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Over the past few years, Philosophy for Children has witnessed the adoption of its practices by indigenous communities around the world. This includes examples like the practices in Madrid or Ezcurdia inspired by Mexican philosophy, the African practices of Odierna, and the Asian practices of Elicor. Many experts have highlighted the positive impact of these practices on fostering critical thinking skills. They argue that critical thinking can empower indigenous peoples by helping them break free from the conditions of oppression and colonialism they have historically faced. However, there is a valid concern that the methodologies of critical thinking, based on discursive or logical-argumentative criteria, might inadvertently perpetuate a form of neo-colonialism by imposing Western ways of thinking. Additionally, the topics and materials used in philosophical sessions often originate from the perspectives and horizons of the United States or Europe. This raises the risk of imposing foreign discourses and potentially turning the concept of emancipation through critical thinking into a new form of oppression. This paper aims to analyze these risks and proposes a cooperative model to prevent Philosophy for Children from becoming neocolonial. This cooperative approach encourages the incorporation of indigenous philosophies by actively listening to the viewpoints of these indigenous communities. The goal is to expand, adjust, and enhance the foundations of Philosophy for Children by incorporating indigenous perspectives. This proposal takes a different approach compared to the philosophical work conducted with indigenous communities mentioned earlier. It reflects on the progress made by indigenous philosophies in challenging Western presuppositions within the field of philosophy. Ultimately, it strives to create a collaborative philosophy that emerges from indigenous Mayan-Tojolabal children themselves rather than one created solely for them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article offers considerations about extractive neocolonialism and its consequences in the establishment of environmental policies in so-called Third World countries, considering the omnipresence of neoliberal thinking in Western society. The hypothesis put forward is in the sense that the extractive economic model of the 21st century applied in the countries of the global South has a decisive influence on preventing or promoting agendas to contain the global environmental crisis. The hypothetical-deductive method was used, starting from the proposition that anthropocentrism and its logic of domination produce the reductionism of all life and all culture that is not the hegemonic one, producing irreparable damage and assuming unacceptable risks. As results achieved, it was found that the anthropocentrism of European roots promotes a biased reading of Nature to meet projects of absolute domination, over natural elements, over other cultures and over each other. It is necessary to decolonize environmental management practices and implement plural mechanisms to define the environmental agenda for the need to build a new cosmopolitan ethic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Power and influence are important concepts in world politics. In this process, every country tries to maximize its interests and influence over other countries. The present world order, soft power, plays an important role in influencing others' policy-making processes in one's favor to establish a world order. This paper aims to give an overview of Chinese soft power and find out whether Chinese soft power is creating a debt trap or becoming a shared interest for both Bangladesh and China. Based on secondary sources, the paper has found that although Chinese soft power, especially its growing investment in Bangladesh, is a part of establishing its influence, it is a shared interest rather than a debt trap. Different infrastructure development projects are opportunities for Bangladesh, as that will open the door to economic development if Bangladesh can effectively utilize them, although China's investment can put Bangladesh's economy under pressure. However, economic and political instability, fragile institutions, growing corruption, leadership crisis, etc. are more harmful to its economy and can lead to an economic crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While scholars working on high and late medieval England and France have long been emphasising the significance of kings and their chanceries as driving forces for the use of the written word in administrative matters, scholars dealing with the Empire have painted a different picture: pragmatic literacy was first deployed by the towns, then by the magnates and lastly by the kings. This view, however, created a blind spot for the impact kings might have had on the activities of princely chanceries. This article addresses this theme by focussing on the subject of princely rank. In so doing it investigates when kings started issuing charters concerning the promotions to princely rank or dealing with the hierarchy among the princes. It then looks at the representation of such documents in princely cartularies by analysing the earliest cartularies of the counts palatine of the Rhine and the counts / dukes of Jülich respectively. It can be shown that these charters occupied a central position and may even have been the reason for the creation of the cartularies; they were key to the manifestation of princely rank. As a result, the idea that princely rank derived from the king - an idea the king himself was eager to promote in his charters - was enshrined in and communicated by these princely cartularies. These cartularies, therefore, did not paint an image of autonomous princely authority, but on the contrary, they portray a hierarchically ordered community of king and princes. In such a way the cartularies made their own small contribution to creating and maintaining the long-lasting idea of the Empire as a political configuration represented by the king and the princes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay analyses contemporary Anglophone Caribbean poetry which, in contrast to mainstream representations mostly tailored for a western readership, advances an optimistic, yet non-idealised and incisive, perspective on the region. These poetics resist the pervasiveness of the colonial construction of Caribbean island spaces as tourist havens, addressing the profound impact and overpowering influence of tourism in the region. This essay focuses on two island-based writers, Bahamian poet Sonia Farmer and Saint Lucian poet Kendel Hippolyte, whose poetry highlights and condemns the continuities between colonialism and the tourist industry, as well as the social and psychological effects of the region's economic subjugation and overall neo-colonial status. Their poetry does not only debunk the myths of island isolation and statism, but also advances new visions for the region which call for the recognition of grassroots alternatives to the present milieu. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introduction to our special issue "Island Narratives of Persistence and Resistance" focuses on the ongoing proliferation of neocolonial, neoimperial and neoliberal constructions of the island in western and continental texts and discourses. It discusses the double and paradoxical logic of the island trope – which simultaneously suggests confinement and freedom, isolation and connection, over- and underdevelopment, inclusion and exclusion – and the evident material effects that these persistent figurations continue to have on the lives of islanders. It then places the focus on the mechanisms of resistance to these island narratives as exemplified in a range of fiction and non-fiction works from or about various island locations: Singapore, Vanuatu, Samoa, Nauru, Manus Island, the Bahamas, St Lucia, New Zealand, Staten Island, and the island continent of Australia. The essays engage with recognizable tropes and uses of the island: islands of exception and offshores, treasure and trash islands, island fortresses and militarized zones, fantasy and tourist islands. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the artistic and political implications of Femi Osofisan's All for Catherine, an adaptation of Cao Yu's play Thunderstorm. Although the dialogue remains largely faithful to the original, the characters, settings, and historical contexts are artfully shifted to the Nigerian cultural context. The original play by Cao Yu primarily offers a profound critique of capitalist society, a sentiment Osofisan carries forward in his adaptation. By analysing the play's postcolonial narrative and its portrayal of China's image, this article provides a literary and textual analysis of African perspectives on Sino-African relations. While China may intend to play a supportive role in Africa, extending its influence and contributing to economic growth, Osofisan's adaptation suggests a more nuanced perspective. It raises concerns about the potential for neocolonialism, where China's investments might sometimes prioritise its own interests over the genuine development of African nations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay argues that food—particularly the labor of preparing and producing food—should be seen as central to South African feminism, and to African feminisms more broadly. Salo explains how women provide the majority of the labor to produce food on the African continent, yet often are exposed to hunger because they do not own the means to food production. Moreover, as agribusiness encroaches on foodways and food production lands in Africa, this sector attempts to incorporate women in ways that continue to render them gendered subordinates in an unequal economic and political system. Centering food provides an important means for African feminists to continue recognizing the imbrication of gendered oppression with colonialism and neocolonialism, and to challenge these hierarchies while pursuing sustainability and social justice. Women's agencies as food producers also offer alternatives to agribusiness and corporate food, including small-scale farming or gardening projects that intersect with political activism in urban and peri-urban areas. Salo discusses how such African women's strategies align with concepts such as food sovereignty and ecofeminism, but also need to be recognized as occurring beyond the cultures of academic expertise often associated with such terms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United Nations Population Fund publications in 2011 and 2014, The State of the World's Midwifery, both argue that midwives in poor countries need to be professionalized for the good of their countries and of women and children worldwide. These narratives of professionalization as the road to stability, health, respect, and women's welfare are tangled within broader narratives of neoliberalism. These broader narratives borrow familiar commonplaces from the feminist health movement and colonial reasoning to limit global midwifery's scope to a neoliberal system of value within a neocolonial development agenda. Using definition as a grounding commonplace to argue for the professionalization of midwives in poorer nations, these reports potentially disenfranchise many birthing people and their attendants in these nations who do not fall under the professionalized definition of midwife. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This text is related to the theme of the usage of historical narratives about WWII in the current Russian War against Ukraine. It is a brief analysis of the instrumentalisation of Holocaust history in Russian propaganda, as well as the role of historians as enablers in these processes. The essay also focuses on the issue of decolonization of historical narratives in Western academia and Ukrainian discourses of WWII in the context of the Russian–Ukrainian War. The final issue discussed in this text concerns how Russian aggression in Ukraine has affected academic studies and research on the history of the Holocaust in Ukraine and EU countries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

