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Introduction. The article examines a significant early-to-mid 18th-century episode of Kalmyk-Chinese and Kalmyk-Dzungar relations to have been controlled by the Russian Government. This very period was witnessing deepest processes across Central Asia that would subsequently result in dramatic ethnic and political transformations in the region. Goals. The work aims at revealing plans and intentions of the involved governments and groups, outlining the actual sequence of events under the observed conditions, showing efforts of certain individuals had been initially determined by their personal wishes that made them seek for opportunities to orchestrate the events towards their own benefits. However, the latter had to finally accept the real state of affairs as they were. Results. So, the Kalmyk rulers were involved in China-Dzungar relations, both the sides having been eager to take advantage of Kalmyk military power. But it became evident that external policies of the Kalmyk Khanate were largely dependent on Russia’s foreign affairs strategy which implied no interest in the participation of Kalmyks in Chinese-Dzungar struggle. This resulted in that Kalmyks never joined the confrontation between the Qing Empire and Dzungar Khanate to have ended up with a defeat and collapse of the latter.

Résumé La République Démocratique du Congo continue de connaitre une insécurité que l'on croyait élaguée après les signatures des accords de paix de Pretoria et de Luanda qui ont conduit à l'organisation des élections démocratiques. Défait en 2013, le M23 renait de ses cendres avec des revendications dont le Rwanda semble être le porte-parole d'un mouvement qui se réclame congolais. Pourtant ces revendications ont trouvé solution dans les négociations entre le Gouvernement congolais, et les rébellions du CNDP et du M23 qui ont donné lieu à la signature de l'accord cadre d'Addis-Abeba et à la mise sur pied du mécanisme de suivi du dit accord. Abstract The democratic Republic of Congo continues to experience insecurity that was believed to have been prune after the signing of the Pretoria and Luanda peace agreements which led to the organization of democratic elections. The M23, defeated in 2013, is reborn from its ashes with demands for wich Rwanda seems to be the standard bearer in favor of a movement that calls for congolese.However? theseclaims had found a solution in the Negociations betwenn the congolese governement and the CNDP and M23 rebellion wich gave rise to the signing of the Addis ababa framework agreement and the establishment of a monitoring mechanism for the said agreement.

The last 35 years have been a period of intense and continuous international negotiations to deal with climate change. During the same period of time humanity has doubled the amount of anthropogenic carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. There has, however, been progress and some notable successes in the negotiations. In 2015, at COP21 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 196 countries adopted the Paris Agreement stating that they would limit global temperatures to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and would pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. The first review of the Paris Agreement was at COP26 in Glasgow with many countries pledging to go to net zero emissions by the middle of the century. But currently these pledges, if fulfilled, will only limit the global average temperature to between 2.4°C and 2.8°C. At COP27 in Egypt the core agreements from the Glasgow Climate Pact were maintained and countries finally agreed to set up a loss and damage facility – although details of who will provide the finance and who can claim are still be to be worked out. This article reviews the key moments in the history of international climate change negotiations and discusses what the key objectives are for future COP meetings.

Since the so-called ‘migratory crisis’ (2015) in Italy, anthropological interest in extra-academic fields related to the care of asylum seekers and refugees has gained a crucial relevance, igniting intense debates within the discipline. However, despite this openness, anthropology in these contexts remains a ‘misunderstood knowledge’ subject to ambiguous and dangerous interpretations concerning the tools, objectives and solutions it can produce. The consequent operation of de-construction of anthropological knowledge, with often essentialising drifts, is one of the most unintended and unfortunate results that the anthropologist working in these contexts has to deal with, often having to manage real ‘disciplinary’, professional, ethical and existential crises. Through the exposition of a professional experience within the asylum/reception system, I will show how, although significant, this openness can lead to real epistemological, deontological, and methodological pitfalls that go beyond the anthropologist's intentions.

