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This article describes the experiences of two graduate faculty members from Indiana University who facilitated two workshops sponsored by Ball State University at Highlander Research and Education Center, one in May of 2013, and another in May of 2014. We describe the history of Participation Training, the program we used to plan and conduct workshops; the professional values that framed our planning and communication; challenges that arose and how we addressed those; and the changes and actions we have incorporated into our professional lives as a result of these workshops. Finally, we offer questions for further study.

This article draws on our backgrounds as adult educators in Ireland and our experience at Highlander in 2014. We review our development as critical educators, exposed to deep inequalities in Irish society. We explore role of popular education in fostering social change, beginning with the commitment to equality and freedom, whereby, we produce emancipatory knowledge "with" students and participants. This learning process is more explicitly political and collective than individual psychological concepts of learning. The Highlander experience provided the opportunity to interrogate related assumptions that underpin the concept of leadership, pointing toward a more collective and political framework. The article uses feminist critical theories as lenses for this interrogation, holding that equality and freedom are "mutually constitutive" principles of critical practice. Popular educators foster critical thinking and reflection. The "Other's Tools", drawing on the precept that traditional thinking reinforces the status quo. These critical thinking tools are vital to question the assumptions that power and control in society as individualized or de-politicized. We take this learning into our practice in Ireland.

In 2013 and 2014, workshops were held at Highlander Research and Education Center that explored the topics of authentic leadership and popular education. The participants shared their experiences through reflective writing upon completion of the workshops and approximately a year following. These reflections were developed into a case study. This article describes how the workshops influenced the participants as they recognized personal and professional changes and impacts made from the Highlander experience. Four topics informed the analysis of workshop participants' experiences: participation training, authentic leadership, popular education, and the position of Highlander as a historic place of learning for social justice. The themes found in the study were sorted into clusters that included (a) primacy of place and inspiration; (b) authentic leadership; (c) collaboration and community building through art and storytelling, humor, and trust; (d) self-discovery and transformation; and (e) direct applications and further action.

Highlander Research and Education Center serves as a catalyst for grassroots organizing and movement building. This article focuses on an interview with education coordinator Susan Williams who has worked at Highlander for 26 years. We discuss how others can and do create powerful popular education experiences anywhere, whether they have a dedicated space or not. In this article, we address four concerns to create a Highlander-like setting. Key deliberations include the process before, during, and after workshops or meetings in that space; values and strategizing, establishing why a space is being provided and what collective outcomes are desired from meeting in that space; cultural aspects and importance; and the challenge of a physical place. Weaving these concerns together into an anticipated outcome can then take projects and ideas forward into participants' communities of service.

In the current climate of high-stakes testing and performance-based accountability measures, there is a pressing need to reconsider the nature of teaching and what capacities one must develop to be a good teacher. Educational policy experts around the world have pointed out that policies focused disproportionately on student test outcomes can promote teaching practices that are reified and mechanical, and which lead to students developing mere memorisation skills, rather than critical thinking and conceptual understanding. Philosophers of dialogue and dialogic teaching offer a different view of teaching, one that counters mechanical, transmissive or "monologic" teaching. In this paper, I seek to extend the notion of dialogic teaching as a method of supporting social and moral learning processes. Specifically, my focus is on answering the question: What capacities must a teacher have to engage students dialogically? Drawing on Paulo Freire and other contemporary philosophers, I examine dialogic interaction as involving a way of "being with learners" and put forth three teacher capacities necessary for dialogic teaching: self-critique, narrativity and building community. I then examine further what is concretely entailed in the practice of dialogic teaching using research in educational psychology. I aim to highlight how dialogic teaching, unlike monologic teaching, involves the teacher's active ability to support learners' identification and exploration of their own blind spots--that is, the limits of knowledge and ability--and those of others. Following this, I consider implications of my discussion for international policy on teacher assessment. I close the paper with considerations for future research on teacher capacity and teacher evaluation. This paper contributes to our understanding of teacher capacity and the nature and aims of good teaching.

