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The article describes the Nazareth Conferences, which deal with the reconciliation between Germans and Israelis after the Holocaust. Jona M. Rosenfeld, one of the pioneers of the conferences, was born in Karlsruhe in 1922 and emigrated to Jerusalem in 1933. The interview with Rosenfeld is intended to provide insights into the origin and further development of the conferences, as well as personal experiences. Rosenfeld emphasizes the importance of Zionism for him and his family and explains that Zionism is something progressive and humane for him. He also talks about his commitment to the German-Israeli psychoanalytic meetings and his work with Palestinians and settlers. [Extracted from the article]

Kafka explores many elements in 'Jackals and Arabs' that are found in the Judeo-Christian tradition of Gog and Magog, the Alexander Romance, and the Qur'anic story of Dhu'l-Qarnayn. A comparative analysis of these works reveals Kafka's criticism of the Zionist movement. Kafka rejects Zionist exceptionalism and separatism through the narrator's rejection of the jackals' cause. Kafka's jackals are compared to Gog and Magog, who are portrayed as corruptors of the land in the aforementioned texts. The categorisation of corruptors of the land is significant because this reverses Zionist claims of a profound connection to the land, which Kafka, likewise, reverses when the jackals claim that the desert is their home from which the Arabs should be removed. Zionist avowals of Arab backwardness are countered by Kafka as he makes the Arabs superior, which is also how the indigenous population are depicted in the Judeo-Christian and Muslim traditions since they are contrasted with the barbarity of Gog and Magog. Finally, the Zionist trope of the European Jewish hero who flees persecution is inverted by Kafka who confers on the narrator a quasi-prophetic/royal status similar to that of Dhu'l-Qarnayn and Alexander the Great. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Another wave of the Israeli and Palestinian conflict has claimed the lives of many people already; There are also civilians among them. With the advent of each active phase of this century-old conflict, a two-way discussion layer emerges in the media -- human rights problems and moral issues of war become relevant. The role of the media is undoubtedly important; He is responsible for helping to overcome the conflict between Israel and Aphrodisiac on the one hand, and on the other hand, to provide the world with real information on the processes. The 2023 processes also caused a big wave in the information sphere. Now the review of issues and the coverage of conflict processes in the media are becoming even more careful. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the expulsion of Adam and Eve from the Garden of Eden in relation to the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It argues that the pursuit of knowledge can challenge existing beliefs and lead to empathy and healing. The article also explores various narratives and perspectives surrounding the conflict, acknowledging the existence of Palestinian identity and self-determination movements. It emphasizes the importance of understanding historical processes and interconnected causes to promote dialogue and compromise. Additionally, the article discusses a musical composition that addresses themes of grief, violence, and the re-evaluation of beliefs in the context of the conflict. It highlights the shared roots and aspirations of both Jewish and Arabic cultures and emphasizes the need for peaceful resolution and collective responsibility. [Extracted from the article]

Shlomo Avineri, a renowned scholar and political scientist, passed away in November 2023. He was known for his research on the origins of Zionism and his analysis of Israeli society and politics. Avineri believed in the legitimacy of the 1947 UN Resolution that called for the creation of two states in Palestine, one Jewish and one Arab. He advocated for a two-state solution but became skeptical of its feasibility in the near future. Avineri's work made significant contributions to international scholarship and he was highly respected in academia. [Extracted from the article]

The question whether the issues in the Middle East stem from a clash of values or from Western imperialist intervention has long been a subject of scholarly discourse. This article posits around the discourse of ‘clash of civilizations’, which is an endeavor to uphold Western hegemony in the Middle East. Furthermore, it contends the narrative, that it functions as a self-fulfilling prophecy, exacerbating ongoing conflicts within the region. A complex interplay of factors encompassing ethnic, national, historical, and religious shapes the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. The degree to which religion influences non-religious players, the identities of conflicting parties, the practical issues at hand, the relevant legislation, and their attitudes are not well acknowledged. This paper explains why West uses a distorted portrayal of conflicting civilizations as a powerful political tool and the risk of this narrative becoming a self-fulfilling prophecy that reshapes modern politics.

