In light of the Iraqi crisis's overall developments between 2015 and 2020, the Arab Crises Team– ACT at the Middle East Studies Center in Jordan decided to publish this report on the current crisis. The team has published an earlier report on the Iraqi crisis in September 2015. The new report aims to reach an exit strategy as a roadmap for Iraq to emerge from its ongoing crisis since the American occupation in 2003. The report considered the background of the crisis, its nature and description, and the local and external influential players. It provided the possible scenarios and the player's possible options as such. The Iraqi crisis is considered complex, whose details include international, regional, and local factors. The main crisis pillars are: 1. The sectarian dimension in the political system based on quotas with the significant imbalance in managing state resources efficiently and justly, 2. The security dimension that overlaps between militias, the military and security apparatuses, 3. The international and regional interference in Iraqi affairs, directly and through Iraqi forces. The report discussed the fundamental transformations that the Iraqi crisis witnessed during the years 2019-2020, most notably the outbreak of widespread and varied sectarian and regional popular protests in various parts of Iraq, especially in the primary ruling parties' cities' influence. The motives behind this development in the Iraqi crisis are referred to the weak role of the state in achieving social justice and controlling resources, the inability of successive governments to manage the state's essential services, the deepening of direct Iranian and US military and security intervention in Iraq under the pretext of fighting ISIS, in addition to the economic dimension, which is one of the most prominent manifestations of the crisis. The widespread popular protests erupted in Iraq in October 2019, even in light of the Corona epidemic challenges that the demonstrators face. Furthermore, among its most essential demands: building an alternative, non-sectarian political environment, amending the constitution and changing the structures of provincial councils, the independence of the military establishment and its monopoly alone of armed forces and arms, the provision of essential services in the country, and the conduct of new parliamentary elections to be fair under national non-sectarian election law. Despite several factors that weakened the strength of this popular movement, it was able to achieve several successes, most notably its continuation despite the difficulties, its distribution in the various regions of Iraq, and its success in dismissing the existing government and forming a new government (the government of Mr. Mustafa Al-Kazemi). The protests also succeeded in maintaining their peacefulness, despite all the security violence it faced. The report believes that there are internal and external parties that have a significant influence on this crisis. The report concluded that local forces' policies and trends had become a reflection of the nature of relations between regional and international powers and their interests in Iraq. This relation has weakened the independent national will and made these parties face a significant challenge in reaching any settlement for many issues. The report analyzed the positions, policies, and interests of these parties and concluded that their Iraqi affairs interventions have led to this crisis's additional internal and external complications. The report discussed the typical scenarios for the crisis. It identifies three possible scenarios: 1. The stalemate and the continuation of the crisis in its current state 2. The scenario of intensifying the crisis politically, socially, and in living conditions 3. The scenario of achieving national consensus and getting out of the state of this crisis 4. The team discussed the conditions for achieving each of these scenarios and highlighted their implications. The report set out several determinants to favor the more expected possible scenario. The report concluded that the crisis seems likely to alternate between the first scenario (stalemate and the continuation of the crisis in its current state) and the third scenario (national consensus and exit from the crisis). That might keep the possibilities of slipping into dangerous trends, if not reaching stability and unity among Iraqis on the road map to exit the crisis. The report proposed an exit strategy based on the need to address three fundamental causes that emanate problems in several directions: 1. The absence of sectarian balance between parties and sects 2. Iranian and American influence 3. The aggravating living problems of people including the lack of essential services The report provides Several recommendations in three main axes: the political, the social and economic axis, and the security and military axis. Among the most important of these recommendations is to hold an inclusive Iraqi national conference that unites the state and the Iraqi people without exclusion. The conference aims to stop the internal and external depletion of Iraq's role and its resources. The suggested conference would reinforce the Iraqi state's sovereignty over all its territories free of the foreign armed presence. The conference ought to agree on a specific roadmap to get Iraq out of this ongoing and renewed crisis. The road map includes developing the political system to be an open system without ethnic or sectarian quotas and unifying Iraqi citizenship's political weight, away from religion, sect, race, and others. Iraq would restore its Arab and Islamic unitary identity and relieves other sub-identities. The government has to dissolve armed militias and seize weapons in civilians' hands in an integrated system. The government would draw the re-positioning of Iraqi foreign, regional and international relations to guarantee Iraq the preservation of its sovereignty and independence and does not hinder its progress. The measurements have to satisfy the need to calm sectarian tensions and stop the sectarian prosecutions on false charges such as terrorism, eradication, cooperation with the former regime... etc. It is to control the general budget, reducing state expenditures from current and administrative expenditures, expanding investment in productive projects as the agricultural and industrial sectors. Moreover, to encourage investments in the primary service sectors and reorganizing the oil sector from production to export to ensure the restoration of national sovereignty over this sector. The government ought to combat administrative and financial corruption and reduce the government apparatus's masked unemployment burden. The report recommends, in particular, to rebuild the Iraqi security and military doctrine according to the intellectual, social, historical, and civilizational principles of Iraq. It is to cuff-hand from Iraqi interference in other countries, to control and stop any Iraqi party's cooperation with any parties threatening other countries' security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]