The paper considers some problems of negotiations between competitive subjects on regulated market. It is assumed that two subjects (players) have to compete with each other on the retail market and cooperate on the wholesale market. The wholesale market is regulated. The role of the regulator is to support players in negotiations, especially by introducing recommended solutions when the negotiations were broken off. It is considered how introducing a recommended solutions influence the process of negotiations on the wholesale market and a decision problem of choosing retail strategy, that precedes the process of negotiations. A decision problems of a regulator are also formulated. The problems are discussed in context of competition and cooperations between operators on the telecommunications services market.

Ensuring inclusivity, especially the meaningful participation of diverse actors, is a key component of good governance. However, existing ocean governance frameworks have not yet achieved an equitable and fair playing field and are indeed often characterized by inequitable practices. In this perspective piece, we argue that one of the reasons for this lack of inclusion are the existing power frameworks and ways in which power is exercised within fora nominally intended to foster inclusion and cooperation. By focusing on four case studies of basic ocean governance processes, we explore how influential and interactive power is exercised in intergovernmental meetings, international conferences, and regional negotiations. These case studies demonstrate how specific exercises of power that undermine procedural inclusivity influence decision-making and the setting of agendas, and exclude important voices from ocean governance fora. This perspective piece contributes to the existing literature on power by highlighting how power is exercised within fundamental aspects of ocean governance. This paper merely scratches the surface, and more actions and research are needed to uncover and, more importantly, reverse deeply-rooted and self-perpetuating power structures in ocean governance.

Landscape approaches are being promoted as a form of negotiated governance to help reconcile competing land uses and identify common concerns for planning envisioned future landscapes. Multistakeholder platforms play a key role in these efforts. This paper aims to contribute to an emerging scholarship that explores how spatial tools can be used in such platforms as boundary objects and if and how they can contribute to inclusive landscape negotiations and governance. We used spatial mapping to observe and document stakeholder perceptions about drivers of land-use and land-cover change and desired future scenarios that accommodate competing land uses. We found that land-cover maps derived from satellite images helped participants identify land-use change dynamics and drivers. The ensuing community mapping of desired landscape scenarios in both multistakeholder platforms (MSPs) triggered a process of identifying common concerns and defining actionable priorities. However, in one MSP, stakeholders ultimately reached a compromise on a draft land-use map that was widely regarded as an entry point for further negotiations in Local Area Plans, while the other lacked consensus due to deep-seated social-cultural issues, such as social-class-based disagreements. This paper illustrates, first, that instead of focusing on the end product (participatory maps), understanding negotiation processes helps uncover why spatial tools may fail to achieve the intended purpose of reconciling land uses. Second, spatial tools only work for landscape approaches if MSPs are inclusive and foster a collaborative process that considers the views of all participants. The authors recommend that those steering MSPs stimulate them to evolve from "mere consultation forums" to "innovative, participatory platforms", encouraging stakeholders to engage in genuine negotiation processes that allow negotiated and alternative outcomes. We contend that such an approach, supported by spatial tools, is likely to contribute to the implementation of landscape approaches. Policymakers and land users can use these spatial tools as boundary objects in user-focused strategies that engender inclusive stakeholder participation and ensure legitimate, acceptable, and sustainable outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Starting with Sigmund Freud, psychoanalysts have considered the psychological dimensions of peacemaking in international relations. In the 1980s, psychiatrists, psychologists, and diplomats began developing theories on Track II negotiations, defined as unofficial meetings among influential stakeholders with access to government policymakers. In recent years, psychoanalytic theory building has waned with the decline of interdisciplinary collaborations among mental health professionals and practitioners of international relations. This study seeks to revive such collaborations by analyzing the reflections of an ongoing dialogue between a cultural psychiatrist trained in South Asian studies, the former head of India's foreign intelligence agency, and the former head of Pakistan's foreign intelligence agency on applications of psychoanalytic theory to Track II initiatives. Both former heads have participated in Track II initiatives to build peace between India and Pakistan and agreed to react on the record to a systematic review of psychoanalytic theories on Track II. This article describes how our dialogue can offer new directions for theory building and the practical conduct of negotiations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Research suggests that women negotiators tend to obtain worse outcomes than men; however, we