Search

Resumo: Reflexão sobre a tática e a estratégia anticapitalista em um contexto de vigência do modelo democrático-popular de gestão dos conflitos sociais. Com base na análise de lutas autônomas recentemente ocorridas no Brasil, conclui-se que a fragmentação constitui uma condição de nosso tempo histórico e, a partir dessa constatação, aventam-se algumas hipóteses de análise acerca do caráter contraditório das soluções postas em prática pela esquerda, em especial depois da revolta popular de junho de 2013. Abstract: Thoughts about the anti-capitalist tactic and strategy in a context of popular democratic model validity of social conflict management. From the analysis of autonomous conflicts recently occurred in Brazil, we conclude that fragmentation is a condition of our historical period, and, from that finding, we suggest some analysis hypotheses about the contradictory character of the solutions implemented by the left, mainly after the popular uprising in June 2013.

espanolEste articulo ofrece una reconstruccion historica de dos casos paradigmaticos en la politica represiva previa al golpe de Estado de 1976 en Mendoza, que tuvieron como objeto a militantes del Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores: el primer secuestro y desaparicion momentanea del trabajador bancario Pablo Marin y el asesinato de la estudiante Gladys Beatriz Sabatino y secuestro, desaparicion y asesinato del estudiante Amadeo Sanchez Andia. La reconstruccion de estos hechos permite visibilizar la reaccion de sus companeras y companeros de trabajo y de estudios. Las luchas fueron masivas y combativas y en el primer caso lograron la soltura de Marin. La hipotesis del articulo pone en discusion la idea de que el golpe de Estado fue recibido con alivio y sin resistencia por el grueso de la sociedad. Para el trabajo se acudio al analisis de fuentes periodisticas, judiciales y orales. EnglishThis article offers a historical reconstruction of two paradigmatic cases in the repressive policy prior to the 1976 coup in Mendoza, which targeted members of the Revolutionary Workers Party: the first kidnapping and momentary disappearance of bank worker Pablo Marin and the murder of student Gladys Beatriz Sabatino and kidnapping, disappearance and murder of student Amadeo Sanchez Andia. The reconstruction of the events shows the massive combative reaction of the victims work and study colleagues which in the case of Marin resulted in his release. The hypothesis of the article calls into question the idea that the coup was received with relief and without resistance by the bulk of society. For the work, the analysis of journalistic, judicial and oral sources was used.

MA (Political Studies), North-West University, Potchefstroom Campus This dissertation is about the establishment of a Workers’ Party in South Africa today. The aims, reasons and motivation for the study is to explain and outline why a Workers’ Party independent of nationalism (an ideology and movement promoting the interest of a particular nation) has not materialised previously and why the conditions are conducive for it to do so now. The dissertation starts with an outline in Chapter one of the analytical framework which includes the motivation, the problem statement, the aims and methodology of the study. From this we develop our central theoretical statement, our reseach approach and explain the significance of the study and its contribution to the topic. In Chapter two I try to outline the characteristic features of political parties by looking at the theoretical questions with special attention to the development, history and conceptualisation of political parties. This includes focussing especially on the organisational and ideological elements which assists us in understanding the main features of political parties. In Chapter three I look at the historical, organisational and ideological genesis of Workers’ Parties using a Marxist paradigm. I explain the meaning and distinctive characteristics of this paradigm and deal with the character of class society, the capitalist crisis, the evolution and development of consciousness of the working class and the question of reform and revolution. This is followed by an examination of the organisational question and a discussion on the international nature of class struggle. The dissertation also reflects on the ideological divided between Bolshevism and all other ‘neo-Marxist’ views and traces the evolution of the Communist Movement from the First Communist International to the post-Stalinist Social Democratic Euro-Communist organisations. In Chapter four the dissertation examines the historical development of Workers Parties in South Africa with special reference to theoretical standpoint of the Communist Party of South Africa (CPSA) and the South African Communist Party (SACP) and explain that their capitulation to nationalism has its basis in the theoretical and ideological foundations of Stalinism. This chapter includes examining and exploring the underlying theoretical questions such as ‘Colonialism of a Special Type’, ‘national liberation’ theory, the character of ‘national democracy’ and the strategy of a ‘negotiated path to power’. This will also include an examination of the call by the Federation of South African Trade Unions (FOSATU) for the formation of a Workers’ Party in South Africa in the 1980’s. Chapter five deals with the post-Apartheid period and examines the development of the politics of the ANC and analyse its evolution from a party of liberation to a fully fledged capitalist party. Here I will reflect on the economic crisis of post-Apartheid South Africa and deal with the political evolution of the African National Congress (ANC) from the Nelson Mandela presidency to the election of Cyril Ramaphosa at the ANC National Congress in December 2017. The chapter will also deal with the crisis of the SACP and the Congress of South African Trade Unions (COSATU) who have been instrumental in tying the working class to the bourgeois nationalist programme of the ANC. It will conclude with a look at the working class fight back and the tragedy of the Marikana massacre which it is argued is a turning point in the class struggle. Chapter six looks at the evolution of the idea of establishing a Workers’ Party in South Africa and examines whether political formations like the Democratic Left Front (DLF), the Economic Freedom Fighters (EFF) or the Workers and Socialist Party (WASP) represent the embryonic features of a Workers’ Party in South Africa today. It then deals in detail with the ‘NUMSA Moment’, its historical genesis and resolutions which lead up to the formation of the Socialist Revolutionary Workers’ Party (SRWP). The dissertation then reflects on the philosophy, objectives, principles, programme, formal organisation and strategy and tactics of the SRWP. In the concluding Chapter the dissertation will reflect on the key observations of the study and try to explain the connections between all the chapters so as to provided a coherent understanding of the argument and its connection with the objectives of the research. It will explain how and why the ‘NUMSA Moment’ and the formation of the SRWP has materialised and is the most important political development in leftwing politics since the advent of democracy. Masters