China’s President Xi Jinping and Russia’s President Vladimir Putin have repeatedly hailed a ‘no limits’ partnership between their respective countries to the displeasure of the United States in light of the ongoing war in Ukraine. Therefore, it has become more apparent that the long-term goals of the Russian and Chinese foreign policies are to establish a new world order by reinstating their countries as great powers while challenging the U.S.-led global hegemony. The current geopolitical turbulence accelerated by the great power rivalry has not only shattered the international order that has existed since the end of the Cold War, but also reframed partnerships where the role of African states are becoming more prominent. Notably, while Martin Kimani, Kenya’s UN envoy, was widely praised for his powerful speech reaffirming Kenya’s respect for the territorial integrity of Ukraine within its internationally recognized borders during the Security Council’s emergency session (21 February 2022), 25 of Africa’s 54 states abstained or did not vote to condemn Russia’s invasion of Ukraine during the emergency session of the UN General Assembly (A/RES/ES-11/1) in March 2022. This equivocal reaction contrasted sharply not only with the widespread condemnation of Russia’s assault from every other region but also with African states’ official positions on preserving territorial integrity and borders within Africa. The study, therefore, seeks to explore Africa’s stance in light of the ongoing war and how the interests and (re)actions of African states contribute to furthering Russia’s goal of weakening the United States as a dominant power. The study applies a qualitative approach by drawing from literature on Africa’s relations with Russia and analyzing media and NGO reports on contemporary events, official communications of African officials, and voting patterns of African states in the UN General Assembly in the context of the ongoing war in Ukraine. Initial findings suggest that several factors contribute to the hesitant position of some African countries. These include the legacy of colonial and imperial control, arms trading, food security, discriminatory treatment of African students in Ukraine, and the U.S. Congress’ anti-Russian legislation (H.R. 7311, the Countering Malign Russian Activities in Africa Act), which punishes African nations for their political and economic ties with Russia. These factors reinforce neocolonialism in Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Recent developments demonstrate that the impact of colonialism persists in postcolonial societies and attest to continued neocolonialism. However, postcolonial subjects are full of agency. In this paper, the focus is on tracing postcolonial agency in "The Hunt" by Mahasweta Devi, The Trial of Dedan Kimathi by Ngugi wa Thiong'o and Micere Githae Mugo, and "Pantomime" by Derek Walcott. This article investigates the coexistence of postcolonialism and neocolonialism in postcolonial societies and underlines the acts of resistance towards it. It looks at texts produced around the same period from different former colonies as an attempt to recognize the uniqueness of each experience and its heterogeneity. "The Hunt" focuses on neo-imperialism and violence as an agency with an emphasis on tribal populations. The Trial of Dedan Kimathi explores the concept of violence being agential and the act of rewriting one's history as an act of agency. "Pantomime" employs the idea of mimicry and language as an act of resistance against imperialism. This approach is towards a context-specific view of (post)colonialism and challenges the homogenization of the Orient by the Occident. This paper is situated within the framework of postcolonial studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US military presence in South Korea [hereby Korea] in the aftermath of the Korean War has been a politically sensitive and contentious issue for Korea. While the relationship between the US military and Korea has often been characterized in Korean popular and scholarly discourse as neocolonial, I argue that in recent years, Korean yeneung (television entertainment programs) have been reversing such power dynamics in how they depict US soldiers. They contest the image of Korea as a neocolonial nation-state and portray it as a powerful and aspirational one. Such nationalistic portrayals of the relationship between the two countries coincide with the nation's rise in economic and cultural status. I build on theories derived from Media Studies and scholarship on national identity formation. I use the theoretical framework of "illusions of reality" to analyze the Korean popular media depictions of US soldiers stationed in Korea. I contend that yeneung mobilize illusions of reality to depict an aspirational future reality where the neocolonial power dynamics between the US military and Korea are reversed and where stereotypes that the US held of Korea are mirrored and projected back onto the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines the role and place of the African region as an object of international broadcasting. Various models of international broadcasting implementation in contemporary political conditions are shown on the example of countries -- former metropolises of colonial empires that covered African territories. Among other things, the author shows that international broadcasting in Africa can be considered as an element of neo-colonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Public Finance Studies / Maliye Çalismalari Dergisi is the property of Journal of Public Finance Studies / Maliye Calismalari Dergisi and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses how the persistence of child labor, especially in Brazil and the United States of America, constitutes a current facet of neo-colonialism. Cultivated as an educational and dignifying activity, exploited child labor persists and is naturalized. Schools, religions, and the legislation contribute to making the working class come to love and naturalize what in the past was understood as torture and punishment, thus jointly acting as a fundamental means of forming a new cultural form: the love of work. Initially, the article discusses how the culture of work is historically founded and then argues against the idealist and postmodern explanations that naturalize it. The argument is based on the understanding that culture has a material basis and is linked to the production and social reproduction of life. Data from the empirical research on child labor in tobacco farming in Brazil and the USA reveal the persistence of the problem among Latino children and families. We conclude with the need to found a new culture for contemporary