In this article, the authors examine how one of the authors used Kendrick Lamar's autobiographical hip-hop to provoke mandate-compliant analyses of complex social, racial, and political realities. This unit also offers a compelling example of "critical compliance" (Gorlewski, "Accountable") as a strategy for resisting dominant discourses in schools and society, including those seeking to undermine teacher agency and autonomy (Gorlewski, "Power" 63).

This article addresses the tensions and contradictions of applying a popular education approach in the current context of South Africa. It draws upon data from an 18-month research project exploring the traditions of popular education. It presents an extended discussion on the meanings of popular education, and their varied implications for practice. It presents a heuristic device in the form of a 'compass', to assist popular educators locate themselves in their work at different historical moments.

Faced with repression and reform, humor has become tactical for public school teachers in Oaxaca, Mexico, engaged in a decades-old movement that after 2006 involved intensified street- and school-based pedagogies. This piece explores how humor adds to a political project via mocking names, images, and dictates of elite leaders to bring a here and now to what is taken as inaccessible in the teachers' political lives. Humor forms part of an (e)sc(h)atology in which critical practices are part eschatological, a call for definite transformation, and part scatological, embodied vulgarity. "La parte chusca" (the funny part), its (e)sc(h)atological contribution, angles toward critical literacies in Oaxaca and beyond.

This article sets out to explore alternative approaches to education, wilder approaches that seek to embrace the innate self-will of young people as a positive starting point for enlarging personal freedoms in education. These alternatives are presented as a rebuttal against educational practices that portray young people's native autonomy as an undesirable trait requiring discipline and subjugation. The article considers the opportunity for learning to be led by the senses, a provocation for deeper environmental relationships that underline the value of opportunities to develop kinship and equality with the more-than-human world. The appearance and development of wilder teaching practices in recent educational research literature underlines the increasing significance of rethinking pedagogy for a twenty-first-century world and this article seeks to draw attention to this growing philosophy of wild pedagogy. Paulo Freire's concept of education as a process of domestication is presented alongside the idea of wild pedagogy, with an introduction to the methodology of this wilder teaching practice and a plea for embracing the self-will of those involved both as learners and teachers. The article concludes with an invitation to turn aside from worn-out educational paths and go wild.

Dual-language programs are becoming increasingly popular among educators and the public in general. In these programs, students aim at attaining full proficiency in English and another language while reaching an academic achievement at or above grade level. This article describes a series of pedagogical practices in the context of dual-language classrooms. We set the discussion across three defining characteristics of our constructivist perspective: learning as collaboration, teachers as facilitators, and language and culture as intertwined elements in schools. In sum, we postulate that dual-language programs bring equity to schools.

One of the hallmarks of anti-capitalist social movements in Latin America is the incorporation of self-organizing processes of political education and involvement in the educational process of their children and youth. This article discusses popular education and critical pedagogy upheld by historical and contemporary Brazilian social movements, particularly the Landless Workers Movement (MST) and its historical struggles in defence of public education. First, it identifies the context of the origins of popular education in the late 1950s and early 1960s, notably Paulo Freire's epistemological and theoretical contributions. After characterizing the political context of the period, the article focuses on the key experiences of popular education. It then discusses Florestan Fernandes' criticism of the Bourgeois-Democratic Revolution strategy that played a leading role in the struggles of the period 1955-1964. Next the period of pedagogical practices that were forged in resistance to the dictatorship are examined, emphasizing the changes in Freire's thinking and the revolutionary political struggle of the MST. Finally, it points out the educational and political training issues of today, discussing strategic dilemmas and proposal of critical pedagogy and popular education.

