria) ofthe most corrupt countries among those belonging to the EuropeanUnion.These data require the Italian legislature a deep reflection onthe strategies adopted or that will be adopted in the fight againstadministrative corruption, especially in a time of great economic andfinancial difficulties for the Italian state, which derived among otherthings, from the spread of the phenomenon of administrativecorruption in public administrations.Importantly, from the analysis on the recent history of thenational legislative landscape it has also to be noted the attempt of theItalian state to put a stop to the phenomenon of the corruption alsowith more strategies and tools than those typical of criminal law. For istance in 2012 the Italian legislature approved on the onehand, the so-called law Severino (law 190 / 2012) which prescribes,for the first time in an organic way, an administrative approach to the"disease" of corruption (through, for example, the appointment of a'National Anti-Corruption Authority, the promotion of ethics public,the administrative transparency), and on the other hand, the decree 174/2012 (converted into Law 213/2012), entitled "Strengthening ofthe participation of the Court of Auditors in auditing the financialmanagement of local authorities", which represent a starting point fora phase of reform of the controls in order to remedy the gradualdeterioration of the local finance, also caused by numerous scandalsinvolving some of the Italian regional councils, has launched a phaseof reform of the controls.The doctoral thesis, which analyzes the "leaven" of the Italianlegislature and the attempt to put a stop to the phenomenon ofadministrative corruption also turn the 'attention', in a comparison key,to the French law. The last chapter of the thesis is, in fact, dedicated to thedeepening of the theme of the fight against administrative corruptionand the role played by the Court of auditors in 'French law whichalmost a decade before Italy ( in 1993) drafted a comprehensive lawaimed at combating administrative corruption (the so-called LoiSapin).In summary, the thesis through a comparison of the French lawand Italian law, aims to encourage reflection not only on the delicate issue of the controls of the Court of Auditors on public managemen tbut also on administrative anticorruption., Le sujet de la thèse de doctorat porte sur "le contrôle de la Cour des comptes sur la gestion publique et sur l’anticorruption administrative."La brûlante actualité de ce sujet résulte du récent "Classement de la corruption perçue" - le « Corruption Perception Index 2014 de Transparency International» - publié en Décembre 2014, qui, sur la base des évaluations des observateurs internationaux sur le niveau de corruption de 175 pays du monde place l'Italie, sur le podium (avec la Roumanie, la Grèce et la Bulgarie) des Pays les plus corrompus parmi ceux qui font partie de l'Union européenne.Ces données qui imposent au législateur italien une profonde réflexion sur les «moyens» utilisés et à utiliser dans la lutte contre la corruption administrative, se situent dans un moment de grandes difficultés économiques et financières pour l'Etat italien, à cause de la propagation du phénomène de la corruption administrative dans les administrations publiques.Toutefois, il convient de noter que, à partir d'une analyse de l'histoire récente de la législation nationale, il surgit la tentative de l'État italien de mettre fin à ce phénomène par des techniques et des instruments autres que ceux de la loi pénale.D’ une part, il suffit de rappeler que, dans la même année, 2012,le législateur italien , avec la « loi Severino » ( 190/2012) envisagé,pour la première fois de manière organique et suivant une approche administrative, la «pathologie » de la corruption (par exemple, à travers la nomination d'une «autorité nationale de lutte contre la corruption, ou par la promotion de l'éthique publique,de la transparence administrative). D’ autre part, avec le décret loi 174/2012 (converti dans la loi 213/2012) afin de remédier à la détérioration progressive de la finance locale, causée par les nombreux scandales impliquant certains des Conseils régionaux italiens, a lancé une phase de la réforme du système de contrôle, débouchée sur l'émanation du décret loi 174/2012 intitulé "Renforcement de la participation de la Cour des comptes au contrôle sur la gestion financière des collectivités locales."La thèse de doctorat analyse,donc, l’ effervescence du législateur italien dans le domaine du contrôle de la Cour des compte safin de mettre fin au phénomène de la corruption administrative focalisant aussi l’« attention », en termes de comparaison, àl’ organisation française.Le dernier chapitre du travail est, en fait, consacré à l'approfondissement du thème de la lutte contre la corruption administrative et au rôle joué par la Cour dans l’ organisation française qui, en effet, presqu’ une décennie avant l'Italie, en 1993, a élaboré une loi organique visant à lutter contre la corruption administrative, la loi Sapin.En bref par le biais d’ une comparaison entre le système français et le système italien ce travail vise à encourager la réflexion sur la question délicate des contrôles de gestion de la Cour des comptes sur les administrations publiques et sur la lutte contre la corruption.