argue this finding does not apply to all women. Integrating research on social hierarchies, gender in negotiations, and intersectional stereotype content, we develop a theoretical framework that explains the interactive effect of race and gender on offers and outcomes received in distributive negotiations. With a focus on Black and White women and men negotiators, we predicted that stereotypes related to their race and gender lead Black women negotiators to receive more favorable negotiation offers and outcomes than White women and Black men negotiators and this effect is explained by ascriptions of dominance and prestige, respectively. Results of three experimental studies involving diverse samples—online panel participants, individuals selling items on Craigslist, and MBA students—support these predictions. More specifically, we find that Black women negotiators are perceived as more dominant than White women negotiators, and Black women negotiators are ascribed greater prestige than Black men negotiators. These ascriptions allow Black women negotiators to receive more favorable negotiation offers and outcomes compared with White women and Black men. These findings highlight the importance of jointly considering the influence of race and gender in negotiations. Funding: This research was supported in part by funding offered to Dr. Sreedhari D. Desai by the Collins Dawson Endowment and the Crist W. Blackwell Fund at the University of North Carolina at Chapel Hill. Supplemental Material: The online supplement is available at https://doi.org/10.1287/orsc.2022.1629. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of consideration in the paper are negotiations between companies cooperating within reverse logistics. The objective of the paper is to present a concept for describing the specificity of such negotiations, influencing the ability of cooperating parties to create and recover value within reverse logistics. As introductory part of the article the methodology used for preparation of article is presented. Then, reverse logistics as the activity influencing value creation and value restoration is characterized. In next part of the work main units cooperating and negotiating within reverse logistics are distinguished. In this part the specificity of reverse logistics as environment for negotiations is also presented. Within the subsequent parts of the article in order to present the features of negotiations within reverse logistics cooperation the original methodological framework is applied, comprising the key aspects of negotiation’s definition, distinguished on the basis of different approaches presented in literature, e.g. as a process, methods of conflict management and reaching agreement, mutual dependence of the parties and processes of: decision making, communication, mutual exchange and value creation. The summary synthetizes the major features of the considered negotiations, and also indicates the directions of research enriching the proposed concept. The approach to description of negotiations presented by the authors of the paper is a novelty and has an original character, i.e. it is based on their own thoughts on the specificity of the negotiations under consideration. No such concept has been presented in the literature on the subject so far. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the Association of Arab Universities for Higher Education Research is the property of Journal of the Association of Arab Universities for Higher Education Research and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Costs associated with recognizing an internal armed challenger as a legitimate bargaining partner deter governments from initiating peace talks. Yet peaceful termination of conflict requires formal negotiations between the belligerents. This article presents evidence that democratic reforms provide a window of opportunity for peace talks. Democratic reforms represent an opportunity to break away from the past policies of the state and render the conflict as an artifact of the preceding authoritarian institutions. The article contributes to the research field by enhancing our ability to predict negotiations. It also highlights that democratic reforms can be undertaken during an ongoing civil conflict. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper provides a reconstruction and game‐theoretical characterization of the coming about of the €750 billion Covid Recovery Fund (RRF). It does this from the perspective of one prominent member state, the Netherlands, who was arguably the most prominent opponent to the idea. The case of the Netherlands is revealing for the ability of individual Member States to oversee and control EU decision‐making in this new system of European Council centred governance. We provide an embedded process tracing analysis of the decision‐making from the first Summit on the Multiannual Financial Framework of 20/21 February, up until the 'historic' deal on the MFF and RRF of 21 July. Where most media accounts and scholarly evaluations focus on the proceedings at the highest political level and particularly the role of German Chancellor Merkel, we highlight the early, technical‐level developments and proceedings, that laid out the tracks for the final deal. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of the present study was to test the extent to which groups manage to attain synergy (both strong and weak) in the context of multiparty systems. We also aimed to test the effects of power (budget size), and goal difficulty, alongside their interaction effect. We have used a behavioral multiparty simulation in which Romanian participants first negotiated individually and then, in the second stage, they were organized into groups and asked to engage in intergroup negotiations. Results showed that, in general, best negotiators outperform groups, yet groups obtain higher negotiation payoffs than the average payoff obtained by their members in the first negotiation stage, but only for dyads. Moreover, powerful stakeholders and those that have high goals end up with the highest payoff. Last, our results show that power accentuates the positive relationship between goal difficulty and payoffs. The results have important implications for delegating representatives to multiparty negotiations and for the management of power asymmetry in multiparty systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, we apply the Analytic Hierarchy Process approach to conflict resolution in the context of the Russia–Ukraine conflict. We build models that illustrate the evaluation criteria, strategic and sub-criteria, and concessions for each party in this negotiation. Ratings are used to evaluate the degree to which concessions contribute or take away from successful resolution of the conflict. Afterwards, gain ratios are built to determine the benefit-cost scores so that concessions may be traded that result in equitable solutions. The approach presented here demonstrates for the first time why all concessions that parties to a conflict may offer might not trade all at once. A Max–Min optimization approach is used to maximize the gain to both parties of the conflict while minimizing the disparity in gain between the two. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The objective of this article is to enhance bargaining competences of managers negotiating with Chinese partners. It was achieved first by evaluating general characteristics of cross-cultural negotiations, followed by specifics of negotiating with the Chinese partners. Based on the mistakes managers do in negotiating with Chinese partners, special attention was directed to: prevailing values, communication specifics, dualism in negotiating with foreigners (ying-yang), the importance of keeping up one’s respect, relationships (guanxi) and differences in terms of time, organization of the meetings, and finally, their view on contracts. Mastering such specifics and avoiding too frequently rooted stereotypes are preconditions for success on the Chinese market.

The adoption in Vietnam in 2020 of the "Law on mediation and negotiations in court" was a significant event, indicating the preservation and development of the legal and cultural traditions of the country, as well as the reasonable use of the experience of other states in the field of reconciliation of disputing parties. The named Law has a wide range of application. The purpose of the study is that the author gives an overview of the conciliation procedure in the Vietnamese courts, and carefully analyses individual issues, especially the problems arising from the lack of a unified approach to the procedure for recognizing the results of the conciliation procedure by court. The methodological basis of the study is the methods of consistency, analysis, and synthesis. The authors conclude that the introduction of mediation in court has brought many positive results: disputes and lawsuits have been successfully resolved and negotiated. The article provides a general overview of the mediation procedure in the Vietnamese court, and carefully analyses individual problems arising from the lack of a unified approach to the procedure for recognizing the results of the conciliation process by court.

The European Union was among the first from the Global North to accept the Global South’s proposal to construct a Loss and Damage fund at the UNFCCC’s Conference of Parties in Sharm el-Sheikh in 2022. The establishment of this fund has, however, long been a red line for the EU’s negotiation strategy. So why did the EU accept the proposal, even though it remained convinced that the existing infrastructure was better suited to deal with the issue? Building on the literature of the EU’s leadership in climate negotiations, and an ethnographic account of my personal experience as a EU delegate at the COP, I argue that the EU accepted the proposal because of three interrelated reasons: First, it strived not to be seen as an actor blocking the negotiations after the failure of such a proposal at COP in Glasgow. Second, the EU became aware that several Umbrella Group members were willing to support the fund and did not want to be left behind. Third, the EU traded the establishment of the fund for a limited support for several of its own priorities. These findings reverse the understanding of climate leadership. Instead of treating it as a dependent variable (an outcome of the EU’s actions), it shows how leadership conditioned the EU’s negotiation strategy. This paves the way for future research on the EU’s climate leadership and, at the same time, provides a firsthand experience of the Loss and Damage negotiations at COP27 in Egypt. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The spirit of a negotiator represents a necessary quality for a businessman in order to launch the business and obtain performances. Achieving performance, however, presupposes a consolidation of personal qualities and abilities, in order to be directed towards the strategic development of the tourism enterprise. If we are referring to the tourism business, then it certainly does not ignore this requirement. Without a trained and experienced person in the field of business negotiation, it is quite complicated to get some results, which are beneficial for the tourism business. In this article, the author analyses the role of the negotiator in starting the negotiations related to the tourism business, characterizing his personal and professional traits.