This article has emerged from a research partnership between Filipino activists and an academic researcher and ally. In this discussion, we explore a unique arts-based feminist popular education project that used the format of a fashion show (not usually associated with women's emancipation) to tell stories about the colonization of the Philippines, its history and present neo-colonial realities, and the relationship between this history and Filipino women's exploitation. In 2004, 2005, and 2008, the Philippine Women's Centre of British Columbia (PWCBC), one of the longest-standing feminist organizations in Vancouver, created and launched three political fashion shows. Framed by feminist perspectives of transnationalism and global capitalism, as well as feminist approaches to popular education, we dialogue about three scenes/dresses from these shows, selected as examples of the power of visual and performative art to tell about, wear, and learn about colonial history and neo-colonial realities. We conclude that the political fashion shows of the PWCBC created spaces of public pedagogy and feminist empowerment and praxis.

This article seeks to show the relation between popular education and solidarity economy in experiences of solidarity economy enterprises in Brazil. It is based on diverse experiences which have occurred in various sectors of this economy, highlighting those experiences which took place in João Pessoa with the creation of a Cooperative of Workers in Party Services (Copy Buffet), in the district of Valentina, and in the town of Catende, when workers took control of a sugar mill for 15 years, in addition to more than five years of experience in an Incubator of Solidarity Enterprises. It employed a research methodology oriented by the inductive method to investigate the theoretical descriptive dimensions of popular education and of solidarity economy, after consulting the relevant bibliography on the issue. As a result, it was possible to emphasize the dimensions common to all these practices, such as culture, work, the "popular" centred on a pedagogy for the promotion of the other, in addition to ethical values, such as dialogue, solidarity, justice and equality. Popular education in tune with solidarity economy.

The purpose of this paper is to identify the presence of emotions in the constitution of popular education in Latin America, thus contributing to understand popular education as a thinking-feeling practice. It starts from the assumption that emotions are also historical and cultural expressions that mark societies and their understanding of education. In the chronicles of Guaman Poma de Ayala, one can see signs of the resistance to the conquest and of the ambivalence that characterizes coloniality; in Juana Inés de la Cruz, one hears the voice of a woman who breaks the silence; in Paulo Freire, lovingness and indignation are constitutive elements of his liberating pedagogy. In history, some emotions, such as honour, lose their strength or have their meaning changed; others, such as solidarity and insurgency, appear as possibilities of transformation in new times. The study attempts to contribute to the understanding of the complex relation between rationality and emotions in education.

Catherine Walsh is senior professor and director of the doctoral programme in Latin American Cultural Studies at the Universidad Andina Simon Bolivar in Ecuador. Her present work is focused on the political, epistemic and ethical project of critical interculturality, and on concerns of decoloniality, taking as key the themes of knowledge, ancestrality, race and gender, education, law, state re-founding, and decolonial thought and pedagogy. For Walsh, Paulo Freire is a grandfather and ancestor of sorts; she writes here that she yearns now to once more dialogue with him. She says that she longs to tell him of her own shifts, movements, unlearnings and relearnings, since they last met. Above all, she desires to share with him her praxical thoughts on the what, why, and how of decolonial pedagogies walking and asking. It is in this context and that she writes the following notes to Paulo and to others who wish to read them.

In this paper, taken from a fuller discussion in my Doctoral Thesis carried out under a bricolage methodology, I will argue, utilising the fictive and imaginative elements of bricolage, that there are possibilities to engender a popular education through several sites of learning: a social movement (Occupy London), a cooperative higher learning provider (The Social Science Centre) and a reorganised University (The University of Lincoln, Student as Producer). I will also discuss, through the use of generative themes, the possibilities of creating nurture and support networks between these sites by understanding their organisational potential and their pedagogical structures. I will attempt to imagine a cyclic trajectory of solidarity and support between them in order to engender a more popular education in all the sites that allows for emancipation from the enclosure of neoliberalised social relations and the fundamental transformation of sociality and social organisation. The paper concludes that there is potential for not only convivial relations between these three layers of pedagogical interaction, but also the potential to create an action research-type cycle on a grand solidarisitic scale.