Soon after NACLA’s founding in late 1966, 85 activists and specialists on Latin America met for a day-long conference to discuss the nature and direction of the new organization in New York. Among ...

Ronald Reagan’s visit to Ireland in 1984 proved controversial, owing to the unpopularity of his Central American policy. Having dropped ‘Sinn Féin’ from its title, the WP opposed the visit and faced criticism from the three main parties in the Irish state for being ‘anti-American’ and ‘silent’ on Russian interference in Afghanistan and Poland. The taoiseach, Garret FitzGerald said the WP lacked ‘credibility’ because of its ‘selective pro-Soviet stand’. No longer seen as a subversive threat in the 1980s, it supported Charles Haughey’s minority government. This chapter will highlight Cold War perceptions of the WP’s relationship with the Soviets and its links with Iraq and North Korea. Over the course of the decade, a small party, seen to have good electoral prospects in the south, advanced the Soviets’ agenda in an EC member-state.

This study introduces a new event dataset on the human rights violations in the Kurdish conflict in Turkey perpetrated by both the State and the armed rebel group, the PKK (the Kurdistan Workers Party), from 1990 to 2018. The dataset codes human rights violation events that victimize civilians, including women and children, identifying the perpetrator, type of victim, type of human right violation, and the place of the violation. The categories of human rights violations include the physical and political rights drawn from the laws and treaties adopted by the U.N., such as killings or deaths of civilians, illegal detention and arrests, and freedom of peaceful assembly. The dataset is useful in examining the trends and motives of perpetrators in committing these violations and for seeking to understand the extent to which state and non-state rebel groups abide by international norms in armed conflicts. The framework of this dataset, although developed for the Kurdish conflict, is applicable and can be extended to other armed conflict cases, facilitating cross-conflict research on a more comparative basis.

This essay offers a panorama about the action of the Unique Federation of Oil Workers (Federação Única dos Petroleiros, FUP) during the Workers’ Party (Partido dos Trabalhadores, PT) presidential mandates. By focusing on the recent debate about the trade unionism and on the political position of oil workers regarding social-economic development during PT government, this essay aims at expanding the comprehension about the bonds between that party and the oil workers in 2000 first decade. Este artículo proporciona una visión general de la acción de la Federación Unica de Trabajadores Petroleros (FUP) durante los gobiernos del Partido de los Trabajadores (PT). Sobre la base del reciente debate sobre el comportamiento del sindicalismo a lo largo de los años, y la observación del posicionamiento político de los petroleros en la política de desarrollo económico y social de los gobiernos de los dos presidentes del PT, tenemos la intención de ampliar la comprensión sobre el vínculo entre los gobiernos del PT y el PT. trabajadores en la década de 2000. O presente artigo oferece uma visada sobre a ação da Federação Única dos Petroleiros (FUP) durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT). Com base no recente debate sobre o comportamento do sindicalismo ao longo desses anos, e a observação do posicionamento político dos petroleiros na política de desenvolvimento econômico-social dos governos dos dois presidentes do PT, pretendemos ampliar a compreensão acerca do elo entre os governos petistas e trabalhadores nos anos 2000.

In mid-2014, the New Development Bank and Contingent Reserve Arrangement were born at the Fortaleza summit of the Brazil-Russia-India-China-South Africa (BRICS) network. Frustrations had mounted with the Bretton Woods and related multilateral institutions responsible for both balance-of-payments support and project finance. The financing hopes of New Developmentalism included the supply of credit for both macroeconomic and microeconomic strategies similar to the ideal-type Brazilian experience during the Workers Party era. However, these hopes soon faded and BRICS efforts to reform the Bretton Woods Institutions had, by 2019, become fruitless. A different, more ambitious approach consistent with an older approach, the dependencia strategy (also in the spirit of John Maynard Keynes), is now much more appropriate, although the balance of forces in the wake of Jair Bolsonaro’s election makes this unlikely.

