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The national context of deportation threat, defined as the federal government's approach to deportation and/or deportation's salience to the US public, fluctuated between 2011 and 2018. US Latinos across citizenship statuses may have experienced growing psychological distress associated with these changes, given their disproportionate personal or proximal vulnerabilities to deportation. Drawing on 8 y of public- and restricted-access data from the National Health Interview Survey (2011 to 2018), this article examines trends in psychological distress among Latinos who are US-born citizens, naturalized citizens, and noncitizens. It then seeks to explain these trends by considering two theoretical pathways through which the national context of deportation threat could distress Latinos: 1) through discrete dramatic societal events that independently signal a change to the country's approach to deportation and/or that render deportation temporarily more salient to the public or 2) through more gradual changes to the country's everyday institutional (i.e., quotidian efforts to detain and deport noncitizens) and social (i.e., deportation's ongoing salience to a concerned public) environment of deportation threat. We find that, though both pathways matter to some degree, there is more consistent evidence that the gradual changes are associated with Latino US citizens and noncitizens' overall experiences of psychological distress. The article highlights how, even absent observable spillover effects of dramatic societal events bearing on deportation threat, the institutional and social environment in which they occur implicates Latinos' well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Restrictive immigration policies and enforcement practices are associated with poor health and mental health outcomes among Latinx immigrants. Over the last two decades, the state of California has enacted over 20 pro-integration immigration policies to protect and enhance the quality of life for immigrants. Accounting for the nested structure of immigration policy, this study examined the relationship between immigrants' perceptions of integration and health. Participants originated primarily from Mexico (N = 137). Hierarchical regression analysis was used to evaluate the contribution of variables in sequential blocks. While controlling for demographics, and immigration characteristics, we assessed the relationship between California immigration policy knowledge, perceived immigrant integration, threat of deportation, and two indicators of health—psychological distress and self-rated health. Perceived immigrant integration was associated with lower levels of psychological distress and better self-rated health. The threat of deportation was associated with a decline in self-rated health and higher levels of psychological distress. Policy advocacy and access to health care are needed to reduce the harmful effects of enforcement practices. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Reports of deportation can create a state of chronic fear in children living in mixed-status immigrant families over their own or a loved one's potential deportation. One indicator of health disparities among youth is elevated rates of alcohol, tobacco, and other drug use (ATOD). Yet little is known about the effects of fear of deportation (FOD) on ATOD or what might promote resilience. We explore the associations between FOD and ATOD use, how stress mediates this relationship, and whether hope moderates the mediated pathway from FOD to ATOD. Participants were 200 first- and second-generation 7th grade Hispanic youth (49% female) assessed across three waves of data. A moderated mediation model tested the indirect effect of FOD on ATOD through stress and whether hope moderated these associations. FOD was measured by the Family Fear of Deportation Scale. Snyder's Children's Hope Scale measured hope. Stress was measured by a short version of Pediatric Psychological Stress Measure. ATOD was adapted from the Monitoring the Future project. FOD was not directly associated with ATOD use. However, this path was fully mediated by stress. Hope significantly moderated the path from FOD to stress such that a one unit increase in hope completely offset the effects of FOD on stress. Hope did not moderate the path from stress to ATOD use. Interventions that increase awareness of deportation trauma, alleviate stress, and promote hope may help prevent, delay initiation into, and/or decrease ATOD among Hispanic first- and second-generation youth. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Notwithstanding claims about the emergence of 'crimmigration' systems, immigration law and criminal law entail two different sets of instruments for authorities to control foreign nationals. Drawing on an analysis of removal orders for foreign offenders in Finland, this article demonstrates that significant administrative powers in immigration enforcement are employed largely autonomously from the criminal justice system. Immigration law enables the police and immigration officials to issue removal orders based on fines or penal orders for (suspected) minor offences, without obtaining criminal convictions. In addition to disproportionate administrative sanctions for foreign nationals, removal orders involve a preventive rationale targeting future risks for the society based on the assumed continuation of criminal activities. While criminal courts adjudicate all severe offences, punitive application of immigration law enables authorities to bypass criminal justice procedures and safeguards, resulting in a distinct, administrative punitive system for visiting third-country nationals. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Intensive police raids targeted southern German asylum camps in 2018. The police accused black men of rioting against deportation enforcement, and local courts prosecuted numerous individuals. This article examines three such raids as political policing during a time of a strong yet contested state mandate for deportations. Drawing on observations of court proceedings, police and court statements, and ethnographic fieldwork conducted over several years with West African residents of these camps, I analyse how the police and courts intervened in local conflicts over deportation. As these authorities sought to restore deportability, emotions, particularly fear, functioned as a vital supplement to exercising state violence. By criminalizing protest and solidarity among the migrants and spreading fear, the raids drove many to leave the centres. The police and courts also performed fear as they depicted black, dangerous 'others' as endangering law enforcement and the 'Nation'. This contributed to the broader deportation agenda and produced race by normalizing migrants' exposure to deportation and policing. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How are ethics articulated in the organization of migrants' detention in France? While state agents enjoy discretionary power, it is the third sector that claims legal knowledge and good practice, exposing an unresisting and reverent attitude towards the 'rule of law'. This legalistic gaze on the state attests to the impasse in questioning (the moral grounds of) laws and flaunting intense emotions on a daily basis, an expression of their moral dilemma. In doing so, police officers, legal practitioners and other service providers display contrasting ideological disapproval but practical compliance, creating an environment infused with melancholy. Melancholy enables them to be humble operators of state rules and regulations and, at the same time, to suffer endless (moral and emotional) pain. This article analyses inter-organizational and inter-personal affective experiences in order to demonstrate how melancholy reflects the morale that is manifest in the organization of migrants' detention. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a comparative analysis discussing the representation of migrant deportations, apprehensions, and raids by ICE in contemporary US television and streaming. The depiction of migration issues was a narrative and rhetorical constant in some fictional US television shows during the Donald Trump presidency (2017–2021), dramatizing the struggles of undocumented and newly arrived migrants and their families. These shows, which range from drama to comedy, include, among numerous others, Netflix's Orange is the New Black and Gentefied, the reboot of Party of Five (produced by Sony Pictures Television for Disney's cable channel Freeform), Vida (STARZ), and Superstore (NBC). This article argues some of these shows enact a form of narrative activism to denounce or put the spotlight on the plight of millions, while others use these types of narratives in an opportunistic way that falls into the cultural practice of tokenism. In these series, the ethnic origin and life story of the talent in front and behind the camera is key for self-representation and authenticity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Dublin regulation requires refugee applicants to submit an asylum request in first European country they enter. Yet SOGIESC refugees often fear disclosing their intimate lives or sexual details in early immigration encounters. In times of nationalistic upheavals and contested refugee laws, queer applications can further be met with distrust. Thus, in fear of repatriation, some move onwards to countries where LGBTQI+ rights are nationally celebrated, only to be sent back to the first country. This paper builds on in-depth interviews and walk-along discussions with nine Dublin-regulated SOGIE refugees, as well as documented conversations with eighteen local stakeholders, conducted in Italy and Greece between 2021 and 2023. By tracing the affective residue of events in interlocutors' accounts, this article illuminates how SOGIE experiences were repeatedly invaded by violent bordering, affectively recalled through the memory of sounds. This caused them to submerge their life rhythm as irregular subjects, fitting neither here nor there. When denied protection due to the Dublin agreement, they became homeless, dependent on precarious jobs and transactional sex work. When deported, their accounts echo emotional abandonment and lack of recourses to claim queer time, as they discover their cases expulsed from the system. When re-application was possible, they were put under the stigma of feigning their queer identities and criminalized in prolonged uncertainty. In response, they crafted themselves as event(ual) queer beings or as subjects between temporal events, through naming practices and asserting autonomy over sex time, while also visioning transactions based on emotional dignity and altruism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the last two decades, forced removals have been the main feature of U.S. migration policy toward Latin America. In this research, we explore whether this policy has had implications in terms of Latin Americans' public opinion toward their northern neighbor. We argue that deportations breed anti‐Americanism by cutting off the flow of information and money associated with emigration, which has proven to be a source of better dispositions toward the United States. Using public opinion data and municipal data on deportations in El Salvador, we show that these perceptions have worsened over time and that rates of deportation are related to this trend. By using public opinion data on Latin America and deportation rates in the region, we also show that this pattern holds beyond our case study. We call attention to destination migration policies as a source of resentment among domestic audiences, which can be capitalized by new populisms in the region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Immigration enforcement – or the surveillance, detention, and deportation of noncitizens – detrimentally impacts health, with spillover effects on the families of those targeted. However, less is known about how immigration enforcement impacts communities, regardless of the immigration statuses of members. Immigration worksite raids can involve hundreds of agents, helicopters, and buses descending unannounced upon rural towns with small Latino populations and removing dozens of members in a day. This egregious enforcement tactic presents the opportunity to better understand how communities organize to mitigate the harm of these events. We conducted semistructured interviews in Spanish and English in six communities that experienced the largest worksite raids in 2018. Participants were 77 adults who provided material, emotional, or professional support following raids. We used qualitative analysis methods to code all interviews and develop a timeline characterizing raid impact and response. The day of the raid is characterized by chaos, confusion, and fear, which resulted in hiding out in churches and schools and supporting the children of those who disappeared. The days and weeks that followed were characterized by hunger, resulting in multiple strategies aimed at keeping the community fed, along with efforts to re-integrate children into schools. Months after, communities began to organize rideshares and finally address health concerns. We end with recommendations to mitigate the community-wide damage of worksite raids while advocating against their use. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Exclusionary immigration policies associated with family separation, detention, and deportation are linked to elevated stress and trauma. Social workers are well-positioned to address the detrimental effects of immigration enforcement–related harm. This study explores social work students' knowledge and perceptions of stressors, needs, and services with immigrants at risk of detention and deportation, assessing students' (n = 149) knowledge and perceptions across six categories. Regression models indicated that engagement in direct service provision, advocacy, and non-social work preparedness predict knowledge of immigrant issues; age predicts knowledge of service barriers; and advocacy, age, and graduate education predict motivation. Findings point to recommendations to infuse social work education with immigration-related content across the social work curriculum and through opportunities outside of the classroom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study examines how parents deported to Guatemala from the United States (U.S.) use relational maintenance strategies to preserve relationships with their family living in the U.S. In a context of forced separation where family reunification is severely constrained, this study considers economic, social, and cultural impacts on individuals' abilities to engage in relational maintenance. Interviews conducted in Guatemala with parents having previously been deported from the U.S. were coded and analyzed using contextualist thematic analysis. Findings revealed that relational maintenance is crucial to family preservation, with parents relying on assurances, positivity, advice-giving, and social networks to maintain a sense of relational continuity and their own position of influence within the family. Parents faced barriers to enacting strategies of shared tasks, openness, and conflict management. The implications and limitations of the study are discussed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article we argue that, in this specific context, the fundamental element for defining a person as a "migrant in transit" has been an administrative document (the return order) that confirms an infraction (the irregular entry) and provides for the imposition of a coercive measure (returning the migrant to the country of origin or the country from which they came). The interesting thing about the return order is that social practice transcends its formal sanctioning implication, acquiring other meanings, connotations and utilities depending on the moment, becoming a key document in assistance centers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In Kadare's short prose we find an Odysseus returning to his Ithaca. Starting from the terminology of exile which means being expelled from your country and not having the right to return, in two of the stories we will analyze it is about the desire to return and the desire to leave, where in both cases it is the state that established these rules. As we pointed out here, we have ordinary people who were condemned by their state, despite the whole phenomenon of exile known as deportation, here we have the anti-exile, that the state mostly exiled within itself, in camps by condemned and exterminating them in the same way as an outcast would be. Kadare is a great author of the albanian literature who is not only part of the literature that is written nowadays, but also he was telling about the true face of Albanian regime that was for 40 years in the albanian lifes. All the great writers must tell the truth about their life and the life of the own nation. Balkan people were always in such brutal politics that only the writers were talking and telling the truth and the miserable life of them. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Transatlantic slave trade had long supplied enslaved African labour to work on the plantations and they became the major labour force in the Western Hemisphere. The slave trade between Africa and the United States was initiated by 1619 when a Dutch privateer deported blacks to the English colonies in North America. Jamestown witnessed the arrival of the first slaves and it was the first chapter of a series of unending cruelty meted out to humanity in the name of slavery. Displacement evolves as a recurring theme in the selected slave narratives and to know how men and women coped with it is intriguing. Removed from their native land to a different geographical area was a painful challenge for the Africans who never travelled beyond their village or tribal areas. Many narratives record how they even found the skin of whites as something alien and even their marine skills were perceived by Africans as magic. This theme of displacement is common even during the era of globalization, when one can find resourceful people migrating from weaker countries to developed countries. Incorporating trauma theory into the discussion of the transatlantic slave trade enhances our understanding of the profound psychological and emotional impact on individuals who endured this horrific experience. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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This article focuses on the representation of the contemporary Mediterranean space in the films La vie devant soi (Madame Rosa) (1977), directed by Moshé Mizrahi and La vita davanti a sé (The Life Ahead) (2020), directed by Edoardo Ponti. Although the two films are adapted from the same novel, La vie devant soi (The Life Before US) (1977) by Romain Gary, they present different interpretations of the two main characters, Madame Rosa and Momo. This article argues how processes of (forced) movement of people – such as Holocaust deportation, postcolonial movements, and the current migrations between Africa and Europe – have demonstrated a contemporary 'Mediterranean space' that goes beyond its geographical borders, but rather is strictly linked to the people of the Mediterranean who made these movements. By analysing the cinematic Mediterranean space created in and in between these two films, it concludes that movement-induced traumas are intrinsic to the pragmatic existence of this geo-cultural space in contemporary times. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this piece, I examine the immigration enforcement and adjudication system as a whole from the perspective of life and death. Drawing upon social theory frames as well as legal scholarship, I look to how doctrines and laws continually devalue and risk noncitizens' lives. Although scholarly work has examined how differing aspects of immigration law and enforcement take lives--e.g., via detention, cross-border shootings, and deportation--explorations have yet to consider the system as a whole from this perspective. My contribution illuminates how laws as well as legal doctrines serve as mechanisms for assigning differential value to human life, ultimately taking immigrants' lives. They do so in part by normalizing death as the inevitable cost of upholding the rule of law. And yet, there is nothing normal or inevitable about the myriad policy choices, statutory provisions, and evacuations of constitutional protection that undergird immigration law and enforcement. These choices form an architecture that, in the words of Achille Mbembe, "subjugate(s) life to the power of death."1 I consider death by design, death by enforcement, death by denial, and death by expulsion--then show how jurisprudence and laws accept and contribute to these deaths. In the final sections of my paper, I consider how we might dismantle the assumptions, laws, doctrines that devalue and take noncitizen life throughout our immigration system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do the manifestations of deportability in everyday life and deportation experiences constitute African migrants into a "deportspora" in China? Despite the scholarly attention paid to the migration of Africans to China, questions of deportability and the simultaneous, reverse flows through their deportation are under-explored. In this article, I examine this critical gap by exploring the lifeworlds of Nigerian migrants and deportees from China, using data from two separate studies conducted in 2017 and 2020-2021. Nigerians are exposed to "illegalization," experience deportability threats, and become vulnerable to arrest and re-dispersal as deportees. The realities of being undocumented and overstaying, the social act of running, and the host society's instrumentalization of deportation to regulate or order the migrant community all point to the existence of Nigerian deportspora in China. The import of this form of social formation makes deportability and deportation an essential part of social life in the African migrant community in the Chinese city of Guangzhou. The article advances critical debates in deportation studies, especially in the under-researched context of Sino-African migrations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The United States has a long history of pernicious immigration enforcement and surueillance. Today, in addition to more than 34,000 people held in immigration detention, Immigration and Customs Enforcement (ICE) shackles and surueils an astounding 376,000 people under its Alternatives to Detention" CLATD') program, The number of people subjected to this surveillance has grown dramatically in the last two decades, from just about 1,700 in 2005. ICE's rapidly expanding Alternatives to Detention program is a digital cage," consisting of GPS-outfitted ankle shackles and invasive phone and location tracking. Government officials and some immigrant advocates have characterized these. 3, digital cages as a humane reform, ostensibly an effort to decrease the number of people behind bars. This Article challenges that framework, illuminating how, instead of moving us closer to justice and liberation-and toward abolition-digital cages disperse the uiolence of immigration enforcement and surveillance more broadly, and more insidiously, ensnaring hundreds of thousands more immigrants, families, and communities. The increasing digitization of immigration enforcement and surveillance is part of a growing, and expansive, geography of violence. This Article argues that if we want to take deportation abolition seriously-that is, an end to immigrant detention, enforcement, and deportation-we must consider the impact of this growing surveillance. Building upon deportation abolition literature situating immigration detention as a form of uiolence, this Article posits that rather than mitigate uiolence, digital cages create a "violence of inuisibility" that is equally, if not more, dangerous. Digital cages, masquerading as a more palatable version of enforcement and surveillance, create devastating harms that are hidden in plain sight, while duping us into thinking of these measures as more humane. This Article concludes by arguing that digital cages are a reformist reform" that merely make more efficient the kind of oppressive and racialized violence that has long informed the United States' immigration enforcement regime. If we truly seek an end to this uiolence, this Article argues for abolition-not just of detention, but of digital cages as well. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