This paper discusses the various metaphors used to describe the emerging global anticorruption regime, metaphors such as anticorruption industry, landscape, assemblage, package, gift. It is argued that anticorruptionism now has a life of its own, separate from the ostensible project of 'fighting corruption' We need to study the anticorruption 'package' as it is transmitted or donated around the world. The world of anticorruption is its own world.

The focus of this paper is on improving governance through the use of information and communication technology (ICT) in the delivery of services to the poor, i.e., improving efficiency, accountability, and transparency, and reducing bribery. A number of papers recognize the potential benefits but they also point out that it has not been easy to harness this potential. This paper presents an analysis of effective case studies from developing countries where the benefits have reached a large number of poor citizens. It also identifies the critical success factors for wide-scale deployment. The paper includes cases on the use of ICTs in the management of delivery of public services in health, education, and provision of subsidized food. Cases on electronic delivery of government services, such as providing certificates and licenses to rural populations, which in turn provide entitlements to the poor for subsidized food, fertilizer, and health services are also included. ICT-enabled provision of information to enhance rural income is also covered.

Mestrado em Desenvolvimento e Cooperação Internacional As estratégias de combate à corrupção são hoje um inegável instrumento para alcançar melhorias de qualidade institucional e governativa. A corrupção, pelos seus reconhecidos efeitos negativos no crescimento e desenvolvimento dos países, é um maleficio a abater. Assim, a análise da constituição destes programas e a forma como usualmente são aplicados nos diferentes contextos sociopolíticos é fundamental para uma compreensão das variáveis que influenciam a sua aplicação e os seus resultados. Utilizando os exemplos das estratégias anticorrupção de Hong Kong, Eslováquia e Botswana, conclui-se que o pontual sucesso das medidas implementadas advém essencialmente da conjugação de medidas institucionais, judiciais e centradas em valores, bem como da estabilidade política e da aplicação das reformas em todos os sectores e hierarquias estatais a longo prazo. The strategies for fighting corruption are nowadays an undeniable instrument to achieve better institutional and governmental quality. Corruption, for its well-known negative effects on growth and development, is a curse to eliminate. Thus, the analysis of this type of programs and the ways in which they are applied throughout different sociopolitical contexts is fundamental for a comprehension of the variables that influence their application and their results. Using the examples of Hong Kong, Slovakia and Botswana?s anticorruption strategies, we conclude that the unusual success of the measures to reduce corruption arises from the combination of institutional and judiciary reforms, but also from measures based on values and ethics, from the political stability and the application of reforms on all levels of hierarchy and all sectors of the State on a long term basis.

Presented at conference on NGO studies and anthropology, panel on elite NGOs and NGO elites. Abstract. The anticorruption NGO Transparency International was founded in 1993 by a former World Bank official and his network of ex-diplomats, lawyers, development consultants and businessmen. With headquarters in Berlin and affiliate organizations in 90 countries, it is truly one of the most successful NGOs in history, achieving a tremendous impact in a relatively short period. TI is received at the World Bank, at Davos, and at every major anticorruption or business ethics forum. Most of the affiliates are headed and run by a professional staff with a local board resembling those of the main organization. TI does not demonstrate or mobilize mass or grass roots activities, and their strategy of work is called ‘coalition building’. How did TI get so influential so fast? Did they just catch a wave of anticorruption sentiment ‘out there’. How do elites mobilize in a grass-roots fashion? And how do we integrate the elite origin and character of organizations such as Transparency International into the general study of NGOs, civil society and non-state actors?

Teniendo en cuenta que la corrupción en cualquier grado es un fenómeno social, político y económico que perjudica la eficiente gestión de las entidades gubernamentales y afecta el desarrollo del País, en este ensayo se pretende determinar que causas generan actos de corrupción a menor escala en las Entidades del Distrito Capital, que mecanismos de control en temas de anticorrupción existen en las Entidades del Distrito Capital y cuáles son los factores sociales y culturales que inciden en las conductas corruptas al interior de las entidades del Distrito Capital. Given that corruption affects in many ways in a social, political and economics, corruption impairs the efficient management of government agencies and affects the development of the country, this essay pretend to determine what causes corruption in smaller scale in the Capital District entities, what mechanisms of control against corruption exist in the Capital District entities and what are the social and cultural factors that influence the corrupt behavior of the entities within the Capital Districts.