O presente artigo tem o objetivo de apresentar de forma sistemática os resultados iniciais da pesquisa que analisa os impactos no campo da medicina de algumas políticas públicas implementadas durante os governos de Luís Inácio Lula da Silva e Dilma Rousseff (2003-2016) e que levaram, por um lado, ao aumento substancial do número de vagas e cursos de medicina no Brasil e, por outro, permitiram a entrada sem precedentes de mão de obra médica de outros países para atuar na saúde pública brasileira. A presente reflexão busca responder questões como: Quais as consequências para a classe médica de tão abrupta transformação? Quem se beneficiou com a ampliação da oferta dessa mão de obra no país? Como entender as mudanças no mercado de trabalho médico brasileiro em um contexto de grandes transformações macroeconômicas? E, finalmente, como o campo da medicina está reagindo a essas transformações?THE MORE DOCTORS PROGRAM AND ITS IMPACTS ON THE MEDICAL JOB MARKET IN BRASILAbstractThe present article aims to presente, in a systematically way, the initial results of the research that analyzes the impacts in the medical field of some public policies implemented during the PT governments (the workers party in Brazil) of Luís Inácio Lula da Silva and Dilma Rousseff (2003-2016), which brought the substantial increase in the number of vacancies and medical courses in Brazil and, on the other hand, allowed the unprecedented entry of medical labor from other countries to act in brazilian public health. The present reflection seeks to answer questions such as: What are the consequences for the medical class of such abrupt transformation? Who benefited from the expansion of this labor supply in the country? How to understand the changes in the brazilian medical labor market in a context of major macroeconomic transformations? At last, how the field of medicine is reacting to these transformations?Keywords: Field of medicine. Transformations. Brazil

Fil: Herszkowich, Enrique. Universidad de Buenos Aires; Argentina. Herszkowich, E. (2016). Islam político: enfoques y problemas conceptuales para una mejor comprensión (1974-1976). Divulgatio, 1(1). Desde el último cuarto del siglo XX hizo irrupción en Medio Oriente primero, y en Occidente después, una nueva forma de participación política que legitimaba sus acciones y recusaba la de sus adversarios con el lenguaje del islam. Esta movilización, identificada aún en algunos círculos como formas de fundamentalismo o integrismo, o expresiones de fanatismo e irracionalidad, generó múltiples interpretaciones y explicaciones. En la actualidad, siguen surgiendo nuevas expresiones de este fenómeno, siendo el más reciente el conocido como Estado Islámico, que se relaciona no sólo con los conflictos geopolíticos del Medio Oriente, sino también con las contradicciones propias de las sociedades occidentales, sobre todo en Europa y los Estados Unidos. El presente artículo aborda las diferentes formas de concebir, explicar e interpretar al islam político, junto a sus implicancias conceptuales, epistemológicas y políticas. Es parte de una tesis más amplia que analiza particularmente la mirada del PTS sobre este fenómeno. Since the last quarter of the twentieth century a new form of political participation that legitimized their actions and refuted their opponents with the language of Islam has made irruption in the Middle East first, and in the West after. This mobilization, still identified in some circles as forms of fundamentalism or intégrisme, or expressions of bigotry and irrationality, generated multiple interpretations and explanations. Today, new expressions of this phenomenon, the most recently known as the islamic State, which are related not only to the geopolitical conflicts in the Middle East, but also with the contradictions of Western societies, especially in Europe and the United States, are still emerging. This article discusses the different ways of conceiving explaining and interpreting Political Islam, with its conceptual, epistemological and political implications. It is part of a broader thesis which particularly analyzes the PTS´s (Socialist Workers Party) point of view on this phenomenon.

Focusing on the tenure of the Workers' Party (2003–16), we appraise the tensions between the Brazilian government and international nuclear governance mechanisms after the end of the Cold War. We e...

This article traces the interrelationship of the roles played by Turkey and by various Kurdish non-state actors such as the Kurdistan Regional Government, the Kurdistan Workers Party, and the Democratic Union Party, in the current turmoil in Syria and Iraq. It considers their varying perspectives on Islamic State and other jihadi groups, the tensions between the region's Kurdish non-state actors, and the differences between them in their relationships with Turkey. The background to these differences is explored, as is their impact on relationships with other actors, most notably the US. The article concludes by noting that Turkey as a regionally powerful and coherent actor, and the Kurds as a distinct ethnic group with aspirations to self-determination, will continue to be powerful elements in the region's politics.