AbstractNew Zealanders are currently the largest nationality group of people deported from Australia. When a non-citizen has their visa cancelled on character grounds under Section 501 of the Migration Act (Cth) by a delegate of the Immigration Minister, they have the opportunity to appeal at the Administrative Appeals Tribunal (AAT). AAT Members (decision makers) decide the fate of the applicant by weighing up the perceived risk of the individual to community safety against a series of mitigating factors that relate to the life the applicant has established in Australia. As a site of investigation into s501 visa cancellation decision making practice, this paper quantitatively and qualitatively examines a set of AAT visa cancellation decisions from 2015–2018 under Ministerial Direction No. 65, for 97 New Zealander long term residents. It focuses on how AAT decision makers considered and valued mitigating factors in a decision making process that is inherently imbalanced toward constructing non-citizens as a risk. Our analysis reveals that of all mitigating factors considered, evidence of rehabilitation and legal representation at the AAT hearing are associated with reduced perceptions of risk. When comparing two AAT decisions that are matched on all relevant factors but have different decision outcomes, we find that even where mitigating factors for reducing perceptions of risk are present, potential for inconsistencies in AAT decision making remains. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The 2013 class action lawsuit Franco-Gonzalez v. Holder in the Central District of California was the single most important advancement in the rights of noncitizens with mental health disabilities facing deportation. The court's decision in that case brought much-needed protections in the form of government-appointed counsel, bond hearings, and other procedural safeguards to a uniquely vulnerable population. To date, no other immigrant group has won this right. Amplifying Franco's importance was that, for the first time, immigration judges had a standardized, precise test for evaluating mental competence and supportive tools such as forensic competency evaluations to assist them where a person's mental condition was unclear. Immigration enforcement and detention apparatuses, for their part, were ordered to engage in mental health information-gathering, mental health screenings, record keeping, and reporting. Ten years after Franco, however, the case and its namesake federal program are failing tens of thousands of immigrants with serious mental health challenges. These individuals are excluded from Franco's ambit for various reasons: some fall outside the case's narrowly defined scope, while others are trapped in the shadowy extra-legal universe of removal proceedings where many noncitizens find themselves. Still other noncitizens fall squarely within Franco's reach but endure extremely prolonged detention times as a direct result of the mental competency process Franco created. Poor training of immigration judges and identification failures by the Department of Homeland Security compound the problems. This Article is the first scholarly piece to criticize Franco. It is also the first to conduct a deep, nuanced analysis of Franco: both the limits of the court's decision, and the failings of the federal program created to implement Franco's mandates. The analysis includes a granular examination of internal government documents obtained from two Freedom of Information Act requests that reveal how the competency "conveyor belt" intersects with detention periods. Finally, this Article offers two possible solutions that would ameliorate some of Franco's harms in attainable ways while offering immediate gains for noncitizens with mental health disabilities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite significant scholarly disagreement about its definition, core meaning, and corresponding cases, ethnic cleansing has escaped careful conceptual examination. This article identifies five key areas of conceptual confusion that undermine the integrity and utility of the concept. These include discrepancies over the core meaning of ethnic cleansing; tension between ethnic cleansing as a practice and a policy; the lack of boundedness between ethnic cleansing and other related concepts; the universe of cases that belong together; and disparate subtype classification criteria. This conceptual confusion undermines effective comparative analysis and, in turn, our understanding of the causes of ethnic cleansing and associated policy recommendations. The solution is to abandon the social science usage of ethnic cleansing in favor of alternative concepts defined by the distinct intent of the perpetrator(s): massacre (to annihilate), mass expulsion (to remove), coercive assimilation (to eliminate a unique cultural identity), and control (to subjugate). This eliminates ambiguity, improves theoretical precision, and opens a promising new research agenda. Meghan Garrity examines the concept of "ethnic cleansing," identifying five areas of conceptual confusion that undermine the integrity and utility of the concept. She recommends abandoning the social science usage of ethnic cleansing in favor of four alternative concepts defined by the distinct intention of the perpetrator(s): massacre (to annihilate), mass expulsion (to remove), coercive assimilation (to eliminate a unique cultural identity), and control (to subjugate). This intervention eliminates conceptual ambiguity, improves theoretical precision, and opens a promising new research agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Hundreds of thousands of undocumented Mexican immigrants were deported from the United States or returned to Mexico voluntarily in the past two decades, taking with them their US‐born citizen children (USCC). A family's relocation—forced deportation or voluntary return—and the subsequent settlement and adjustment to Mexico affect everyone's well‐being. We interviewed 18 USCC whose parents were forcibly deported and 18 whose parents returned voluntarily about their circumstances, experiences, and perceptions. Four categories of relocation and adjustment issues emerged. USCC with deported parents felt the sudden and harsh arrest, detention, deportation, and separation from parents, and family reunification after deportation. Those in the voluntary‐return group told of concerns about the planned separation and relocation to Mexico. Both groups experienced issues of family reintegration and adjustment to a new environment. While relocation prompted similarities and differences in families' settlement, issues unique to families played a part in children's adjustment. Clinicians in both the United States and Mexico must take into consideration the nature of the relocation, families' distinctive reactions, and the individual child's experience as some USCC will remain in Mexico and others will return to the US Mexican clinicians will encounter USCC still settling and adjusting to Mexico, and USCC who decide to remain permanently in Mexico. US clinicians may encounter USCC facing the challenges of re‐entering American society, joining educational institutions, and becoming part of the labor force. USCC forming families may feel the impact of their pasts in parenting dynamics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