The aim of the didactic and educational activity of every university, especially the military one, is to prepare the graduate intellectually and professionally to live in society. When creating educational programs in a specific field of knowledge or subject of education, it is assumed that their implementation will ensure that the teachers acquire the necessary minimum of required competences. In such a case, the authors of didactic programs always have a number of doubts or dilemmas such as: To what extent do the assumed competences correlate with the requirements and needs of the social reality, especially the professional one, in which the graduate is prepared to act? To what extent do the content of the curricula and the organization of the didactic and educational process ensure the acquisition of the assumed team of competences by the teachers? Of course, there are many more dilemmas of this type. Not all of them can be unequivocally resolved, if only due to the complexity of social situations in which the accuracy and reliability of the competences acquired by students are verified. Curricular education of students of military universities in the fields of study: national security, is aimed at, among others, the best possible preparation of future officers to command a sub-unit as well as managers and managers to manage human teams in state and local government institutions dealing with the organization and protection of public safety. An important element of the process of commanding a military sub-unit as well as managing in a situation of a potential threat is the ability to make accurate decisions as well as efficiently act and motivate subordinates and co-workers. In situations of uncertainty and insufficient information, and at the same time not only a potential but also a real threat to health and life, this requires not only appropriate psychophysical predispositions but also specific professional competences, especially in the area of ​​distinguishing competences. Bearing the above in mind, the content and purpose of the article will be to introduce theoretically into the issues of social competences, seen from the perspective of a manager - leader - manager, and also an attempt to show the conditions of the manager's functioning - in various social situations, his role, tasks and qualifications, ensuring efficient management of the organization, these include: priorities in the implementation of tasks, skills, creative attitude and preparation for conducting negotiations. Requirements for modern managers - organization leaders - are extremely high, and meeting them does not guarantee only success. They lead people who, above all, need to be taught and prepared: to work in their position, to live in society, as well as to bring each other closer and focus around each other. Employees are different, they are strong and weak, full of pride and quite humble, curious about the world and, despite their different ages, overwhelmed by apathy. All of them, thanks to the work of managers and their competences, knowledge and skills, become good employees at various levels of the organization, and then managers. However, the basis of a manager's work is also, and perhaps above all, communication skills, the basis of which are negotiations.

The Senegalese government considers the current land legislation to be an obstacle to the development of agribusiness. However, many agribusiness projects have been set up in the Senegal River Delta, particularly since the 2000s. Based on a detailed analysis of 15 cases, the article shows that, beyond their diversity, their access to land follows three main paths, depending on the institution that grants the land. In Senegal, the communes are the main land allocation bodies and the majority of investors prefer local negotiation to the allocation of land by the State. Opening the black box of actual practices and concrete 'land paths' sheds light on the debate on the regulation of access to irrigated land in Senegal and, more broadly, on the ways that agribusiness uses for negotiating and legalizing this access, as well as on the role of the legal and institutional framework and local authorities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article presents an in-depth qualitative case study on the negotiations underlying the introduction of an Independent Fiscal Institution and a Constitutional Balanced Budget Rule in Italy. The article looks at the interests of the relevant actors in the negotiation process of the Six Pack, Euro Plus Pact, Treaty on Stability, Coordination and Governance, and Two Pack by conducting interviews with the negotiators and analyses of parliamentary records and press declarations. The article demonstrates that functional mechanisms explain the outcome of such negotiations better than the consolidated literature of Liberal Intergovernmentalism, which expects that the preferences of the constellation of national actors are the key drivers of EU grand bargains impacting on member states' core state powers. As a matter of fact, Italian negotiators decided to accept the introduction of such instruments because they were potentially helpful in reducing macroeconomic risks both domestically and in other EU member states without having particular political costs, and not because domestic actors showcased clear preferences in favour of them. The results contribute to the academic debate on the integration of the Economic and Monetary Union by testing hypotheses deriving from traditional EU integration and International Relations literature and paves the way for future research