society, based on other social and economic relations, which allows the working class to free itself from what dominates and exploits it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Historia: Questoes & Debates is the property of Universidade Federal do Parana and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The recent success of Netflix España as a producer of high-quality content with a global fan base has put a spotlight on contemporary Spanish society as a modern, progressive, and racially diverse, European nation-state. However, an increased visibility of racial minorities also raises questions of how Blackness and Latinidad are wielded in popular Spanish series as tools to maintain racial hierarchies. In order to flesh out these ideas, this article analyzes the representation of two Afro-Cuban characters from two of Netflix España's most popular series, Toy Boy and Sky Rojo. This cross-examination of two Black characters, male and female, will demonstrate that colonialist ideologies persist in the Spanish media. A close reading of these two series reveals how racist tropes are refashioned in a contemporary setting and how Afro-Latinidad becomes commodified for a Spanish and global audiences. Thus, Spain reasserts itself as a racially distinct and superior society, while Cuba lingers in the shadow of the former Empire. By exposing these neocolonialist methods used in Spanish productions, this article will uncover the methods used by the popular media to mask racial inequality and silence the voices of racially marginalized communities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Poyang Lake is the property of Journal of Poyang Lake Editorial Office and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The article focuses on significance of smell and olfactory experience in context of oil encounter in relation to writings of author Warren Cariou's essay "Tarhands: A Messy Manifesto." Topics discussed include investigation of use of scent as literary device and role in interrogating neo-colonial capitalist logic of resource extraction, use of the language of stink exposing the inherent corruption, and decision of Canada in 2011 to pull out 1997 Kyoto Protocol on climate change.

The article examines two Ghanaian-born intellectuals – economist George Ayittey and anthropologist and sociologist Kwesi Kwaa Prah – and their positions on both local and global inequalities by studying their writings from the mid-1980s–1990s. It answers the questions of how and through which debates both intellectuals addressed and engaged with notions of global inequality. Methodologically anchored in global intellectual history, this article offers a historical, qualitative, and actor-oriented study. As emphasised by Jonathon Earle, the question of how African intellectuals have shaped the intellectual history of the modern world represents an understudied field within global intellectual history.1 In an attempt to address this void, I show how Ayittey and Prah invoked global inequalities through different notions of neo-colonialism as well as criticisms of African elites, such as their indigenous rootlessness. The article argues that their conceptions of global inequalities were hinged on broader debates revolving around issues of African (under)development while their proposed solutions were founded on notions of African indigeneity, drawing on earlier African thought. I show how they actively reused ideas of indigenous development as formulated by Gold Coast intellectual Joseph E. Casely Hayford (1866–1930) in the beginning of the twentieth century. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Critics are calling for the decolonization of AI (artificial intelligence). The problem is that this technology is marginalizing other modes of knowledge with dehumanizing applications. What is needed to remedy this situation is the development of human-centric AI. However, there is a serious blind spot in this strategy that is addressed in this paper. The corrective that is usually proposed—participatory design—lacks the philosophical rigor to undercut the autonomy of AI, and thus the colonization spawned by this technology. A more radical or substantial proposal is advanced in this discussion that is known as community-based design. This alternative makes a theoretical maneuver that allows AI design to be directed by human agency, thereby introducing a safeguard that may help to prevent colonization by this technology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Skinner's chapter titled The Ethics of Helping People, he stated, "By giving too much help, we postpone the acquisition of effective behavior and perpetuate the need for help" (Skinner, 1996, p. 63). Through years of living cross-culturally in various African countries, the first author has seen this demonstrated not only in organizations but also as part of the very fabric of society. The detrimental effects of helping, as described by Skinner, are especially evident in African countries that were formerly colonized and continue through the delivery of modern aid by western nations. Robust reinforcement contingencies surround the helper and the helped, which creates and maintains a reciprocal dominating/dependent relationship that has stifled growth in the past and continues to do so in the present. Considering that behavior analysis was born in the western world, any dissemination efforts to formerly colonized African countries will perpetuate the power dynamic conceived from colonial "helping" practices. In this paper, suggestions will be outlined for behavior analysts interested in international dissemination, specifically looking at the role of participatory community development in alleviating colonial relations between these regions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to explore ecofeminist issues in Tsitsi Dangarembga's This Mournable Body. It mainly focuses on the relationship between women and nature and explores the perceptions of women toward the natural environment. Thus, a close reading was done to extract the necessary information from the novel. Next, the extracted data was analyzed using textual analysis. Additionally, ecofeminist literary criticism was adopted as a lens to analyze the novel. Therefore, based on the analysis made, the novel portrays various issues