The emergence of mass schooling is undoubtedly one of the most significant transformations that took place during the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries. This article takes a new approach to this fundamental issue by analysing the historical conditions required for the construction of school buildings and the advent of mass schooling, in the 1840-1900 period. Using the school building process as a point of departure, the growth of schooling is tied not only to well-known factors such as industrialisation, state formation processes and the decentralisation of school systems, but also to the expansion of the market economy, modernisation of the credit market, liberalisation of the real property market, changes in local tax systems, and the expansion of the building materials market. Thus, a broader and largely novel explanation of the emergence of mass schooling is accomplished.

With a point of departure in the concept of democracy, this article aims to show how Swedish Popular Adult Education influenced the content of the established school system in Sweden. The Popular Adult Education and established school systems are studied through their relation to democracy, based on curricula, as well as on visionary and political steering documents. In accordance with conceptual history, the study shows how Popular Adult Education and the established school, with their different spaces of experience and references to separate traditions, gradually became accommodated through a common horizon of expectations about the importance of democracy. When this coalescence appeared, an administrative shift could be identified and the Popular Adult Education Movement was partially disarmed.

For almost two decades, the Prairie School for Union Women (PSUW) has operated in Saskatchewan, Canada. Its use of feminist popular education, adult learning principles in facilitation, and mentoring and support for activist practices make it unique from other labour schools in many respects. This paper focuses on a community-based participatory action research study that explored how well the PSUW is meeting its goals to "develop women's personal and leadership skills, to build solidarity among women workers, and to increase knowledge about the labour movement." The article documents how the school achieves its goals and how it offers lessons in labour education, activism, non-formal adult learning, intersectional approaches, feminist popular education, university-community relationships, and transformative education.

This article looks at popular adult educators' care of the self practices within social movements in Buenos Aires, Argentina. It answers the following questions: How is popular adult education practiced amongst educators in social movements? What can studying popular adult educators' care of the self practices offer the field of adult education? To answer these questions, I look to adult educators' practices of sacrifice and self-naming; remembering historical tragedies; and educator, classroom, and community support within the Union of Popular Organizations' political formation school and popular adult education schools.

In the field of international adult education, mass literacy campaigns enjoyed wide support in the 20th century, when they were seen as a way to increase the participation of previously marginalised and excluded populations in national development. Cuba's 1961 campaign achieved iconic status, but was only one of many successful campaigns in Latin America, Africa and Asia. In the 1990s, while mass literacy campaigns continued in many countries, scholarly interest in them declined under the influence of World Bank empirical critiques of their effectiveness and increasing postmodern scepticism towards the socialist "grand narrative" of liberation which underpinned some of the more famous examples. Recently, the mass campaign model has gained new impetus through Cuba's international literacy missions, which use an approach known by its Spanish name, "Yo, Sí Puedo" [Yes, I Can]. This paper reports on the deployment of this model in two very different settings, one being a national literacy campaign in Timor-Leste, a newly-independent island nation in the Asia-Pacific; and the other a pilot campaign in an Aboriginal community in Australia. The authors have utilised participatory action research methods to evaluate the model in both countries, and locate their comparative analysis in the theoretical tradition of popular education.

Increasing recognition of the role of social conditions in health has led to calls for methods that can be used to change social conditions. Popular education has demonstrated great promise as a methodology that can be used to address the underlying social and structural determinants of health. To date, most studies of popular education have used qualitative methods and case study designs, making them less compelling for decision makers. "La Palabra es Salud" (The Word Is Health) compared the relative effectiveness of popular and conventional education using a participatory, quasi-experimental, mixed methods design. Use of this model can enhance our understanding of popular education and raise its profile among researchers and practitioners in multiple disciplines, thus potentially extending its benefits.