What sort of political actors are international migrants? This article approaches this question by studying how migrants move between legality and illegality. We have struggled to understand the political content of this behaviour, because we have viewed it as either an attempt to gain the state's acceptance as quasi-citizens or an attempt to autonomously subvert the state. However, migrants are more ambivalent political actors than either of these perspectives suggest. We argue that the political content of migrants' efforts to move between legality and illegality can be better understood as a form of 'hacking': the 'repurposing' of institutionalized forms of political status in ways that compel the 'reprogramming' of systems of control. In order to develop this argument empirically, we draw on ethnographic research on the governance of migration between Myanmar and Malaysia. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2012, 2016 and 2018–2019, Pakistan threatened to expel Afghan refugees and in 2015, 2016 and 2019, Kenya threatened to demolish the Dadaab camp and expel Somali refugees. Following the threats, the governments extracted more than $300 million aid, combined. Why did these states succeed in extracting aid despite their relatively weak status and not bordering the target of their blackmail? This article first situates refugee expulsion within the literature on refugee policies, migration diplomacy and refugee rentier states. Second, in two cases – Somalis in Kenya and Afghans in Pakistan – I show how states used the threat of expulsion to construct and leverage the deportability of their refugee communities as a foreign policy tool. States used the legal uncertainty around deportability to channel threats and violence toward refugees, but the primary audience of the threats were not refugees, but the international community. Officials in Kenya and Pakistan used threats paired with six-month or one-year delays as negotiation tactics to extract aid. Surprisingly, states that were generous hosts to refugees become strategically important because of their role in providing regional stability, which turned otherwise weak states into important allies that could threaten expulsion and extract aid from superpowers. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Set at the intersection of debt and deportability, this article analyses how undocumented migrant sex workers in Europe navigate deportability and its effects. While sex trafficking into the EU has received mounting attention as part of global migration dynamics, the role of debt in the lives of migrant women has been overlooked. The migrant women in this study arrive in Europe heavily indebted after traveling through the Sahara Desert and across the Mediterranean, or via migration facilitators in Southeast Asia, to find work in the European sex industry. Their deportation might therefore entail returning to their home countries still indebted. The article draws on long-term ethnographic fieldwork in the home areas of two of the largest groups of undocumented migrant sex workers in Europe –Thailand's Isaan province and Benin City in Nigeria's Edo State – where women's migration has become a familiar social phenomenon. Moving away from either a criminalizing or a victimizing framework for understanding sex-work migration, I argue for the concept of 'indentured sex-work migration' as a meaningful corrective to the narrative on sex trafficking and that the situation of 'indebted deportation' need to be better understood within the study of contemporary border control and security. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2009, in a move to improve the situation regarding the deportability of illegalized migrants in Spain, a left-wing government led by the Socialist Workers' Party drafted a new policy aimed at focusing police efforts exclusively on the deportation of 'foreign criminals'. Ethnographically tracing the enforcement of deportation by a central police unit in Madrid, this article shows how the practical implementation of a policy that seemingly sought to limit the use of deportation in fact allowed for continuous and even reinvigorated deportation practices aimed at all categories of illegalized migrants. Operating under the idea that they were now fighting 'dangerous criminals', many police agents felt increasingly motivated about carrying out deportations and reassured about the morality of doing so. Rather than focusing on illegalized migrants who had been indicted for serious crimes, most police agents considered anyone with a police record to fit their target group. As a result of the specific police interpretation of the new policy, the deportability of illegalized migrants in Spain was not only increased but also left to be enforced according to the racialized and racist ideas of police agents. The article argues for the need to scrutinize all new deportation policies within Western liberal states in terms of their effect on deportability by highlighting entrenched and institutionalized forms of racism against illegalized migrants within the police force. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the increasing need for effective legal representation for immigrants facing deportation, asylum seekers, and those seeking various forms of relief, highlighting the challenges and the importance of legal assistance in ensuring due process and just outcomes.