related to women and nature. Firstly, the novel shows that African women are gardeners, agricultural laborers, and protectors of the land and the natural environment, which makes them have a strong relationship with the natural environment. On the other hand, it shows, that not all women have the same perception of nature. In this manner, Tracey, a white businesswoman, considered nature as an income generator in the form of the ecotourism industry, regardless of the degradation of the natural environment. In contrast, the native women consider nature as a means of their survival. Nyasha, a woman from Zimbabwe, believes nature and land space enhance co-operation and harmony between inhabitants. Similarly, Tambudzai, also from Zimbabwe, recounts the beauty and healing power of nature, and she expresses her concern about the degradation of the natural environment. Therefore, the novel has discovered the different relationships between women and nature. Their understanding of and connection to nature vary and directly relate to their background and context. At last, the novel portrays the impact of neocolonialism and capitalism predominantly on women and nature. In this manner, the author shows her concern for African women and the natural environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to analyze Chaudhry Afzal's autobiography "MeraAfsana" in the colonial context. We have seen how the colonial system and its inhabitants were able to establish and rule their colonies in India. Neocolonialism is a system in which powerful nations take control of weaker nations. By using the resources of the subjugated nation to increase their economic and statistical efficiency, they continue to strengthen themselves. This makes the economy of the settlers stronger. When a country occupies another country through its military power, it is the beginning of the formation of the colonial system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Francosphères is the property of Liverpool University Press / Journals and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

The disruptions in Africa including underdevelopment, poverty, disease, ignorance, instability, are said to have constituted a serious pandemic, and the causes of the pandemic have been variously described as consequences of colonialism, neo-colonialism, military incursion, poor leadership and corruption. This paper argues that the absence of mass education may be considered as a pandemic. It further contends that the failure to offer the population mass education, beginning with the basic literacy programmes is serious educational pandemic. That pandemic could explain much of the problems and afflictions in Africa and the breakdown of the society, long before the contemporary COVID-19. The study relied on interviews, articles and books using the descriptive approach as a methodology. The authors found out that the absence of mass education has consequences such as unemployment, low life expectancy, poverty trap and exploitation among others. The study recommends that training structures at all levels need to ensure there is always a built-in link between literacy and students' professional activities, including the different elements of their environment. It also recommends that the vision for mass education itself needs to be more inclusive of and responsive to other areas of life to improve the guarantee of adjustment to globalization, rapid change and new challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of primitive accumulation, and Marx's treatment of it, has in recent decades acquired a heightened critical resonance. Postcolonial thinkers have called attention to the persistence of colonial relations and processes in the moment of their supposed negation. Theorists of contemporary capitalism, meanwhile, have accented the reenactment, in the present, of putatively primordial modes of depredation. Primitive accumulation has likewise become a core concern of "world literature", a cultural form – and hermeneutic orientation – that apprehends something of the world in its totality, the planetary shape or local articulation of the global capitalist order brought into being by empire and its afterlives. A unique strand of contemporary world literature, the novel of primitive accumulation traces the routes of continuity between original and latter-day histories of dispossession – the history of the present, and the presence of the past. The two novels I consider in this essay, Hernán Diaz's In the Distance (2017) and Fiston Mwanza Mujila's Tram 83 (2015), realize this two-fold ambit with a distinctive cogency. They represent, in particular, the advent and contemporary expression of what I want to call extractive modernity at large. Read together, these two novels reveal how the time–space of extraction is diffuse and perpetually reprised – even as they register its located origins and impacts. In so doing, these novels help clarify the particular languages of critique and struggle that emerge within, and begin to imagine a way beyond, both acute sites or instances of dispossession and the deeper, enduring history of primitive accumulation, its extractive forms in particular. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

NGOs and neocolonialism are among the key concerns of postcolonial theorists, but their representation in postcolonial literature has received surprisingly little attention. This article examines the representation of NGOs and their impact on "developing" societies in postcolonial literature, specifically in two post-Soviet Russophone novels – Kazakhstani author Lilya Kalaus's The Fund of Last Hope: A Post-Colonial Novel (2013) and Tajik author Eleonora Kasymova's Tajik (2007). My analysis bridges research in literary studies and social sciences by complementing studies "from above" of the post-Soviet transition, and is intended to reveal how postcolonial societies, especially women, adopt, adapt, or resist the norms promoted by their countries' NGOs. I argue that rather than taking a side or remaining passive objects in the power games of their nations, women writers use their personal insights into the workings of post-Soviet NGOs to expose the neocolonial tendencies in the agendas of each political player. Echoing Achille Mbembe's notion of "mockery from within", the authors