Resumo Como interpretar o sindicalismo brasileiro praticado durante os governos do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT)? Estaria ele em crise ou não? Os sindicatos foram cooptados pelos governos? O quanto se mostraram fortes e importantes? Eles deram respostas à altura dos desafios postos para o mundo do trabalho contemporâneo? O artigo busca responder a tais questões tomando o sindicalismo bancário como estudo de caso. Mais que uma análise geral, nos interessa abordar como organizações sindicais específicas atuaram durante os governos petistas. Apresentamos um quadro geral das mobilizações dos bancários, destacando resumidamente sua agenda de atuação, formas de ação, conquistas e reveses. Em seguida, à luz do sindicalismo bancário, problematizamos imagens largamente utilizadas nas interpretações a respeito do sindicalismo brasileiro no século XXI, quais sejam as ideias de crise, de cooptação e de burocratização sindical. Abstract How to interpret the Brazilian trade unions' performance during the Workers Party's (PT) government? Is it oris it notin crisis? Were trade unions co-opted by the government? How strong and important they prove themselves? Did they rise to the challenges posed by today's work reality? This paper addresses these questions electing bank workers' unions as a case study. It analyzes how specific trade unions performed during the PT's government. Instead of presenting a general analysis, it briefly highlights the agendas for claims, forms of action, achievements and setbacks. Subsequently, taking bank workers' unions as example, it questions ideas commonly used in interpretations about Brazilian trade unions in the 21st century, such as those of crisis, co-optation, and trade unions' bureaucratization.

A proposta do artigo é analisar a trajetória de uma professora primária municipal do Rio de Janeiro e militante no movimento operário, Elisa Scheid, a partir de seus escritos e indícios de suas ações, pesquisados nos jornais de grande circulação da cidade e nos impressos vinculados aos movimentos de trabalhadores. O estudo se insere em pesquisa mais ampla sobre a trajetória de mulheres, com destaque para as professoras, e sua participação nas lutas por direitos civis, políticos e no mundo do trabalho, entre os séculos XIX e XX. A análise realizada sugere que Elisa Scheid constituiu ampla rede de sociabilidade, baseada nas suas experiências familiares e de formação educacional, na prática do magistério primário nos subúrbios cariocas e na sua inserção em associações, publicações e organizações políticas formais. Participou da criação e da direção da União Operária do Engenho de Dentro e do Partido Operário Independente. A despeito das interdições e desigualdades históricas de gênero, classe e raça, nossa hipótese é a de que a professora representou liderança proeminente na defesa dos direitos dos/as trabalhadores\as e da educação, atuando na propaganda político-partidária e na formação de agremiações trabalhistas. Os indícios de sua trajetória retratada neste artigo evidenciam a ocupação de espaços públicos possíveis a algumas mulheres, ao menos àquelas pertencentes aos meios letrados. Suas lutas políticas relativizam a representação corrente sobre o suposto predomínio do mundo doméstico como limite para as experiências femininas naquele contexto histórico.

The history of Marxism in Brazil has been marked by discord. This tension makes sense considering that historical materialism developed in a European social environment, contrasted, to some extent, with the Asian context. The problem is, therefore, twofold. First, the theory proved incapable of reflecting the specificity of a particular social formation. The latter, differing significantly from the reality in which Marxism emerged, comes to be seen as “eccentric.” Moreover, Marxist theory seeks to transform reality, which contributes to a confusion between thought and politics. In the same sense, Marxism cannot be self-sufficient, because it must respond to the challenges of the environment in which it is inserted, contributing, in turn, to its contact with other intellectual and political traditions. Marxist thought in Brazil can be divided into three main historical moments: the first was marked by the preponderant influence of communism, from the 1920s to the 1964 coup; the second was characterized by the emergence in the mid-1950s of a New Left; and the third was the debate regarding democracy, which has gained momentum since the end of the country’s most recent authoritarian period in 1985. Throughout this extended historical period, Brazilian Marxists have been preoccupied with a recurring concern: How will the Bourgeois Revolution happen in Brazil? The periodization is not exact, with trends often overlapping and fostering an evolving political culture. In this way, through opportunities seized and missed, the Left—whose main theoretical reference today is still Marxism—penetrated Brazilian society and became an important part of national life.

International audience

This article analyses and quantifies the influence that the political party ruling the regional government has upon the economic performance of the corresponding public service broadcaster. An analysis of the economic performance of regional broadcasting companies was undertaken over the period from 1995 to 2016, studying variables such as expenses per employee, total expenses, total assets, ROA, assets turnover and total share; and their relationship with the political party ruling in the region. The correlation analysis, based on the Krukal-Wallis test, confirms the political parties' influence on the broadcasting entities' management approach. The results obtained indicate that there are significant differences in economic performance depending on the political party (Partido Popular, Spanish Socialist Workers Party and nationalist-regionalist parties) which governs the Autonomous Community, and suggest research areas of interest in order to examine in greater detail the impact of these parties in each case.