Azerbaijan is a secular, majority-Shiite, oil and gas-rich country whose per-capita income quadrupled in real terms during the period 2004-10. While rising incomes have reduced poverty, steps towards a more secure, diversified economy are held back by a public sector that rests on vested interests, patronage-based incentive structures, and ingrained patterns of behavior that include significant rent extraction, particularly from the non-oil economy, with minimal checks and balances from Parliament, the private sector, and civil society. Bank engagement in Azerbaijan at the country level focused on areas which had government support. Some modest results have been achieved, even though in many cases modern laws and practices were adopted without adequate plans for implementation. At the project level, the Bank has supported the strengthening of project implementation units (PIUs) and tools for monitoring, and governance and institutional filters have signaled that Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) processes need to be embedded in the Bank projects. At the sector level, the Bank's work was highly relevant in supporting oil revenue transparency, primary education, roads, and the development of safeguards. It was substantially relevant in public financial management, and private sector development and procurement. Bank engagement was moderately relevant in decentralization, civil service reform, and accountability institutions.

Bangladesh is one of the world's poorest and most densely populated countries, and subject to annual cyclones and flooding. Despite these challenges, it benefits from strong economic growth, good performance on health and education, and poverty reduction, alongside weak governance and pervasive corruption. The reasons include strong macroeconomic policy, pro-poor spending, credible elections, export growth and remittances, improved capacity for managing natural disasters, and a stronger civil society than comparable countries. After over a decade of intense engagement with the Bank on governance, Bangladesh adopted in 2006 a governance-oriented Country Assistance Strategy (CAS) with four main objectives: to improve implementation capacity; to 'tackle corruption' by fully operationalizing the Anti-Corruption Commission; to lay the foundation for comprehensive legal and judicial reform; and to strengthen 'voice, empowerment and participation.' The choice of a wide range of instruments and areas of intervention was appropriate, given the political instability at the time of 2006 CAS preparation. The Bank signaled it was ready to engage in all areas, and could scale up or pull back depending on emerging political and bureaucratic commitment. The 2006 CAS yielded mixed results, and the subsequent Country Partnership Strategy (CPS) has been more selective on GAC issues. At the project level, governance has been a key priority, in line with the South Asia region's heavy emphasis on GAC-in-Projects. Investments in GAC-in-primary education, a local government project, anti-corruption efforts in the power sector, and projects strengthening the investment climate have yielded positive results. Investments in GAC-in-roads projects have had mixed results in terms of effectiveness. GAC activities were mainly adopted prior to the 2007 GAC strategy. Although Bangladesh was a Country Governance and Anticorruption (CGAC) country, the country team chose not to use CGAC funds because the country had already been intensively using GAC approaches well before the GAC strategy was adopted.

The focus of this paper is on the institutions outside the executive branch that include supreme audit institutions, legislative oversight bodies (such as parliamentary public accounts and budget committees, and ombudsmen), related independent bodies, and civil society organizations. Through their support for accountability, donor countries and international financial institutions seek to help countries: promote voice and accountability as an intrinsic human right, and improve development outcomes in terms of poverty reduction, sustainable development. The report is organized as: first, provide a brief literature review of research on accountability, and how donors and other actors can work to improve it, including a review of the experience of other bilateral and multilateral donors in supporting domestic accountability through their policies, strategies, and behaviors as well as through direct support to accountability actors and systems. Second, briefly review the guidance prepared for Bank staff toward enhancing accountability. Third, review some examples of the Bank's experience in supporting domestic accountability. Finally, we present some conclusions and accountability-related questions for further analysis.

Moldova has suffered over the last two decades from rising poverty, territorial secession, armed conflict, and the spillover effects of a regional financial crisis, with declining population size and life expectancy, and an economy approximately one-half of what it was in 1990. The return of the Moldovan Communist Party (PCRM), which won two major elections after 2001, contributed to increasing centralization of governmental authority along with a reform agenda that emphasized greater state control over the economy, fiscal support to state enterprises and collective farms, land consolidation, economic protectionism, and the tolerance of monopolies in industry and energy. At the same time, the government has increased social expenditures, and taken major steps to improve public financial management. Bank engagement was moderately effective at the country and project levels, and substantially effective at the sector level. There was progress in several aspects of public financial management (PFM). Regulatory streamlining has reduced costs to business, although resistance to civil service reform has left much work to be done. The Bank has also helped achieve progress on Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) issues in primary education, roads, and private sector development. Education progress is highly uneven across regions, for example, overweight trucks continue to tear up roads, and private investment is not enough to make a dent in high unemployment. A graduated approach to country systems and road sector technical audits help address GAC issues at the project level. The overall impact of GAC strategy implementation was moderate. The GAC committees set up at the regional and sectoral Bank department levels are particularly useful mechanisms for disseminating practices from the GAC Council. Staff has been proactive in using Country Governance and Anticorruption (CGAC) resources. However, three applications for window one funding were not approved, reducing the ability of this small program to seize opportunities.