Spinoza has gained acceptance into Hebrew culture in the last two centuries, a period that includes the Jewish Haskalah in Europe, the culture created in Eretz Yisrael in the pre-statehood days, and contemporary Israeli culture. This acceptance is rather intimate by nature. Hebrew authors and their readers turned to Spinoza to clarify their own problems. To these audiences, Spinoza was not only a great philosopher, whose writings are worth interpreting and spreading. He was also perceived as someone who could help formulate what Judaism is and learn the possible meaning it can find in the world of Jews who had moved away from a religious lifestyle.

This article discusses the main challenges that secularization presented to Judaism and to Jewish thought, and maps the key strategies and central thinkers who responded to this challenge, from the eighteenth century up to the turn of the twenty-first. Attention is also given to some secular theologies, to Zionist thinkers embracing secularization, and to the challenges of post-Holocaust Jewish theology. In particular, the entry highlights the frequent questioning of a religious/secular divide that figures within modern Jewish thought. In the dominant European context of Western secularization, it argues that eighteenth-century Hasidism effectively opposed the creation of separate secular and religious spheres, and it presents a view of Hasidic and other Orthodox leaders as modern thinkers whose engagement with secularism included openness to key secular notions. In addition, paying attention to responses to secularization within Sephardi Jewry, who lived among Muslim-majority societies primarily in North Africa and the Middle East, the entry suggests that Sephardi rabbis viewed Judaism as an inclusive whole, and tacitly rejected an assumed division of Judaism into religious and secular elements. Finally, the entry also claims that, for key modern Jewish theologians, the secular served as a theological category that is employed within projects of criticism of ‘religion’. For such thinkers, secularization then becomes a step, and even a foundation stone, for broader spiritual, religious, and even messianic global futures.

The Shoah (Holocaust) has raised a number of questions to which Jewish philosophers, theologians, and historians have given different answers. This article offers a survey of how Jewish thinkers have shaped the memory of the Shoah and how they reimagined Judaism after the catastrophe. In the post-Auschwitz period, Jews reflected anew on God, on the divine (non-)intervention in history, on the relation between God and evil, and on the role of Christianity in the history of antisemitism that culminated in the Shoah. They pondered what made the Shoah possible. In view of the vast range of reflections on the Shoah, it is not this article’s intention to treat all these questions exhaustively. It rather endeavours to point out the main directions in which these questions were answered by well-known Jewish thinkers (Meir 2006b).

This article discusses the significance of Ghassan Kanafani's pamphlet, "The 1936-1939 Revolution in Palestine," which provides a class-based analysis of the uprising against British and Zionist colonialism in Palestine. The pamphlet was originally published in the English-language broadsheet of the Popular Front for the Liberation of Palestine (PFLP) and later collated and published in several editions. The author emphasizes that the disappearance of Kanafani's work from circulation in the early 2000s was not coincidental, but rather a deliberate attempt to undermine the Palestinian revolutionary project. However, the enduring power and correctness of Kanafani's analysis is evident in its continued relevance and popularity today, particularly in the context of growing resistance and revolutionary struggle. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the inclusion of anti-Palestinian racism in the Toronto District School Board's Combating Hate and Racism strategy, which was met with opposition from pro-Israel organizations. It highlights the conflation of anti-Zionism with antisemitism and the suppression of dissent against Israeli state violence and apartheid. The article also criticizes the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance (IHRA) working definition of antisemitism, stating that it is used to suppress advocacy for Palestinian rights. Various organizations in Canada, including labor unions and academic associations, oppose the IHRA definition due to concerns about freedom of expression and human rights. The article emphasizes the need to dismantle colonialism and racism and calls for open criticism of Israel, education on Palestinian history, and the protection of students and educators who support Palestinian rights. [Extracted from the article]