Under favorable external circumstances, the pragmatic political and economic strategy of Brazil’s Partido dos Trabalhadores (Workers’ Party—PT) helped to secure short-term political stability, boosted growth, and supported an unprecedented distribution of income. However, it also meant that the PT had to accommodate to rather than transform the constraints on growth in Brazil and that stability would involve unwieldy political alliances preventing deeper reforms. When it was confronted with deteriorating global economic conditions and increasingly ineffectual economic policies, the PT’s strategy immobilized the party, facilitated the dissolution of its base of support, and expedited its ouster from power. The Brazilian experience suggests that political pragmatism can, within limits, support progressive economic change but that the outcomes depend heavily on external circumstances and the stability of the political coalitions supporting the administration. Em circunstâncias externas favoráveis, a pragmática estratégia política e econômica do Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT) ajudou a assegurar a estabilidade política no curto prazo, impulsionou o crescimento e apoiou uma distribuição de renda sem precedentes. No entanto, isso também significou que o PT teve que se acomodar a, em vez de transformar, as restrições ao crescimento no Brasil, e que a estabilidade envolveria alianças políticas comprometedoras, impedindo reformas mais profundas. Quando foi confrontada com a deterioração das condições econômicas globais e apresentando políticas econômicas cada vez mais ineficazes, a estratégia do PT imobilizou o partido, facilitou a dissolução de sua base de apoio e acelerou sua saída do poder. A experiência brasileira sugere que o pragmatismo político pode, dentro de certos limites, apoiar a mudança econômica progressista, mas que os resultados dependem muito das circunstâncias externas e da estabilidade das coalizões políticas que apóiam a administração.

While the responsibilities of the states in the internal political area consist of the organization, administration and protection of volkish life, the party has the responsibility to lead the German people in all areas of their common expression of life and to educate them to fulfill their political and biological responsibility.

The regular growth of effective number of parties has been a major issue to the proper working of Brazilian political system. Still, little has been said regarding how the competitive interaction among political parties has an effect on the social composition of its candidates and elected. Trying to stablish relation between party strength, social composition and party system fragmentation, we put our efforts on checking how system fragmentation undermine strong parties in giving room for socially less competitive candidacies. In our hypothesis, we affirm: as higher the party organizational strength, bigger is the capacity of electing an outsider social group into representative arena, such as workers. Data points out that Brazilian Workers Party (pt) is the most organizationally structured party. However, through five consecutive elections, pt loses capacity to put in place organizational strength in favor of workers, diminishing its capacity to push forward blue- and white-collar workers into institutional polity. We show of that part of the loss is due to the increasing party system fragmentation from 1998 to 2014./n La fragmentación del sistema partidista brasileño ha sido señalada como un gran problema para el funcionamiento del sistema político y para la gobernabilidad. Sin embargo, poco se dice sobre cómo la interacción competitiva entre los partidos políticos diferentes entre si mismos afecta la composición social de los mismos y el cambio de perfil dentro de las agremiaciones políticas. Así, intentamos establecer la relación entre la fuerza organizacional de los partidos, la intereción entre ellos y la capacidad de los mismos en ofrecer espacio para candidaturas menos competitivas socialmente. La hipótesis es que cuanto mayor es la fuerza organizacional, mayor es la capacidad del partido en elegir un grupo poco inserto en la esfera representativa, los trabajadores. Los datos apuntan que el Partido de los Trabajadores (pt) es el principal responsable de la inserción de este grupo representativo en la Cámara de Diputados brasileña. Pero a lo largo de las elecciones, éste pierde capacidad de insertar la categoría que carga en su nombre. A partir del análisis de cinco elecciones nacionales con datos proporcionados por el Tribunal Superior Electoral, mostramos que parte de esta pérdida se refiere a la fragmentación del sistema partidista en el período 1998 a 2014./n

espanolResumen: El siguiente articulo tiene por objetivo analizar el proceso que llevo el Partido Obrero Socialista a hegemonizar el movimiento obrero en la ciudad de Vina del Mar, convirtiendose en uno de los actores politicos mas relevante de aquella localidad. Para esto, nos centraremos en tres elementos relevantes del actuar politico de los socialistas: la accion propagandistica, las huelgas y las elecciones municipales. Lo anterior a traves del analisis de fuentes periodisticas, en especial una poco tratada por la historiografia, como es el periodico La Comuna, proponemos matizar tanto las miradas que han centrado en el norte salitrero el espacio excepcional de la organizacion obrera, asi como la influencia del anarquismo en la zona central del pais. EnglishAbstract: The following article aims to analyze the process that led the Socialist Workers Party to hegemonize the labor movement in the city of Vina del Mar, becoming one of the most relevant political actors of that town. For this, we will focus on three relevant elements of the socialist political action: the propaganda action, the syndical action of the POS and the municipal elections. The foregoing through the analysis of journalistic sources, especially a little treated by historiography, such as the newspaper La Comuna, we propose to qualify both the views that have focused on the nitrate north the exceptional space of the workers' organization, as well as the influence of anarchism in the central zone of the country.