Cambodia is one of the world's most open economies, sustaining high levels of growth in an environment of relatively weak governance. Emerging from a legacy of genocide and civil conflict, the country has sought to address human and social capital deficits across sectors, weaknesses in public finance, and corruption. Despite improvements in access to basic services, governance constraints persist and may threaten gains from economic integration. Over the 2004-10 period, the Bank's engagement on Governance and Anticorruption (GAC) issues in Cambodia was not defined by a single, overarching priority or entry point (such as core public sector management, natural resource management, or service delivery). Rather, the Bank was opportunistic, opting to support the government's GAC efforts across multiple sectors and institutions. The relevance of this opportunistic approach is judged to be moderately relevant. The Bank's objectives on public financial management (PFM) were highly relevant given Cambodia's nontransparent and weak public expenditure management and limited capacity. The Bank's response to sectoral governance weaknesses such as red tape, inefficiencies, and other forms of rent-seeking in customs is rated modest given the need for the government to implement its World Trade Organization commitments. The Bank's project level engagement is rated as moderately relevant. As a basis for reinstating suspended projects, portfolio-wide measures included the use of an Independent Procurement Agency (IPA) for the International Development Association (IDA) procurements, and the implementation of Good Governance Frameworks (GGF) for all IDA projects.

The concept of open development presupposes a greatly increased supply of information available to citizens on the issues, products, and services that shape their lives. It means that governments should make information on budgets accessible and intelligible, local authorities should provide access to information about the provision of services that citizens can expect, and donors should be transparent about what they are spending, specifying for what and why, and doing so in forms that beneficiaries can use.

Daugelis lietuvių ir užsienio mokslininkų (G. Šatienė, V. Pruskas, S. P. Huntington ir kt.) tiria korupciją valstybės tarnyboje, politikoje, privačiame sektoriuje. Tik nedaugelis mokslininkų analizuoja korupcijos atsiradimą švietime. Nėra paprasta gauti dokumentų, įrodančių korupcijos faktus šioje srityje, tačiau nepaisant to, kad mokslinių darbų apie korupciją švietimo srityje nėra itin daug, kovą su korupcija švietime reikia laikyti prioritetine. Korupcija daro įtaką švietimo paslaugų kokybei, jų veiksmingumui, griauna pasitikėjimą visa švietimo sistema. Korupcija švietimo srityje yra itin žalinga, kadangi jos poveikis yra ilgalaikis. Antikorupcija apima viską, ką galima padaryti ar jau daroma, kad korupcijos iš viso nebūtų ar kad jos būtų kuo mažiau. Lietuvoje korupcijos prevencija yra orientuojama daugiausia į teisingumą, sveikatos priežiūrą, politiką ir kitas sritis, pamirštant švietimą, nors ši sritis yra viena iš svarbiausių. Bakalauro baigiamojo darbo tyrimo objektas – antikorupcijos sistema Šiaulių universiteto Socialinių mokslų fakultete. Šiuo darbu siekta išanalizuoti antikorupcijos sistemą Socialinių mokslų fakultete. Buvo išnagrinėta mokslinė literatūra, dokumentai ir publicistikos straipsniai, siekiant apibrėžti antikorupcijos politikos aspektus teisiniame kontekste; išanalizuoti institucijų veiklą, funkcijas, kuriomis įgyvendinama antikorupcijos politika, išnagrinėti korupcijos prevencijos priemones ir antikorupcinį švietimą, atskleisti antikorupcijos sistemos... [toliau žr. visą tekstą] Many Lithuanian as well as foreign scientists, such as G. Šatienė, V. Pruskas, S. P. Huntington and others analyse corruption in the sector of public service, politics, private sector and only several scientists analyse the appearance of corruption in spheres of education. Availability of documents, discussing the identified corruption in the sphere of education is rather limited. Despite the fact, that there are few works of scientists, related to the corruption in the sphere of education, anticorruption policy in the sphere of education should be treated as an important priority of the state. Corruption affects the quality and efficiency of education services as well reduces the trust in the system of education. Corruption in the sphere of education is harmful, because it has the long-term effect within this sector. Anticorruption covers everything to be done in order to avoid or to reduce corruption. Corruption prevention in Lithuania is mainly oriented towards such spheres as justice, health, politics and etc., but the sphere of education, though being one of the most important spheres, is left out of consideration. Object of the Bachelor’s Degree Work is the system of anticorruption at the Faculty of Social Sciences at Šiauliai University. The Work has been prepared to analyse the system of anticorruption at the Faculty of Social Sciences at Šiauliai University. Scientific literature, documents and articles have been analysed in order to analyse aspects of the policy of... [to full text]