Bu çalışma, Siyonizm ekseninde ve İsrail’in kuruluş miti bağlamında kutsal metnin araçsallaştırılmasını konu edinmektedir. Avrupa’da sömürgeci ve milliyetçi bir hareket olarak ortaya çıkan Siyonizm, politikalarını güçlendirmek için sıklıkla Yahudi kutsal metinlerini referans göstermiştir. Bu bağlamda ulus devletlerin vazgeçilmez bir parçası olarak kabul edilen vatan meselesini Filistin’e dönüş mitiyle, işgal ve yerleşim politikalarını ise Yeşu Kitabı’nın Siyonist yorumu üzerinden meşrulaştırmaya çalışmıştır. Bu yaklaşımların en görünür ve etkileyici hâlinin arkeolojinin kullanımı ve kutsal metinlerde geçen isimlerden hareketle haritalandırma çalışmaları üzerinden gerçekleştiğini söylemek mümkündür. Kuşkusuz bu aşamaların gerçekleşmesi için sürgünün itibarsızlaştırılması, İsrail toprağına ve dolayısıyla tarihe dönüş fikri büyük önem arz etmekteydi. Bu süreçlerin İsrail’in kurucu erkleri tarafından başarılı bir şekilde işletildiğini söylenebilir. Bu çalışmada Siyonist tarih anlayışı kurgulanırken, kutsal metnin hangi açılardan referans alındığı ve bunun arkeoloji ve haritalandırma üzerinden nasıl uygulandığı incelenmektedir. Ayrıca tüm bunların neticesinde ortaya çıkan mitik anlatı da eleştirel bir şekilde işlenmektedir.

In many ways, the travelogue Journey to Poland reveals Döblin’s ambiguous relationship to political and religious otherness and an approach to the Eastern Jewish world that, in changing ways, conjures up many antisemitic images and ideologies, without the reader always being able to make a clear distinction between the author’s intention and the intentionality of the literary text. From a phenomenological perspective, this paper discusses Döblin’s reflections on the cultural differences between Western and Eastern Jews as a “confrontation with otherness” (B. Waldenfels) and as an attempt to reconnect with his Jewish roots.

Evidence suggests White settlers' autochthony beliefs in historically colonized lands can both strengthen and weaken support for reparation measures. We propose that the divergent effect of autochthony beliefs on support for reparation measures is contingent on the perception of White settler ownership and preference for group-based hierarchies. In a single study with N = 807 White South Africans, we tested the moderation function of White settler ownership beliefs and preference for group-based hierarchies on the relationship between autochthony beliefs and support for land reparations. Results confirmed the hypothesis that endorsement of autochthony beliefs predicted stronger support for land reparation measures among respondents who perceived lower White settler ownership and preferred group-based equality. Our findings suggest that White settler ownership and social dominance orientation play a crucial role determining whether autochthony beliefs strengthen or weaken support for reparative measures in settler colonies. Public Significance Statement: This study provides formative evidence that shows how colonial injustices, like land dispossession, can be undone if White settlers embrace equality with Indigenous people and believe they own less of the settler colony. Our findings have implications for settler colonies that are trying to right the wrongs of colonization and apartheid, such as South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, the movement advocating animal rights and welfare (animal rights movement), in parallel with the practice of ethical veganism, has become increasingly significant in Israel. Along with this trend, several studies examine and analyze the colonial aspects of the Israeli animal rights movement and its relevance to the Palestinian issue from the perspective of Critical Animal Studies. Critically examining preceding studies on veganism and colonialism, through analysis of the political discourses of leading activists and public figures within the newly popular Israeli vegan trend, as well as interviews with a sample of Israeli vegans, this article will demonstrate how veganism in Israel is associated with a narrative of Israeli national superiority. Such discourses may well be called 'vegan nationalism'. Vegan nationalism is a discursive and regulatory framework in which veganism is considered proof of the moral superiority of a nation in a settler colonialist context, implicitly stressing the barbarism and backwardness of the 'terrorists'. At the same time, as an article written by the Israel Defense Force indicates, in this framework, vegans present a welcome, appealing image that resonates even though it differs from the image of the stronger, more robust and powerful carnist traditionally favored by Zionists. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigates the contribution of Jewish women to the Levant Fair during the interwar period. In its time, the Fair became one of the major outlets that permitted Jewish women to contribute to nation-building in the pre-state period, mainly due to a dearth of otherwise suitable opportunities for women. Women participation, however, neither transformed power relations between men and women, nor expanded economic and social rights available to women at the time. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article analyzes the conflict between Gaza and Israel and its impact on the region. It highlights the long tradition of confrontation between Arabs and Jews, as well as the emergence of Zionism and Jewish immigration to Palestine. It also mentions the creation of the State of Israel and the territorial consequences of the war. It talks about the refusal of Arab countries to accept the existence of Israel and the role of Gamal Abdel Nasser in promoting the rights of Palestinians. Additionally, it mentions the presence of an Arab minority in Israel and the possibility of achieving peace through the renunciation of colonization in the West Bank and the acceptance of Israel's existence by Palestinian authorities. [Extracted from the article]