Submitted by Maria Medeiros (maria.dilva1@ufcg.edu.br) on 2018-11-14T10:21:35Z No. of bitstreams: 1 LAUDICÉIA ARAÚJO SANTANA - TESE (PPGCS) 2018.doc: 4528128 bytes, checksum: fabbe9d97935b475765ca85aedcbf8a3 (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2018-11-14T10:21:35Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 LAUDICÉIA ARAÚJO SANTANA - TESE (PPGCS) 2018.doc: 4528128 bytes, checksum: fabbe9d97935b475765ca85aedcbf8a3 (MD5) Previous issue date: 2018-07-25 A presente pesquisa teve como objetivo geral analisar as mudanças ocorridas nas definições programáticas do Partido dos Trabalhadores e na experiência concreta de governo (2003-2010) sobre o pagamento da dívida pública brasileira. A hipótese que norteou tal pesquisa, e que se confirmou ao final, é a de que o PT foi ao longo de sua história passando por um “transformismo” o que o impediu ao chegar ao governo, de se contrapor aos ditames do capital financeiro, buscando construir uma conciliação de classe, uma “humanização do capitalismo”. O PT surgiu como fruto do novo sindicalismo e da reorganização dos trabalhadores na redemocratização do País, no seu início considerava a dívida como um dos maiores problemas dos países periféricos e defendia a suspensão de seu pagamento, realização de auditoria e questionamento sobre os acordos com o Fundo Monetário Internacional (FMI). Ao longo de sua história, em função das seguidas derrotas eleitorais para a Presidência, as alianças com partidos conservadores, o financiamento de campanhas por empresas privadas, as experiências administrativas em municípios e estados foi se transformando em um partido da ordem e, vencida a eleição em 2002, lhe coube á tarefa de gerir a etapa de financeirização do capitalismo, aprofundando a política macroeconômica adotada pelos governos neoliberais anteriores apoiada no tripé juros altos, formação de superávit primário e câmbio sobre valorizado. O sistema da dívida começou a atuar ainda durante a campanha eleitoral de 2002 criando as condições no mercado que justificassem a sua manutenção, o PT não se opôs a tal sistema, ao contrário, aprofundou a política econômica neoliberal e buscou construir um governo que atendesse aos interesses do capital financeiro e os interesses da classe trabalhadora, numa pactuação de classe, o que resultou em um governo contraditório, que ampliou as condições para a atuação do sistema da dívida e adotou políticas sociais focalizadas que resultaram na funcionalização da pobreza. O primeiro mandato (2003-2010) foi marcado pela atuação desse sistema com a realização da reforma da previdência, aumento do superávit primário, manutenção da alta da taxa de juro, antecipação de pagamento ao FMI e autonomia operacional do Banco Central. No segundo mandato (2007-2010) com a mudança no cenário macroeconômico mundial impulsionado pela crise de 2008, o governo adotou uma política fiscal expansiva que ampliou os gastos públicos e reduziu tributos, ocasionando uma queda no superávit primário e suscitou uma discussão acerca do caráter neodesenvolvimentista do governo. A despeito dessa mudança na conjuntura econômica, o sistema da dívida continuou atuando, a dívida pública foi majoritariamente transformada em dívida interna, em 2002 ela representava 42,2% e a divida externa 18,2%. Em 2010 a dívida externa representa apenas 2,4%, e a interna 44,9% sendo remuneração com uma das taxas de juros mais altas do mundo. Além de ampliar a capacidade de atuação do sistema da dívida através das políticas e reformas realizadas, a dívida pública só cresceu durante esse período, chegando a um valor estimado de R$ 1.694 bilhões. The present research had as general objective to analyze the changes that have occurred in the programmatic definitions of the Workers' Party and in the concrete experience of government (2003-2010) on the payment of the Brazilian public debt The hypothesis that guided this research, and which was confirmed at the end, is that the PT throughout its history underwent a "transformism" what prevented it when arriving at the government, to oppose to the dictates of the financial capital, seeking to construct a class conciliation, a "humanization of capitalism". The PT emerged as a result of the new syndicalism and the reorganization of workers in the re- democratization of the country, in the beginning considered the debt as one of the biggest problems of the peripheral countries and advocated the suspension of their payment, auditing and questioning agreements with the International Monetary Fund (IMF). Throughout its history, as a result of the electoral defeats for the presidency, alliances with conservative parties, the financing of campaigns by private companies, administrative experiences in municipalities and states were transformed into a party of order and, after election in 2002, he was entrusted with the task of managing the stage of financialisation of capitalism, deepening the macroeconomic policy adopted by previous neoliberal governments supported by the high interest rates, the formation of a primary surplus, and a change in value. The debt system began to operate during the 2002 election campaign, creating conditions in the market that justified its maintenance, the PT did not oppose such a system, instead it deepened neoliberal economic policy and sought to build a government that would interests of working capital and the interests of the working class in a class compromise, which resulted in a contradictory government that expanded the conditions for the performance of the debt system and adopted focused social policies that resulted in the functionalization of poverty. The first mandate (2003-2010) was marked by the performance of this system with the realization of the pension reform, increase of the primary surplus, maintenance of the interest rate increase, anticipation of payment to the IMF and operational autonomy of the Central Bank. In the second term (2007-2010), with the change in the global macroeconomic scenario driven by the 2008 crisis, the government adopted an expansive fiscal policy that increased public spending and reduced taxes, causing a fall in the primary surplus and provoked a discussion about neo-developmental character of government. Despite this change in the economic environment, the debt system continued to operate, public debt was mostly transformed into domestic debt, in 2002 it represented 42.2% and external debt 18.2%. In 2010, foreign debt represented only 2.4%, while domestic debt represented 44.9%, with one of the highest interest rates in the world. In addition to expanding the capacity of the debt system through the policies and reforms carried out, public debt only grew during this period, reaching an estimated value of R $ 1,694 billion.