Participatory Action Research (PAR) is increasingly recognized within academic research and pedagogy. What are the benefits of including feminism within participatory action research and teaching? In responding to this question, we discuss the similarities and salient differences between PAR and feminist informed PAR (FPAR). There are eight themes or categories to provide a structure for this discussion: (a) theories and methodologies developed from popular movements and dissent; (b) marginalization within academia; (c) theories and methodologies critiqued for exclusivity; (d) focus on researcher reflexivity and subjectivity; (e) education for personal transformation; (f) critical research methodologies; (g) flexible and diverse theoretical and methodological interpretations; and (h) social justice and emancipation. Implications for education and research are highlighted.

This paper concerns the relationship between teaching and political action both within and outside formal educational institutions. Its setting is the recent period following the 2010 Browne Review on the funding of higher education in England. Rather than speaking directly to debates around scholar-activism, about which much has already been written, I want to stretch the meanings of both teaching and activism to contextualise the contemporary politics of higher learning in relation to diverse histories and geographies of progressive education more generally. Taking this wider view suggests that some of the forms of knowledge which have characterised the university as a progressive institution are presently being produced in more politicised educational environments. Being receptive to these other modes of learning cannot only expand scholarly thinking about how to reclaim intellectual life from the economy within universities, but stimulate the kind of imagination that we need for dreaming big about higher education as and for a practice of democratic life.

Born in El Salvador, at the heart of the Americas, Archbishop Oscar Romero came to have a profound impact, both nationally and internationally. Speaking out fearlessly against injustice and oppression, Archbishop Romero's poignant and powerful homilies were heard throughout the world and made him one of the greatest prophets. In the 30-year period since his assassination, Archbishop Romero, known fondly in El Salvador simply as Monseñor, has featured in school curricula around the world, although in his home country the inclusion of the studies of his life, his words, his work and ultimately his death in the education system has been a slow and gradual process, a process which is not yet complete. The following article is based on interviews with students, teachers and university lecturers, together with representatives from Base Ecclesial Communities El Salvador and the Salvadoran Ministry of Education, carried out in August 2013. All names of students have been anonymised.

While there is a wealth of literature on radical adult "popular" education for change, most of it looks forward and speculates on the educational processes best able to help "the oppressed", "excluded" or "disadvantaged" become critically-aware "subjects" of social change. Within a critical education framework, recent research looked in the opposite direction, identified adult activists already critically-aware and worked backwards through their life histories to find the educational experiences seen as most influential in their development. Examining questionnaire responses, this article analyses how members of the Scottish Socialist Party perceived the influence exercised by their teachers, from primary to tertiary education, in the development of their beliefs and identity as activists. Comparisons are made with research in "active citizenship". The research suggests there is more potential for radical education within the formal sector than is often believed and teachers contribute to this process in sometimes contradictory ways. The findings feed into debates in the UK and other countries, particularly in Latin America, about where popular educators should direct their energies, within state structures or outside, in social movements.

Popular education, by which is meant adult education within and in support of radical social movements, has become a major topic in academic adult education in recent times. This paper criticises the lack of attention paid in most of this writing to the history, theory and practice of revolutionary parties in the communist and socialist tradition. Through an exploration of the concept of the "party line", it is argued that this neglect has led to a one-sided view of the relationship between education and action, a view which must be overcome for popular education to become an effective force for socialist transformation.

How do black students acquire academic literacy skills without being severed from their cultural and historical identit(ies)? In this article, the author presents instances of literacy events in an out-of-school program called Youth Voices that serves to create opportunities for development of a strong sense of historical and cultural identity. An examination of Youth Voices provides insight into African American adolescent language and literacy learning at the intersection of youth media production and civic engagement.

Trade unions and other sites of community-labour organizing such as workers centres are rich, yet contested spaces of education and knowledge production in which both non-formal and informal / incidental forms of learning occur. Putting forward a critique of dominant strands of worker education, the authors ask what spaces exist for social movement knowledge production in these milieus? This article critically discusses the prospects, tensions and challenges for effective worker education practice in trade unions, alongside a discussion of informal learning and knowledge production in migrant and immigrant worker organizing. We consider how worker education practices within trade unions might best be built to support critical thinking, the collective power of working people and cultures of resistance, and the significance of knowledge and learning in community-labour struggles.