The purpose of this issues note is to review the experience in and outside the World Bank of using different diagnostic tools in fragile state situations. It will identify trends in the use of such tools, lessons learnt, and arrive at suggestions for the future. Because governance has continued to be a major concern in the international community, over the years this has led to a growing diversity in the application of the concept. With this diversification the types of assessment in use have also increased, a process that reflects two things. First, each agency tends to design an assessment to meet its own program needs. Second, diagnostic tools have often fallen short of expectations leading agencies to develop new ones, including more recently political economy studies that go beyond what was at least until recently mainstream types of assessing governance. Accepting the diversity of definitions and assessments, this note does not intend to review the whole field. A diagnostic tool here refers to the approach and methodology used in assessing governance. Choice of tool has a direct bearing on how an activity is designed and carried out. Making the right choice, therefore, is important. A tool may become 'main stream' and the original rationale for its use disappears. It is applied because everyone else is using it or there is pressure to use the same tool as others. A shift to other tools, however, may become necessary because existing tools do not deliver. Such a shift is occurring in the governance field where a focus on institutions is being increasingly complemented, if not replaced, by a studies of underlying political economy factors. This Note tries to trace this process by highlighting both specific and more general experiences with tools used to assess governance. Fragile states or situations are not typical but they give rise to governance challenges that more than other contexts test the limits of particular tools. This becomes an especially important issue given that what works in countries that are not fragile seems to fall short of the same achievement in fragile situations.

A key driver of Liberia's re-emergence from utter destruction, between 2004 and 2008, was the willingness of international actors to accept the responsibility and risks associated with stabilization. This was accomplished by confronting these risks directly, even at the cost of temporarily filling institutional voids and sharing sovereignty with the Liberian transitional authorities. The main international diplomatic representations and aid agencies on the ground came to accept from their varying perspectives that peace in Liberia was fragile and that the Accra Comprehensive Peace Agreement (ACPA) of September 2003 was only the beginning of a protracted stabilization effort. The domestic market for consultants and goods did not exist, requiring the World Bank to innovate with new modes of delivering assistance. Thus, peace consolidation compelled international partners to simultaneously (i) prevent full state capture by corrupt elites in advance of elections and (ii) secure a peace dividend to vulnerable groups which could most directly threaten peace (young ex-combatants and refugees). Building on a solid UN-World Bank partnership, the international community found the internal consensus to address each of the two complementary peace consolidation challenges, adopting two highly innovative instruments: (i) an anti-corruption scheme labeled Governance and Economic Management Assistance Program (GEMAP), involving such robust measures as expatriate co-signing authority, and (ii) a short-term employment-generation scheme now known as roads-with- United Nations Mission in Liberia (UNMIL), centered on a rare direct collaboration between the Bank and the engineering units of the UN's military peacekeeping force on the ground. This paper examines these two instruments more closely, in their successes and failures as well as from the perspective of temporary shared sovereignty and co-production.

El documento contiene un análisis sobre la manera de controlar los contratos estatales antes y después de la expedición del Estatuto Anticorrupción (Ley 1474 de 2011) This document contains an analysis about how to control administrative contracts before and after the new Anticorruption Statute (Law 1474 of 2011)

Strengthening the rule of law is widely regarded among traditional donors, multilateral institutions, and a growing number of middle income and fragile states as a necessary precondition for sustainable peace, poverty alleviation, and development. Crime and violence deter investment and lower employment, undermine social institutions, and divert resources through direct and indirect costs, all of which hinder development. It is likely to disproportionately affect poor and marginalized populations by limiting access to basic services. The formal criminal justice system is seen in many environments as failing to deliver justice. Most states experiencing fragility do not have the capacity to effectively prevent crime, enforce laws, or peacefully resolve disputes across the whole of their territories. There is another powerful deterrent for communities to seek redress through state criminal justice institutions: they are frequently a primary instrument for the government and elites to maintain power and control through the perpetration of injustice. The informal system, however, is alone insufficient to handle the pressing justice requirements of fragile states, not least for preventing and responding to inter-communal conflict, to serious organized and cross-border crime, and to public corruption and other 'white collar' crime.