Las instituciones son consideradas en la mayoría de los casos como reglas y estructuras duraderas que cumplen cierta función social o económica. En contraste, este artículo describe una concepción de las instituciones como imaginaciones, que pone un énfasis particular en el potencial creativo inherente al desarrollo institucional. La centralidad de la imaginación, basada en el trabajo de Cornelius Castoriadis y John Searle, se expone tanto a nivel social como a nivel individual. Mientras Castoriadis proporciona una descripción de los imaginarios sociales en el nivel social, el trabajo de Searle sobre la mente y el lenguaje permite identificar la estructura complementaria de la intencionalidad en el nivel individual. Así, las instituciones se conciben como imaginarios sociales que son creados por grupos e individuos, compartidos y colectivizados a través de textos y símbolos y, en ciertos momentos de cambio institucional, son reapropiados y redefinidos por los actores sociales. El PT brasileño sirve como ejemplo para mostrar cómo un proceso de cambio institucional surgió de la imaginación. Antes de que se desarrollara la acción colectiva a finales de la década de 1970, las identidades y estrategias colectivas para la acción se habían preconfigurado en el nivel de la imaginación. Además, los fundamentos imaginativos del partido siguieron siendo relevantes incluso décadas después, lo que se hizo evidente en la crisis provocada por el llamado escándalo de Mensalão. Institutions are mostly regarded as durable rules and structures that fulfil certain social or economic function. By contrast, this article outlines a conception of institutions as imaginations, which puts particular emphasis on the creative potential inherent in institutional development. Based on the work of Cornelius Castoriadis and John Searle, the centrality of imagination is expounded on the social as well as on the individual level. While Castoriadis provides an account of social imaginaries on the societal level, Searle’s work on mind and language allows to identify the complementary structure of intentionality on the individual level. Thus, institutions are conceived as social imaginaries which are created by groups and individuals, shared and collectivized through texts and symbols and, in certain moments of institutional change, reappropriated and redefined by social actors. The Brazilian PT serves as an example to show that institutional change emerged from imagination. Before collective action and organization building took place in the late 1970s, collective identities and strategies for action had been preconfigured on the level of imagination. Moreover, the party’s imaginative foundations remained relevant even decades later, which became evident in the crisis triggerd by the so-called Mensalão scandal. Fil: Kestler, Thomas. Universidad de Würzburg; Alemania.