In the past, non-formal education in South Africa was committed to supporting the Mass Democratic Movement (MDM) in opposition to apartheid. Such non-formal political education was concerned with education for democracy. Post 1994, South African adult education policy has exclusively concentrated on vocational training, shifting the focus away from social purpose education. However, democracy is a process and a system that needs to be constantly nurtured and sustained. This requires citizens who know their constitutional rights and responsibilities and, more importantly, know how to put them into action. In view of this, I decided to enquire what kind of education currently exists that aims to build an active civil society by promoting social justice and social reconstruction. The field research reported in this article was conducted in Cape Town during May 2005 and May 2006.

Popular education depends on the embodiment of democratic leadership and a pedagogy for liberation, where dialogue and critical reflection empower adults to become change agents rather than passive participants in disenfranchising practices. Most colleges and universities in this country are organized by hierarchies of power and control. There is a fear-based helplessness in students that is cultivated to maintain those hierarchies, and the lingering effects of passive schooling are evident in adult students who are resistant to active engagement in complex cognitive processes. Given that teachers, as well as students, are a product of this educational culture, where do educators learn a pedagogy grounded in participatory, democratic ideals that empowers adults to effect change in their personal lives, communities, and society? Popular education is driven by leadership that creates learning opportunities designed to replace helplessness with authentic empathy, courage, and action. The critical classroom can provide a space for the process of examining assumptions, anchoring relevant theory into current contexts, and transferring learning into personal and collective change. This article discusses steps to creating an environment that promotes the expansion of education beyond the classroom to a critical exploration of society. That transfer of learning will generate the future narratives of popular education.

An interdisciplinary liberal arts program can prompt innovative ideas and self-discovery when fired in a kiln of social and economic justice fueled by high-impact practices. Developing learning communities, internships, group projects, local-to-global learning, community-based service learning, and capstone projects can enhance education and learning. These practices can be found in places like Evergreen State College-Tacoma, one of the schools that education researcher David Scobey calls "Great Colleges for the New Majority." But too often, even when these practices are an institutional priority, they do not reach students of color, poor or working-class students, or first-generation students. Situating knowledge in experiences that engage students with the community and larger world broadens their ability to see themselves in academic study and intellectual engagement. These methods support students in creating new forms of knowledge and ways of knowing and thinking, while also instilling courage, creativity, and skills to change the world. The Evergreen State College-Tacoma was founded in 1972 in the Hilltop community of Tacoma, Washington. It is a branch of the Evergreen State College's larger campus in Olympia. Evergreen-Tacoma is a community-based, interdisciplinary, liberal arts, urban learning laboratory built from African American heritage, especially the principle that learning is the practice of freedom. In joining liberal education with entrepreneurship has the potential to address tensions within career-focused curricula that continue the usual narrative for marginalized students. Instead, the school seeks a broader casting of entrepreneurship as popular education, redefining job skills to include abstract thinking and so-called soft skills of collaboration, customer/community service, and cooperative peer management. This inspires imagination and uncovers interdisciplinary intersections that inform biography and agency.

The eviction of the Occupy London protesters from their tents outside St. Paul's Cathedral marks the end of one of the most interesting experiments in popular education in recent times. For the past few months a string of leading writers, activists, journalists and academics have held workshops, led discussions and given lectures beneath the draughty canvas of the Tent City University. The facilities may have been basic--not much more than a sound system with a few tatty sofa cushions dotted around--but there was no shortage of speakers keen to swap the relative comfort of the lecture theatre for this sparse and lively space in which teaching was thought of more as a collaboration than a process of transmission. They won a varied, informed and, often, challenging audience of activists, shoppers, students and tourists, as well as a cross-section of Londoners, many with no background of higher learning. It is one example--albeit the most striking and high-profile--of a wider movement keen both to capture what campaigners see as the spirit of the public university--as places, first and foremost, in which people are free to think, to debate and to shape the future--and to resist the marketisation of higher education, a critical issue for many Occupy protesters, brought to a head by cuts to the teaching grant and the trebling of tuition fees. The author believes that the Tent City University has been one of the most remarkable experiments of the Occupy London protest, but it is just one of a number of radical alternatives which are emerging to challenge current educational convention.