Highlighting twenty-first-century Palestinian feminist formations, this essay chronicles a trajectory of over a century of women's organizing that led to the contemporary moment. The essay argues that women and feminist praxis have been exemplified in each moment of Palestinian intifada, though national anticolonial liberation politics did not always accommodate feminist language or ideas. Palestinian women have played an instrumental role in each phase of contestation and community organizing against colonial, military, and state formations. Whether creating a women's front, making space for women within the national movement, or developing a communal politics of care from within, the labor women have performed for the Palestinian liberation struggle can be read through a feminist ethos. The essay argues that feminist praxis was always present and that, while the language of feminism is contested in Palestinian social and political spheres, Palestinian feminist trajectories are compatible with and necessary for the actualization of Palestinian liberation and freedom from Zionist rule. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the events of October 7th, 2023 in Israel, which had a significant impact on Jewish history. It discusses the violence and death that occurred on that day, as well as the failure of the state to protect its citizens. The article also examines the responses to the attack and the criticisms of Israel that emerged, highlighting the complexity of the relationship between criticism of Israel and antisemitism. It raises questions about language, knowledge, and the need for clarity moving forward. The article concludes by emphasizing the importance of recognizing the ambivalence and complexity of Jewish history and the establishment of Israel in order to challenge simplistic categorizations. [Extracted from the article]

"The Jewish 'East' and its Restricted Agencies" is an article that examines the historical relationship between Jews and Muslims in Israel and the MENA region. It challenges the simplistic portrayal of Israel as a Western oppressor and Islamic entities as oppressed Easterners, arguing that this oversimplifies the complex dynamics at play. The article also discusses the treatment of Mizrahi Jews in Israel and their integration into a predominantly European-oriented Zionist society. It emphasizes the need to reclaim Jewish agencies and challenges the perception of Israel as a white-Ashkenazi presence in the Middle East. The article calls for a more nuanced exploration of Jewish history in Islamic contexts to give voice to Mizrahi Jewish experiences. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines the events of "The Black Saturday" in the Gaza Strip on October 7, 2023, and compares them to past occurrences. It explores the Zionist willingness to adapt and redefine goals in response to changing circumstances, as well as the discourse surrounding the Holocaust and its connection to the events of that day. The article also delves into historical events such as the Kishinev Pogrom of 1903 and the 1929 disturbances in Palestine, which influenced Zionist settlement policies. It concludes by discussing the outcome of "The Black Saturday" in 1946 and the Zionist diplomatic initiative for partition. The article argues against the notion that Israel was established solely out of guilt and compensation for the Holocaust, instead emphasizing the historical events and factors that led to the UN decision to partition Palestine. It highlights the demographic consequences of the Holocaust, which necessitated the division of Palestine, and examines the diplomatic initiatives and goals of the Zionist movement that paved the way for the establishment of a Jewish state in part of Palestine. The author concludes by questioning whether current Israeli decision-makers will approach finding a political solution pragmatically. [Extracted from the article]