Regulatory reform has emerged as an important policy area in developing countries. For reforms to be beneficial, regulatory regimes need to be transparent, coherent, and comprehensive. They must establish appropriate institutional frameworks and liberalized business regulations; enforce competition policy and law; and open external and internal markets to trade and investment. This report analyses the institutional set-up and use of regulatory policy instruments in Uganda. It is one of five reports prepared on countries in East and Southern Africa (the others are on Kenya, Tanzania, Rwanda and Zambia), and represents an attempt to apply assessment tools and the framework developed by the Organization for Economic Cooperation and Development (OECD) in its work on regulatory capacity and performance to developing countries.

Uganda has placed the fight against corruption high on the development agenda by establishing a range of anti-corruption institutions and strategies. The Uganda third National Integrity Survey, released in 2008 by the Inspectorate of Government, recommended that if Uganda was to make real progress in tackling corruption nationwide, individual sectors would need to undertake sector-specific studies to identify best practice and facilitate scaling-up of anti-corruption efforts. In that year, the good governance sub-sector working group, chaired by the Ministry of Water and Environment, commissioned a water integrity study to establish how citizens in both rural and urban areas contractors, private operators, local government officials and staff from the main water utility experience integrity in the provision of water services. The study would also facilitate development of an updated action plan to address integrity risks. This note describes the key ingredients to putting in place a nationwide good governance action plan in Uganda's water sector, the challenges to be overcome and lessons learned to date. The implications for practice are discussed from the perspectives of policy makers, regulators and ombudsmen, development partners, water service providers and civil society actors. This provides guidance for the replication of best practice by stakeholders in other countries and sectors.

This country assistance evaluation assesses the outcomes of the World Banks program in Nigeria during the period 1998–2007. The Country Assistance Evaluation focuses on the objectives of that assistance and the extent to which outcomes were consistent with those objectives. It looks at the Banks contribution to the achievement of those outcomes and at the lessons for the Banks future activities in Nigeria and in other countries. The evaluation includes a review of relevant documents, complemented by interviews with Bank staff and other key donors, as well as with representatives of the Nigerian government, the private sector, and civil society. Overall, the outcomes of the Bank program in Nigeria are rated as moderately unsatisfactory. This reflects an improvement relative to IEG’s 2000–04 assessment, which rated the outcome of Bank assistance as unsatisfactory. The current assessment recognizes the country’s signal achievements in maintaining macroeconomic stability and laying the basis for more effective and cost-efficient performance of the central government. There are major risks associated with this, however. The earnings from Nigeria’s oil and gas resources require strong management that puts the national interest ahead of that of individuals and state governments. In the fragmented context of Nigerian politics, that is a tough proposition to maintain. If the government shows the necessary leadership and successfully leverages the resources it has to provide incentives to state governments to do a better job of delivering social services, there is the potential for real progress in reducing poverty and achieving the MDGs.

This publication targets private sector stakeholders who want to reduce a company s risk and vulnerability to corruption. It aims to provide guidance and recommendations for integrating ethics programs into corporate governance mechanisms to safeguard against corruption. Anti-corruption attitudes have changed significantly over the past two decades. Corruption is no longer regarded as a subject to be avoided and is now widely condemned for its damaging effect on countries, industries, governments, and the livelihoods of individual citizens. More importantly, the view of the private sector in the corruption equation is changing. Companies are no longer viewed only as facilitators of corruption - they are increasingly recognized as victims and a valuable source of working solutions, and anti-corruption efforts seen as integral to good corporate governance, Predictable, competitive, and fair economic environments free of corruption are central to sustainable business, economic growth and national development. It has been an easier task to raise this awareness than to reduce the corrosive effects of corruption, especially its worst manifestation of state capture. And though the challenge defies simple solutions, significant progress is being made. Today we have in place numerous international conventions and global collective action initiatives that set higher standards of transparency and accountability in corporate and public governance. More importantly, such standards are buttressed by a growing convergence of ethical values that set the tone for 'doing the right thing' in both the public and private sectors.

Good governance and political corruption should be considered when aid flows to governments.