satirise how local NGOs' dependency on the West, and their inability to divorce themselves from Soviet influences, lead to their self-orientalising, contradictory and inefficient practices. Moreover, they reveal the complicity between foreign neocolonial forces, local corrupt elites and their subjects. Thus, Kalaus and Kasymova blur the oppressor/oppressed binaries and problematise the stereotypical anti-western critiques of NGOs in their countries. Furthermore, they point to the specificities of the Soviet colonial project and how its legacies are played out in the post-Soviet context. Much as the competing interests from Russia and the West, Soviet legacies, especially internalised Soviet Orientalism, exacerbate class divisions among women and lead to the depoliticisation of gender activism. By focusing on the understudied post-Soviet cultures through a postcolonial lens, the article widens our understanding of global neocolonial processes and their representation in literature more broadly. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay explores how Peter Weiss's anticolonial, anti-imperialist analysis, developed in the 1960s in response to the advent of decolonization and the emergence of neocolonialism, is woven into Die Ästhetik des Widerstands' story of political self-education. Two central features of this analysis were Weiss's concern with how solidarity can be forged between groups separated by geographic distance or cultural difference, and with the difference between national liberation and the more thoroughgoing emancipation Weiss described in 1965 as the "abolition of the reigning injustices in the world." Examining key scenes in the novel, including the narrator's recurrent engagements with the problem of solidarity and his historical inquiry into the deeds of the folk hero Engelbrekt Engelbrektsson, this essay suggests that Die Ästhetik's analysis of German fascism also incorporated Weiss's long-standing concern with colonialism and imperialism and with how they were encountered and resisted. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, the authors take up the historical figure of Dr Betty Paërl, who has surprisingly turned up in very different kinds of specialised archives. The white mathematics professor was located in IHLIA LGBT+ Heritage, the largest queer heritage collection in Europe, as a notable SM sexpert and spokesperson on transgender politics, and also found during archival research into the anti-(neo)colonial struggles of Suriname against the Dutch. Upon closer inspection of the materials, the authors find the recurrent image/item of the whip that presses them to carefully think through how the archive of Dr Paërl casts light on a history that Katherine McKittrick calls being 'in the shadow of the whip'. The article aims to combine an analysis of these versions of the whip in different visual and discursive registers to detect the liberatory politics underlying her activisms. To do so, the authors develop the intersectional model of the kaleidoscope employed by Dutch Black, migrant and refugee (BMR) feminist theorists to grasp the shifting patterns of power that Paërl battled and embodied as an activist of the anticolonial struggle, for sex workers' rights, for kinky sex and for transgender people. This is all the more important in the historical study of transgender visual materials that most often arrive in archives via medical and police photography or pornographic materials. The historical researcher, the article argues, should be wary of (re)producing a static vision that would reduce transgender figures to sex and gender politics, or eclipse a vision of trans politics that dilates beyond sexuality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

It is widely understood that, over a half‐century ago, most nations of Africa gained formal independence from colonial powers. What is not widely known is that in former French and Portuguese colonies, France was able to retain a significant degree of control over the economics and politics through a neocolonial system dubbed la Françafrique. Under that system, France has made use of the CFA franc, the management of natural resources, and one‐sided commercial contracts to siphon off much of the economic surplus generated by these 23 nations. In addition, France has effectively installed puppet governments in many nations and stifled dissent throughout the continent. Dissent against French domination of Africa has occurred at various times during the long period of Françafrique, and has intensified significantly in recent years. Several governments in West Africa are now openly rebelling against France, and diasporan communities and influential individuals are increasingly speaking out to support and interpret this dissent. This article provides an historical overview of Françafrique, reviews its current impacts, and sketches the contours of the growing movement to dismantle it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article proposes a theory of distributive conditionality in the context of migration; it outlines the modalities under which redistributive effects materialize as a consequence of migration from the Global South to the Global North. Tendayi Achiume (2019) argues that migration contributes to the redistribution of political equality throughout the globe. However, there is a need to better distinguish between accessing territories of the Global North and the redistributive processes migration puts in motion. Migration is a bottom-up strategy of appropriation within the global context of failed post-colonial processes, which are marked by the exclusion and exploitation of Third World citizens. People’s determination to access the territories from which they have been historically and legally excluded enables further claims for participation and inclusion to emerge. It is these that then allow for distributive effects. Within common spaces of appearance and communities of presence that include citizens and non-citizens and that have been established by access of migrants to these territories, negotiations surrounding the varying needs and resources of those present can emerge, depending on how this presence manifests. To substantiate this claim, I outline three such modalities in which distributive effects can be observed: communities of work, urban citizenship, and remittances. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the past 30 years, teacher education has changed to incorporate a larger emphasis on understanding students’ sociocultural backgrounds, knowing that these influence their learning. However, in terms of mathematics and mathematics education in teacher education, less has been done to recognise the sociocultural mathematics backgrounds of students. An example is provided to show how entrenched colonial attitudes to mathematics have developed into neocolonial policies that influence mathematics education. This example is based on a large historic research project in Papua New Guinea (PNG) that aimed to document and analyse the nature of mathematics education from tens of thousands of years ago to the present. Data sources varied from records of first contact and later records, archaeology, oral histories, language analyses, lived experiences, memoirs, government documents, field studies, and previous research especially doctoral studies. The impacts of colonisation, post-colonial aid and globalisation on mathematics education have been analysed, establishing an understanding of the current status of mathematics education as neocolonial. Neocolonial education policies diminish cultural ways of thinking. Thus, teacher education has an important role in sensitizing preservice and inservice teachers to the impact of neocolonial approaches as well as in developing with students some ways of reducing this impact and encouraging more holistic, culturally relevant mathematics education.

Grounded in Dakar’s elemental properties as much as manifestations of immaterial and virtual presence, French-Senegalese director Mati Diop’s film Atlantics (2019) embodies what Thomas Elsaesser has described as a post-photographic realism of world cinema. In this article, I show how Atlantics collapses divisions between the evidentiary and the ghostly within the same realist impulse to create a reparative postcolonial aesthetic. Furthermore, as seen in the lucid depiction of Dakar’s clairvoyant nights, the ontological unrest of the film’s post-photographic realism also happens at the level of image aesthetics.

In the first part of the article, the theoretical framework is given, and the economic and political reasons are presented as to why Serbia can be considered an "informal", "structural" or "postmodern" colony. The standard method is explained of extracting surplus from the (semi)periphery countries of the world capitalist system and, in this respect, the example of Serbia is used to shows what one of the key comprador functions is. The second part of the article provides an overview of the viewpoints of social scientists in Serbia who applied the concept of the comprador bourgeoisie (or comprador elite) as part of the global class structure to contemporary Serbian society. Some conceptual dilemmas are also considered, as well as the possibility of further theoretical and empirical research of this issue in Serbian sociology.

This article analyzes the travel literature to Latin America published by the journal El Correo de Ultramar, parte literaria e ilustrada reunidas (1853-1886), that declared its americanist vocation since its first issue. This paper studies, therefore, different textual typologies included inEl Correo... and dedicated to the continent, as well as themes they cover, lithographs and illustrations going along with them, and the rewriting of Chronicles of the Indias from the perspective of Romanticism, as a set of imaginary strategies that account for complex processes of geopolitical redefinition that would take place in the transatlantic triangle. At the same time, different neocolonial interests were fighting for the region.

The article studies the concept of the global social order as a subject of social research. The author starts with pointing at the changes in the structure and the character of the today's global social order (acceleration of exchanges and flows, gradual disappearing of a single hegemony, multipolarity) and claims that it is exactly capitalism that becomes a foundation for multipolar but yet unequal constitution of the global order. The article proposes to deal with the global social order as an example of a global subject – alternative to world system or global system – which can be placed in focus of social research. Also, the paper offers a definition to the notions of social order and global social order. Then the author provides several possible classification of the approaches to the study of the global social order, and then moves on to pointing out their mutual positions. The paper considers capitalism as a special form of global social order and suggests to analyze imperialism and neocolonialism as, on the one hand, the products of this order, and on the other hand, as instruments for its legitimation and hegemony. In the further research the suggested model can be used, first, for the improvements in the study of sociology's global subject, and, second, for deepening the knowledge about the process of (re)production of global social order.

In this article two series are analyzed: Black Earth Rising (a BBC/Netflix production) and Queen Sono (the first African Netflix original series), shows that are about African realities from an African perspective (Rwanda in Black Earth Rising and South Africa in Queen Sono). The findings in this article show that both series address social and political issues such as neocolonialism, neoextractivism, internal colonialism, racism, inequality, justice, self-determination, corruption, violence, peace, memory, necropolitics, mental health, and decoloniality. I also argue that the shows could be used as pedagogical tools to raise critical consciousness in a wide public regarding the social and political issues addressed. The research in this article has been conducted with a qualitative methodology, using both shows as case studies and using content analysis and bibliographical research. The analysis of the series is based in the discussion of critical theory and decoloniality approaches and authors, especially from Latin America and Africa. Furthermore, the analysis of popular media (such as series) is a relevant effort to decolonize knowledge, using alternative and non-academic sources to produce and socialize knowledge.