allowing for a greater generalisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The process of recognition of Kosovo has continuously declined since the Declaration of Independence until 2021, the period covered in this paper. This process is characterized by external structural obstacles, as well as internal non-structural ones. Applying the content analysis method and semi-structured interviews, the paper emphasized that the main structural obstacle was the inability to accept the Ahtisaari Plan from the UN as a compromise choice. On the other hand, the non-recognition of the state of Kosovo by Serbia (supported by Russia) resulted in the division of the states into two large groups: "pro" and "contra" recognition. Meanwhile, due to these extreme divisions, a third group of states sees the recognition of Kosovo as an opportunity to solve the previous obstacles. Thus, Serbia has established clear schemes to hinder the development of the process, first by sending the case of Kosovo to the ICJ and later by presenting the Kosovo-Serbia negotiation as status negotiations. Meanwhile, the internal political instability in Kosovo and the wrong political approach towards potentially recognizing states are evident as nonstructural obstacles in achieving new recognition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The subject of the current conference paper concerns Elon Musk's "peace plan" for ending the war Russia started on February 24th 2022 against the independent and sovereign Ukrainian state, that he tweeted in October 2022, so seven months into the military confrontations between the two sides. Starting with the intuitive assumptions that combat is costly for each side, and that "every war must end" (Ikle, 1971) - so there will be a form of war termination also for Russia's invasion of Ukraine - the research question that I will address is whether Musk's simplistic forty-two words proposal could represent an actual peace settlement or at least a genuine basis for peace negotiations between Kyiv and Moscow. In order to address the issue, I start by presenting Musk's "peace plan", then I argue that the specific proposals: (i) do not lay the foundations for a durable and stable peace in Europe, on the contrary, they are a form of appeasement towards Russia, an aggressor state; (ii) represent mostly Putin's claims for starting the war in the first place - they are not neutral, but come very close to Moscow's position and demands, while also the language is overtly favourable towards Russia; (iii) would be impossible to implement without recognizing/legitimizing Russia's policy in the temporary occupied territories of Ukraine. The analysis contributes to a better understanding of the reasons for war continuation for the time being, despite limitations stemming from the fast pace of the battlefield events unfolding (that change the negotiations power between the sides) and also from the lack of information on if and how negotiations are held during wartime and what are the real reasons why the settlement process is delayed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this article is to present an original, conceptual model of using business intelligence as a preparation tool for negotiations or as a complete preparatory phase. It was developed on the basis of the author's own research on information needs in the negotiation process, a literature review, and analysis of selected training outlines in the field of negotiations. The basis of the presented model is the traditional intelligence cycle adopted and extended for the needs of the aforementioned process. In the first part, the author outlines the issues of business intelligence in a company, describing its role and how it can be used to obtain information and make accurate decisions. He successively evokes the issues of negotiations, presenting selected models of the negotiation process with particular emphasis on the preparatory phase, and then presents selected tools used in the negotiations. The main part of the article is the author's model of using business intelligence in the negotiation process and a description of this model. The most important advantage of the presented model is that it can be used as a tool and even as a whole preparatory phase, covering all the necessary aspects at this stage to make appropriate decisions, i.e. developing strategies, tactics, potential scenarios, techniques, etc. This model is intended to create an advantage in negotiations based on knowledge. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The new international context justifies an analysis of the priorities, interests and objectives of the Pontic states in relation to an immediate reaction to discourage the armed conflict initiated by Russia and unjustified in terms of international humanitarian law. NATO and the EU have recently intensified the conduct of large-scale maritime exercises to promote stability and peace and strengthen the Alliance’s Eastern Flank, and have consistently encouraged cooperation between outgoing states on the Black Sea. Although Russia’s energy dependence on some Pontic states could be a problem for the mutual agreement on strategic negotiations and partnerships, NATO and the EU must join forces to take concrete and deterrent action to maintain regional and international order alike. The present article aims to highlight the importance of the Black Sea for the Pontic states, having as the premise of the scientific research the fact that nowadays it represents an important cross-border resource both for the security of the states in the region and for the security of NATO and the EU. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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The most contentious and unresolved issues in the World Trade Organisation (WTO) agricultural negotiations have been disciplining trade-distorting support and reducing barriers to agricultural trade. One of the contemporary issues that has serious implications on WTO agricultural reforms is the commitments of the United Kingdom (UK) after Brexit. The UK has based its commitments and concessions on the schedule of the EU-28 and redenominated the currency components from Euros to Pounds using a recent exchange rate. The study examines the impact of exchange rate on the policy space of the UK to provide tradedistorting support and restrict agricultural exports of other countries. This article highlights the impact of recent exchange rate on the UK's agricultural commitments under domestic support and market access. The result shows that the use of recent exchange rate leads to additional entitlement to distort trade, increased flexibilities to implement market price support (MPS), and additional policy space to restrict agricultural imports through higher bound tariff, in-quota tariff rates, and special agricultural safeguards. Overall, this approach will undermine the fundamental objective of the Agreement on Agriculture (AoA) to substantially reduce agricultural support and protection, and consequently, exacerbate the inequities and imbalances rooted in the agreement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Bulgarian Historical Review is the property of Bulgarian Historical Review and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article analyses the concept of the obligation of good faith in the precontractual stage, that of the negotiations, by presenting the internal normative framework, which imposes this obligation on the formation of various contracts, such as civil, commercial, individual work, administrative, etc. Afterwards, it focuses on commenting on the particularities of this obligation, in correlation with the other pre-contractual obligations, highlighting the regime of legal liability in the event of their non-compliance, in the form of domestic and European doctrinal and jurisprudential references, which will be presented in the second part of the paper some benchmarks of comparative law, through references to English, German and American law, from the perspective of respecting this obligation of bona fides. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The study provides a perspective on the configuration and history of the international sale of goods contract in European states, highlighting the main challenges generated by the adaptation of national legal systems to the UN Convention on the International Sale of Goods (Vienna, 1980). The analysis covers both theoretical aspects, referring to the "lex mercatoria" and the historical evolution of commercial relations, and especially on those of a practical nature, being sprinkled with elements of jurisprudence for a better visualization of the configuration of legal systems at the European level in relation to the international sale of goods. The international sale of goods is now perhaps the world's most frequently concluded trade contract in 2018, with global exports estimated at $19,468.14 billion, 12 times more than 10 years ago in 2008 when they were worth $16,149.3 billion. For example, the revenue from international food sales in 2022 amounted to USD 9,070,722 million and the market is on an upward trend, expected to grow by about 5, 29%. Interestingly, however, in terms of food retailing, at a private level, even during the pandemic period, the share of purchases made online was significantly low, accounting for only 7.8% of total sales. In the following we will present the international legal perspective on the international sale of goods, focusing on examples from each continent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The last 35 years have been a period of intense and continuous international negotiations to deal with climate change. During the same period of time humanity has doubled the amount of anthropogenic carbon dioxide in the atmosphere. There has, however, been progress and some notable successes in the negotiations. In 2015, at COP21 of the United Nations Framework Convention on Climate Change, 196 countries adopted the Paris Agreement stating that they would limit global temperatures to well below 2°C above pre-industrial levels and would pursue efforts to limit the temperature increase to 1.5°C above pre-industrial levels. The first review of the Paris Agreement was at COP26 in Glasgow with many countries pledging to go to net zero emissions by the middle of the century. But currently these pledges, if fulfilled, will only limit the global average temperature to between 2.4°C and 2.8°C. At COP27 in Egypt the core agreements from the Glasgow Climate Pact were maintained and countries finally agreed to set up a loss and damage facility -- although details of who will provide the finance and who can claim are still be to be worked out. This article reviews the key moments in the history of international climate change negotiations and discusses what the key objectives are for future COP meetings. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: To examine the influence of negotiations between students and graduate teaching assistants (GTAs) on GTAs' instruction within university physical activity classes. Method: Participants were 10 GTAs working in one university. Data collection and analysis were guided by constructs from the classroom ecology paradigm. Data collection techniques employed were non-participant observation, informal and formal interviews, and document analysis. Data were analyzed using analytic induction and constant comparison. Results: The type, focus, and extent of negotiations in GTAs' activity classes varied considerably depending on whether or not they had received prior pedagogical training, gained experience of teaching physical education in schools, and were familiar with the content. Conclusion:Our findings suggest two courses of action be taken if quality activity courses are to be delivered. First, such classes should be taught by GTAs with pedagogical training and teaching experience. Alternatively, previously untrained and inexperienced GTAs should be given extensive preparation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores how female university students' abilities to present themselves as 'authentic' engineers are imbricated with discursive constructions of gender and gender equality. The empirical data comes from interviews and video diaries collected with three female engineering students. The analysis demonstrates the power of the Swedish gender equality discourse to inform the students' talk as they negotiate their gendered identities to become intelligible as engineering students and engineers. We suggest that gender equality is used as a resource in the repertoires, but we also demonstrate that this discourse becomes a dilemma in that it limits possibilities for gender performances to go beyond old patterns. Despite this, the article still shows three unique ways of negotiating gender and other social categories in different situations connected to university learning and participation in internships. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article sheds new light on the power resources of member states at the European level by investigating the role and resources of their permanent representations to the EU. Building on previous research on member states' influence in the EU decision-making process, this contribution documents variations of permanent representations' human resources, structure and coordination processes. Based on semi-structured interviews conducted with 87 Council negotiators and EU representatives in Brussels between 2016 and 2020, this article identifies significant divergences in the workforce, role and efficiency of permanent representations, as well as in their level of engagement with other EU institutions. These findings show noticeable asymmetries (both qualitative and quantitative) in the informal capabilities of member states in Brussels and have implications for our understanding of their capacity to formulate and defend political preferences at the European level. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We find that many administrative contract disputes occur during the execution of the contract due to drafting defects, which are either poor drafting, inaccuracy or ambiguity, and then arise between the parties to contracts that are defective in drafting complex disputes in their subject matter, which are prolonged, and result in wasting a lot of money. Time, effort, and money for the parties to the contract, as it appears through the analysis of judicial and arbitral rulings that administrative contract disputes are mostly about issues that the parties did not face or did not pay attention to, and thus the accurate and clear wording according to the conditions and legal rules, although it does not end the disputes between the parties to the administrative contract. However, it leads to a significant decrease in the proportion of such disputes. In view of the importance of administrative contracts, care must be taken in drafting them to avoid disputes between the parties to the contract, as it must be taken into account that this contract will serve as the law that governs the relationship between the two parties to the oil contract., and decipher and analyze them, in order to avoid the emergence of future disputes between the two parties. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The intended purpose of this paper is to examine the viability of political resolution as a counterinsurgency strategy. We have selected numerous political negotiation processes between insurgents and government of India in general and Mizoram in particular. The political resolution with Mizo National Front is considered as the most successful counterinsurgency operation in India. Placing this as a model, the government of India employed the strategy of negotiation with various other insurgent groups. The degree of success in Mizoram was not replicated in other insurgency theatres. This was analyzed with the help of a comparative study with other insurgent groups in India, particularly within the state of Assam. It is found that the model of Mizo resolution has been influencing the peace process that came later. And also the strategy of negotiation has been evolving into incorporating civil society groups as signatories to the final peace settlement signed between insurgents and government. This analysis of the peace process is also based on the conceptualization developed from various authors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Humanities & Social Sciences (2522-3380) is the property of Arab Journal of Sciences & Research Publishing (AJSRP) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Strategic Affairs Magazine is the property of Strategic Affairs Magazine and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)