The article is devoted to the trauma history of Ukrainians from Western Boykivshchyna, part of the Boykivshchyna ethnographical region situated in modern Ukraine. Operation Vistula (1947–1950) was the forced resettlement of more than 150,000 Ukrainians and mixed Polish-Ukrainian families from the territory of Rzeszów, Lublin and Kraków provinces (Voivodeships) to the western and northern territories of Poland, leading to radical changes within this regional group. The article deals with the difficult experience of the resettlers not only in the context of psychological, but also cultural, trauma. According to the theory of Polish sociologist Piotr Sztompka, three main phases of cultural trauma induced by resettlement have been highlighted and are outlined as strategies to cope with trauma: contemporary resettlers' preservation of native culture, religion and family tradition, and sharing memories of the past. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The cornerstone of international refugee law is the principle of non-refoulement , which protects refugees, asylum seekers, and other persons with protection needs from being returned against their will to a place where they risk facing persecution or other fundamental rights violations. A person who is protected against refoulement may, however, return voluntarily. Determining when such returns are truly voluntary is an issue increasingly at the heart of discussions about the lawfulness of returns, including recently in the Lake Chad Basin, East Africa, the Middle East, Southeast Asia, Europe, and Australia. Today, there does not appear to be a generally agreed legal standard to determine when a return is truly voluntary. Likewise, international law does not define a clear line at which State action to 'incentivize' or 'induce' returns amounts to refoulement or an unlawful expulsion. However, recent publications by international law expert bodies and ensuing debate among States have provided some indications as to where international law stands on the issue and the direction in which it might develop. Thus, this article first examines the interplay between voluntary returns and the principle of non-refoulement. Secondly, it analyses recent positions taken by the International Law Commission and the United Nations Committee against Torture concerning legal limits on the measures that States may take to incentivize or induce returns. Thirdly, the article considers certain measures taken by States to incentivize or induce the 'voluntary' return of a person and indicates when such measures may amount to acts of coercion or force in violation of international law. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing on qualitative research conducted in the United States and in El Salvador, the author examines the experiences of the children of 40 immigrant men and 40 deported men. This study reveals the harmful effects of U.S. immigration policies and enforcement practices on the children of Salvadoran immigrant and deported fathers. Their children were found to have experienced the unintended consequences of U.S. immigration laws and enforcement practices in their own lives and relationships. These findings support Enriquez's (2015) concept of "multigenerational punishments" where children of immigrant parents share the risks and limitations associated with their parent's immigration status. They also experience the negative spill‐over effects of immigration policies and enforcement practices even though they were not directly targeted by these laws. This study reveals multigenerational punishments manifested in the form of social, economic, emotional, and physical inequalities which negatively affected the children of Salvadoran immigrant and deported fathers. As a result, many of their children experienced harmful changes in their lives and relationships under the U.S. immigration enforcement regime. This study is significant in that it provides insight into the issues that immigrant families face and the need for policy interventions for immigrant and deported parents and their children. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Executive Summary: Will recipients of Deferred Action for Childhood Arrivals (DACA) leave the United States if a legal challenge succeeds in ending this important program? The fate of over 600,000 current DACA recipients may depend on answers to this question in one expert report and one online survey question, which a Texas District Court found to show "a quantifiable percentage" would leave. Had the District Court in its DACA ruling not credited these sources, Texas' lawsuit could have collapsed, and DACA would persist. The issue of whether DACA recipients will leave if DACA is ended will matter as this case is litigated, most likely to be decided by the Supreme Court. Drawing on research on immigrant return, DACA recipients, survey questions, priming, and intention-behavior gap, this paper argues that this expert report and the single online survey question used by the District Court cannot support the inferences regarding the return of DACA recipients to their birth countries. Rather, relevant research points toward DACA recipients staying in the United States, even if DACA were terminated. The paper recommends offering DACA recipients and long term undocumented residents a short path to legal status and citizenship, reassessing whether these two sources can support the conclusions drawn by the District Court; and analyzing the benefits accruing from DACA to Texas and all Texans, including US citizen children of DACA recipients, in assessing the claimed injury to the state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the article highlighted the mass deportations of Oirato-Kalmyks, Karachay-Balkars, Chechens, Crimean Tatars, Ukrainians and other native nations had positive results for the totalitarian Soviet regime. Deportations undermined the will of the indigenous peoples to resist for several decades, although it was continued by a small number of passionaries who were ready to resist Soviet power even while in camps. In general, by relying on the social unconscious, the native nations were forced to demonstrate loyalty to the Soviet system, which was at the peak of its power. At the same time, the basis of national identity became an underlying distrust of Moscow, a potential hostility that manifested itself in conditions of its weakening. The development of the national movements of the native nations who were subjected to mass deportations in the conditions of the systemic crisis of the Soviet system in the 1960-s and 1980-s will be considered in the following articles. The originality of the research lies in the fact that for the first time the mass deportations of the indigenous peoples of the USSR were comprehensively examined on the basis of the introduction into scientific circulation of interviews with their representatives. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The plight of asylum seekers is a politically contested issue in Australia. Iranian women have been the largest number of asylum-seekers/Many have bridging visas without secure residency status. Prolonged insecure residency may contribute to less integration and psychological dysfunction. This study aimed to better understand the psychosocial ramifications of living with insecure residency among Iranian asylum-seeker women in the Australian community. A qualitative study using semi-structured interviews was undertaken between February and December 2015, with Iranian asylum-seeker women who had been living in Australia for 2–3 years. Data were analysed using thematic analysis. Seventeen participants described their experiences and perspectives describing socio-economic ramifications and fear of deportation and feelings of hopelessness associated with their insecure residency status. Poor integration into Australian communities and high levels of psychosocial burdens were commonly described. Protracted protection visa processing time has negative effects on asylum seekers' health. Policymakers should consider the psychosocial impact of restrictions attached to bridging visas. In addition to lifting barriers that slow the protection visa process, identifying the pre-resettlement skills of asylum seekers may facilitate better settlement and mental well-being. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Australia has been widely condemned for its harsh and comprehensive external border controls that seek to control the inward mobility of would-be asylum seekers through visa denial, interdiction and offshore detention. Less widely discussed is the fact that internal controls have been repeatedly ramped up over the past two decades. This includes the administrative removal of lawfully-present non-citizens following visa cancellation on character grounds under s501 of the Migration Act 1958 (Cth). Automatic visa cancellation was introduced in 2014 for non-citizens sentenced to a prison term of 12 months or more, or for certain offences, bypassing individualised decision-making and raising the spectre of a visa cancellation pipeline feeding a highly automated deportation machinery. In an age of increasingly automated forms of governance, a key question that arises is the role that has been played by automated systems in achieving what has been a seismic shift in practice, and the normative implications of any developments towards automation within the visa cancellation and removal systems. This paper outlines the shift towards automation in other systems of governance in Australia—most notably the notorious Robodebt scheme—before examining automation in Australia’s visa cancellation system. Documentary analysis of recent parliamentary inquiries, independent reports and government policy is used to piece together the development of inter-agency data exchange practices and automation over three specific periods—historical practice pre-2014, post-2014 to the present, and proposed future developments. We conclude that Australia’s s501 visa cancellation system is neither automated nor automatic. Rather, the 2014 law reform gave rise to a ‘surveillance fantasy’ with immense consequences for non-citizens, particularly those who face long days in immigration detention at the conclusion of their prison sentence. We show that while concerns about increasing automation are well-founded, systems based on less sophisticated forms of information handling and reliant on human decision-making nevertheless continue to raise age-old questions concerning efficiency, accuracy and fairness.

The article examines the features of the daily life of Kalmyks in the conditions of special settlement on the territory of the Ishim district of the Omsk/Tyumen regions. On the basis of the office documentation of state authorities and special services, materials of oral history, the daily practices and everyday organization of the life of the deported Kalmyk population are considered. The authors conclude that regional specificity is a significant factor determining the patterns of the deported population’s exit from crisis situations.

As evidence of the negative health impact of immigration enforcement policy continues to mount, public health research has focused primarily on the psychosocial health mechanisms, such as fear and stress, by which immigration enforcement may harm health. We build on this research using structural vulnerability theory to investigate the structural processes by which enforcement policy may shape Latino immigrants' health. We conducted qualitative analysis of testimonios from a purposive sample of Latino immigrants (n=14) living in Southern California in 2015, a period of significant federal, state, and local enforcement policy change. Testimonios are a narrative methodology used across the social sciences and humanities to center the voices of marginalized people. Through unstructured testimonio interviews, we sought to understand Latino immigrants' experiences with immigration enforcement and identify specific structural factors by which those experiences may influence health. Respondents' narratives revealed that singular enforcement experiences were not viewed as the sole manifestation of enforcement, but as part of a system of intersecting physical, legal, institutional, and economic exclusions which shaped the social and economic conditions that influence health. These exclusions reinforced respondents' marginalization, produced instability about the future, and generated a sense of individual responsibility and blame. We discuss how physical, legal, institutional, and economic processes may influence health and propose a framework to inform population health research on intersecting structural health mechanisms.