Prior consumer research has investigated the consumer behavior, identity work, and sources of ethnic group conflict among various immigrants and indigenes. However, by continuing to focus on consumers’ lived experiences, researchers lack theoretical clarity on the institutional shaping of these individuals as ethnic consumers, which has important implications for sustaining neocolonial power imbalances between colonized (immigrant-sending) and colonizing (immigrant-receiving) cultures. We bring sociological theories of neoliberal governmentality and multiculturalism to bear on an in-depth analysis of the contemporary Canadian marketplace to reveal our concept of market-mediated multiculturation, which we define as an institutional mechanism for attenuating ethnic group conflicts through which immigrant-receiving cultures fetishize strangers and their strangeness in their commodification of differences, and the existence of inequalities between ethnicities is occluded. Specifically, our findings unpack four interrelated consumer socialization strategies (envisioning, exemplifying, equipping, and embodying) through which institutional actors across different fields (politics, market research, retail, and consumption) shape an ethnic consumer subject. We conclude with a critical discussion of extant scholarship on consumer acculturation as being complicit in sustaining entrenched colonialist biases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article details the extensive security regimes deployed against Black Power in the Caribbean that were operated by regional governments and the (neo)colonial British state. These regimes of securitisation targeted radical Black political groups and actors whose Black Power ideology placed them in an antagonistic relation to independent West Indian states and Britain. The author argues that the British state's involvement in the suppression of Black Power in the Caribbean is inseparable from the domestic repression of the British Black Power movement. But also, shared opposition to British (neo)imperialism and the personal ties of West Indian migrants to Britain connected Black Power resistance on both sides of the Atlantic. By drawing on British Foreign & Commonwealth Office, Ministry of Defence and Cabinet Office files, as well as political newspapers and publications produced at the time, the author traces the British state's involvement in the transnational repression of Black Power in the late 1960s and early 1970s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The history of British citizenship is a history of state racism – from the differential treatment of 'non-patrial' citizens who acquired citizenship through a colony rather than through British ancestry, which led to the 'East African Asians' scandal of 1968, and the quiet withdrawal of British citizenship from former colonial citizens when their countries became independent, which led to the Windrush scandal, through the dilution of the right of citizenship by birth in the UK (ius soli) in 1981, to current laws which apply the logic of deportation and exclusion to black and brown citizens. British citizens are divided into those claiming only British citizenship, who can never lose it whatever they do, and those who, although they may have been born here, have another citizenship and can lose British citizenship on the say-so of a minister. The latter group, with a second-class, disposable, contingent citizenship, are mostly from ethnic minorities – and the changes to citizenship law which have created these classes of citizenship were brought in to target British Muslims of South Asian and Middle Eastern heritage. While the government claims that only those whose actions pose grave threats to national security, or who have committed abhorrent crimes, will lose their citizenship, the division of citizens into those with secure and insecure status affects vastly more people. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The colonial roots of the global news system have received relatively limited academic scrutiny, especially from a global South perspective. This article discusses the colonial nature of global news media by examining how the US–UK "news duopoly" has deep colonial connections: the news agency Reuters was described as "an empire within the British empire". It then examines the 1970s debates during the Cold War within UNESCO for a New World Information and Communication Order (NWICO), the demand to redress the imbalances in global media systems and flow of news between the West and its erstwhile colonies championed by what was then called the Third World. The article then argues that, in the post-Cold War world of globalized communication, a new kind of neo-colonialism in news media emerged, as Western-owned satellite and cable networks extended their footprints across the world, supplemented by the digital empires of the new millennium. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Bridget Pratt and Adrian Harper (2021) conducted a comparison of articles identified through six electronic literature searches. Their aim was to "identify ethics literature... that discussed combatting neo-colonial models of research". They used manifest content analysis to compare the conceptual content of articles from the fields of global health (GH) and Australian Aboriginal health (AH). This innovative application of a literature review approach from literary and media studies, to health sciences in which literature reviews have traditionally focused on synthesizing evidence about intervention effectiveness, should be commended. It has potential to advance theoretical understandings of ethics in health research. However, I argue here that Pratt and Harper's (2021) search strategy has several weaknesses, which suggests that their results must be interpreted with caution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]