This article, written by a Zionist Israeli historian, provides a critical perspective on the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and the challenges faced by Zionism. The author argues that the tendency to compare the recent Hamas attack to the Holocaust is misguided and prevents a thorough self-examination of Israel's role in the conflict. The article highlights two paradoxes inherent in Zionist ideology and suggests that Israel's strategy of avoidance and complacency has led to the deterioration of Israeli democracy and the emergence of Palestinian terrorism. The author calls for a rethinking of Israel's future path towards normalcy, peace, and democracy. [Extracted from the article]

This article provides an overview of the aftermath of a massacre that occurred during Israel's war against Hamas. It describes the brutality of the event and its impact on the country's citizens and public consciousness. The article also delves into the political and social context leading up to the massacre, including tensions surrounding judicial reform and divisions within Israeli society. Despite these challenges, the article highlights the resilience and unity of the Israeli people. It emphasizes the diversity and unity among Israeli citizens, including Jews, Muslims, and Arabs, who came together to support their country and protect its core values. The article also discusses the global engagement and political implications of the war, including the rise of anti-Zionism and antisemitism. Overall, it presents a nuanced perspective on the complexities of Israeli society and the ongoing conflict. [Extracted from the article]

This article explores the historical context and implications of the Storms in the Negev pogrom in 1882 and its connection to the 2023 pogrom in Israel. It discusses the ideas of Leon Pinsker and Theodore Herzl, who proposed a Jewish homeland as a solution to Jewish persecution. The article examines the choice of Palestine as the location for Jewish national emancipation and the territorial and constitutional policies of Israel. It argues that the ownership claim over Palestine has practical implications and potential for renewed persecution, while the identity view does not have the same negative consequences. The text also discusses the concept of ownership in relation to the establishment of Israel and the Israeli-Palestinian conflict. It criticizes the current Israeli government and a majority of Jewish voters in Israel for viewing ownership of the land as the justification for a Jewish state, as this denies the rights of the Palestinian people and hinders the possibility of a just and secure peace in the region. The author calls for a more inclusive and just interpretation of Zionism. [Extracted from the article]

This article, "Slavery in the Midst of Revolution," delves into the history of the British far left and its complex relationship with Zionism and antisemitism. It focuses on the events of October 7, 2023, which some Jews interpreted as a pogrom of ethnic cleansing and a failure of Zionism's mission to protect persecuted Jews. The article also examines the historical context of pogroms in late 19th century Russia and the response of the far left during that time. It further explores the attitudes of both the Old Left and the New Left in Britain towards Zionism and Israel. The text delves into the historical and ideological factors that have influenced the relationship between the British far left and Islamism, particularly in the context of the Israel-Palestine conflict. It highlights the impact of decolonization, rising nationalism in the Arab world, and the Soviet Union's involvement in anti-colonialism and anti-Semitism. The article also explores the role of the far left in Britain in forging alliances with Islamists, the consequences of these alliances for the Labour Party, and the implications for British Jews. It emphasizes the importance of fostering understanding and dialogue to address the divisions and tensions that have arisen. [Extracted from the article]

The article discusses the significance of October 7th in Israeli history and its impact on the field of Israel Studies. The authors acknowledge the traumatic events that occurred on that day and the subsequent war, which have raised questions about the future of Israel and its various aspects, including security, politics, culture, and identity. The article includes contributions from scholars who explore the historical, cultural, and political contexts of the events and their implications. The authors also reflect on the role of Zionism, the relationship between Israel and other countries, and the academic study of Israel. The article aims to provide initial insights and perspectives on the events and their broader implications. [Extracted from the article]