Where dominant models of urban school reform often regard immigrant communities as obstacles that must be managed or reduced, the two projects analyzed in this study ("Alianza" and the Project) regard the community as a powerful source of knowledge and as partners working towards educational improvement (Nygreen, 2009). This paper analyses the ways in which Latino parents involved in these projects, come together to learn about their communities and engage in a process of community building that strengthens their capacity to resist, if not overcome, dominant ideologies and institutions. Latino parents in these projects do more than simply challenge the narrative of reform that continues to position them at the margins; they establish their own spaces of learning and solidarity that enable them to crystallize their perspectives and become agents of change in their local context. We posit that community building is key to creating sustained long-term relationships that can survive and withstand the struggle towards institutional change and open doors for Latino community empowerment in schools and the broader society. (Contains 7 footnotes.)

John Macmurray was a public intellectual and an early proponent of popular education through the new medium of radio. National broadcasting of the time was finding its role in the competing cultures of education and entertainment, and significantly one of Macmurray's first radio projects in 1931-1932 concerned the issue of "Learning to Live". Here he explored the tension between learning for labour and learning for leisure. Public understanding of education over the following two decades was fostered through the media of print and cinema. Three examples are identified here to explore how this "conceptual couple" of "learning" and "life" were treated: a propaganda film (1941) that adopted Macmurray's title, "Learning to live;" "School and life," an official report published in 1947; and a commercial documentary production in 1949 entitled "Education for living." Macmurray conveyed his "applied philosophy" through public broadcasting even before his major academic publications and his use of radio itself demonstrated its potential for learning as leisure activity for a mass audience. As in radio, so in documentary film, and even in official reports new understandings of education had to be accessible and attractive. Appraisal of Macmurray's work must include an historical examination of new media in the development of educational discourse.

How can visual arts and popular education pedagogy contribute to collective recovery from and reconstruction after trauma? This question framed the design and delivery of the Trauma Recovery and Reconstruction Group (TRRG), which consisted of 12 group sessions delivered to clients (trauma survivors) of the Centre for Concurrent Disorders (CCD) in Vancouver, Canada. Data were generated through individual and group interviews, observations (field notes) and creation of visual images. The use of popular education and visual art methods proved to be a powerful approach to deepening understanding and taking action. Participants learned how the delivery of mental health services, as well as acting as systems of exclusion organized around gender, race and class, were implicated in their (re)traumatization. Through the popular education process, participants also identified actions that could enhance their collective recovery and reconstruction. Implications arising from the study include the need for ongoing contextually oriented assessment to accurately determine states of health and stress, and the value of collective popular education and visual arts methods for clinically based trauma related psycho-education. (Contains 2 figures.)

Many religious orders and congregations that were deported from France between 1904 and 1914 established themselves in neighbouring countries (Belgium, Switzerland, Italy and Spain). One of the affected congregations was "Los Hermanos de las Escuelas Cristianas," which worked in the field of popular education. Many of its members found refuge in the Spanish province of Gipuzkoa, which neighbours France on the Atlantic coast, where it succeeded in establishing and maintaining itself for centuries. Today it is the second most important congregation in terms of the number of schools and teachers in the private school sector. An analysis of this congregation in Gipuzkoa during a 100-year period reveals a considerable increase in schools located in cities and villages with a large industrial sector; with institutions being dispersed throughout the entire province, and a dedication to popular education through vocational training. This training has been one of the most important characteristics of Lasallian pedagogy, and it paralleled the modernisation processes of Gipuzkoan society in the twentieth century. (Contains 4 tables, 1 figure and 62 footnotes.)