The 'archival turn' has prompted historical scholarship to reevaluate the positivist sourcing of knowledge, especially in contentious contexts. The archive's configuration, and attendant mechanisms of classification, apprehension, and attribution indicate colonial governance just as much as inscribed histories and discourses. Scholarship on the Zionist movement in early-20th century Palestine has been slow to adopt the analytical shift from archive as source to archive as subject. This article examines archiving, forms of classification, and the organization of settler colonial history in the context of the Zionist movement's leftist pole. Cases from the author's fieldwork are used to introduce the term archives of apprehension : how the informational practices and anxiety over territorial reversibility that settler colonial archives are built upon in fact preserve the collective indigenous presence that colonization tries to marginalize. The article concludes by considering how historical sociology can better instrumentalize such archives to learn about the emergence and endurance of entangled settler/native socialites. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Zionist claims to colonize Palestine and the role of Great Britain and prominent European Zionist Jews in the effort to establish Israel. Theodore Herzl, his lieutenants, and supporters personify Hannah Arendt's phrase "the banality of evil" while acting and appearing as respectable statesmen, scientists, journalists, and businesspeople who advocated for freedom, liberation, and combating antisemitism. They deliberately collaborated with known antisemites and worked to dismantle ancient Jewish communities, relentlessly removing Jews out of their countries of origin, colonizing Palestine for the creation of a Jewish state, ethnically cleansing the indigenous people of Palestine, fabricating history, erasing Palestine and its long history, demeaning and oppressing the Palestinian people, and suppressing and appropriating Palestinian culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the fall of 1951, the Israeli military government of the Negev launched an operation to uproot over five thousand Palestinian Bedouin citizens from the relatively rainy northwest Naqab to its arid eastern side in order to take control of the fertile lands. The campaign formed part of a more comprehensive strategy aimed at inducing the Bedouins to leave the country "voluntarily." While the operation had far-reaching consequences, it achieved only partial success, as the army was faced with resistance from the Bedouins, some of whose leaders still had powerful patrons within the Zionist movement since before the 1948 war. The hitherto unexamined story of the 1951 displacement campaign thus captures a particular historical moment in the aftermath of the war in which Bedouins' patronage links were put to the test in the face of the military's attempts to uproot them. It also demonstrates how the settler-colonial regime sought to take advantage of the contradictions of Indigenous society yet repeatedly found itself unable to fully capitalize on internal divisions among the Bedouins. Lastly, a study of the campaign undermines the prevalent image of a modernizing Israeli state promoting permanent settlement and confronted with obstinate nomadic Bedouins. Like other Palestinians, Bedouins insisted that they were rooted in the local landscape, while the settler--colonial state sought to uproot them, combining violent "nomadization" with forced "sedentarization." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This section lists articles and reviews of books relevant to Palestine and the Arab-Israeli conflict. Entries are classified under the following headings: Palestine in Global and Comparative Perspectives; Palestine and the Palestinians; Literature and the Arts; Middle East and the Arab World; Israel and Zionism; and Recent Theses and Dissertations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fragmentation is a key colonial strategy to which Palestinians enact resistance, evident most prominently in the 2021 Unity Intifada. In this article, I take inspiration from such Palestinian resistance to theorise fragmentation as a central logic of Zionist/Israeli settler colonialism. I make three related points. First, I employ the metaphor of the earthquake to consider the fractality of settler colonial fragmentation across the dimensions of land, time, and bodies. Second, understanding the settler colonial logic of elimination as ultimately attempting to extinguish a Palestinian Indigenous sovereignty, I argue that the logic of fragmentation drives towards elimination. Finally, I demonstrate that, in fragmenting Palestine, Zionism seeks to render Israel a coherent entity. Ultimately then, the Zionist project works to fragment Palestine to eliminate Palestinian bodies from land and time, to render Israel a seamless nation across these dimensions. However, Palestinian Indigenous sovereignty is not something that can be broken or extinguished. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]