The business side of the Lancasterian system of mass schooling has been highlighted by some researchers. However, this feature is usually considered of minor importance compared to other dimensions of that system, namely the social control role of popular education in early nineteenth-century Britain. The present surge of projects and mechanisms directed to capitalist valorisation within public education systems provides an enhanced relevance to the study of past experiments with similar meaning and content. In this paper, I seek to understand the processes of educational production and capital valorisation in the Lancasterian undertaking. Succinctly as it may be, I refer to initiatives originated in the Benthamite circle in support of the Lancasterian system and aimed at extending it to superior branches of knowledge and to other social classes. (Contains 66 footnotes.)

This paper is a reflection on recent Portuguese policy on adult education. It explores the policy discussion at the national level from 1999 and in particular after 2005, when the New Opportunities Initiative ("Iniciativa Novas Oportunidades" in Portuguese) was adopted and European Union (EU) guidelines were given considerable emphasis. The first section discusses the empirical methodology undertaken. The second section briefly examines policy discourses since 1974, stressing dominant trends such as popular education, second-chance/compensatory education and vocational training. The third and fourth sections explore adult education and training policy discourses from the perspective of social justice. Particular attention is devoted to a specific policy instrument--the recognition of prior learning ("Reconhecimento, Validacao e Certificacao de Competencias"--RVCC), aimed at widening adult access to basic education--in the fifth section. The last section is devoted to final thoughts, in particular the contribution of the RVCC to social justice.

This article argues that at a moment of crisis in education, the defence of critical pedagogy is vitally important. However, it also suggests that such a defence should be more than a "cri de coeur" that asserts principles and methods of criticality against those of neoliberal or conservative education policy. Narratives of a totalising "crisis of critique" in education and the wider society are now ubiquitous in the critical pedagogical literature. But while these may mobilize the defence of critical education, they can also obscure tensions between different approaches to critical pedagogy, the history of "the crisis;" the co-optation of critical discourses; the proliferation of radical educational projects that do not draw inspiration from orthodox forms of critical pedagogy; the professional investments that critical educators may have in maintaining the status quo; and the possible relationships between formal education, popular education and broader "public pedagogies." The article concludes by suggesting that, in addition to defending specific pedagogical projects, it is also important to cultivate a critical attitude that interrogates the politics of critical pedagogy itself, even as we work to defend its necessity for democratic public life. (Contains 9 footnotes.)

This article begins with a discussion of the implications of CONFINTEA VI having been organised in Brazil--the author uses the term "Brazilian effect"--and the role of social movements challenging neoliberalism. Next, drawing from the experience of Latin America, this paper analyses the counter-hegemonic practice of the new social movements. The concluding section highlights the dilemmas faced by UNESCO in trying to create a democratic and efficient process of policy-making and institutional service in adult education in the nation-states. Furthermore, the proposal of popular education portrayed by the new social movements is described as a tool for empowerment. CONFINTEA VI's recommendation of moving from rhetoric to action in adult education programmes, practices and policies demands that we take the agendas of the new social movements in the post-neoliberalism era seriously.

Over the years, there have been several attempts to spread the "Swedish model" of popular education, that is, study circles and folk high schools, to countries in other parts of the world. In this article, the authors analyze the large-scale project of establishing folk development colleges in Tanzania in the 1970s and 1980s, by emphasizing the ways in which Swedish popular educators have described the folk development college project. Theoretically, the article is based on a postcolonial framework, highlighting the continuing importance of the legacies of colonialism in today's society. One of the main conclusions in the article is that in the process of "exporting" the idea of popular education to other parts of the world, there is an ongoing formation of national self-images in contrast to images of the Other, where there is a constant risk of reproducing ideas from a colonial past. (Contains 1 note.)