Luiz Inácio Lula da Silva (b. Caetés, Pernambuco, Brazil, October 27, 1945) was born in severe poverty in the Brazilian northeast. “Lula” was a nickname which he legalized as an adult so that it could be listed on election ballots. He is universally referred to as Lula in Brazil. When he was seven years old his mother took the family on the back of a truck to the state of São Paulo in the hope of joining Lula’s father, who had abandoned the family. With her help, and without Lula’s illiterate and abusive father’s encouragement, he went to school to become a lathe mechanic. He then became a union activist and a leader of massive strikes in the industrial suburbs of São Paulo during the last years of Brazil’s military regime. In 1980, Lula joined with progressive union leaders, activists, and intellectuals in organizing the Partido dos Trabalhadores (PT), or Workers’ Party. The PT was distinguished by its internal democracy and intellectual openness, and many on the left, in Brazil and elsewhere, believed it had great potential for reconciling socialist economics with political democracy. It initiated participatory budgeting practices in an effort to go beyond formal electoral democracy. Lula da Silva’s charisma made him the Party’s most popular leader. Lula won a seat in Congress in 1986, then was defeated in presidential campaigns in 1989, 1994, and 1998. In 2002, he adopted a more moderate campaign platform and was elected president of Brazil. He was re-elected in 2006 and passed the presidency on to his chief of staff, Dilma Rousseff, at the end of his second term. As president of Brazil, Lula followed moderate economic and social policies, building on the accomplishments of his predecessor rather than making the radical changes many Workers’ Party activists and supporters wanted. The economy grew during his presidency, and he was able to increase funding for income redistribution programs that helped the poorest Brazilians. His administration was tarnished, however, by a massive corruption scandal involving illegal payments to members of Congress. Brazil went into a recession after Dilma Rousseff’s re-election in 2014, and there was an even larger corruption scandal involving the national oil company. Rousseff was impeached in 2016, and the Workers’ Party lost control of the Brazilian government and fared badly in municipal elections. Lula da Silva was convicted on corruption charges. If his conviction is not reversed on appeal, or if he is convicted on other pending indictments, he will not be allowed to compete for the presidency in the 2018 elections.

The article aims to address the dominant attitudes of Brazilian newspapers O Globo and O Estado de S. Paulo towards two reformist governments that developed during different and distant historical periods, but which had some similarities. The second government of Getulio Vargas (1951-1954) experienced the “moral crusade” of different media, with accusations that the nation would be destroyed by the corruption that existed within the government. In turn, during the first government of Lula (2003-2006), the mensalao scandal also triggered a “moral crusade” in the media against President Lula and the Workers Party (PT). Thus, our analysis focuses on how newspapers tried to produce a moralization of politics, understanding such an idea as the subordination of public affairs to the distinction between “honest” and “corrupt”.

This review essay critically examines the evolution of scholarly literature on Brazil'sPartido dos Trabalhadoressince the PT's founding in 1980. We periodise the relevant literature into four phases, examining the foundation of the PT, the party's early experience in subnational government, its transformation and moderation in the late 1990s, and finally its experiences in national government since capturing the presidency in 2002. After detailing strengths and weaknesses of this research, we also examine the trajectory of the PT in light of recent comparative work on the so-called ‘left turn’ in Latin America. We conclude by offering an agenda for future research on the PT.

The protests in Ecuador this year against President Rafael Correa, who leads the Alianza PAIS (Patria Altiva i Soberana) government, and those against the Workers Party (PT) administration of Dilma...

Legitimacy is widely recognized as necessary for the resilience and success of revolutionary groups, yet successful revolutionary groups are frequently viewed as illegitimate during the course of conflicts. I examine this paradox through the case of the Kurdistan Workers’ Party (PKK) in Turkey. Combining historical research with analysis of the discourse used by the group to frame their goals and to cultivate expectations among constituents, I detail how the PKK took advantage of the benefits of legitimacy from various audiences over time until the associated expectations became unwanted constraints. I show how multiple shifting sources of legitimacy allowed the PKK to be perceived as illegitimate by various audiences without compromising their capacity for resilience and success as they retained support within a broadly legitimated movement for Kurdish rights in Turkey. This research offers broad new insights into the cumulative effects of multiple sources of legitimacy, the relationality of legitimacy, and the benefits of illegitimacy.

ABD ve PKK ilişkisi genellikle popüler söylemlerde kendisine yer bulsa da, akademik bir çalışmaya konu olmamıştır. Akademik ilginin kapsamı ABD’nin PKK’yı terör listesine koyması ile sınırlı kalmış ve akademik çalışmalarda bu bilgi sıklıkla tekrarlanmıştır. PKK’nın ABD’yi nasıl gördüğü konusu ise PKK’nın Marksist bir terör örgütü olduğu tespitinin anlaşılması noktasında karşımıza çıkmış ve PKK’nın ABD emperyalizmine karşı geliştirdiği söylemin altı çizilmiştir. Bu dolaylı değinmelere rağmen, PKK’nın ABD’ye yönelik yaklaşımı detaylı bir çalışmaya konu olmadığı gibi bu yaklaşımın PKK için neden merkezi bir noktada olduğunun açıklanması zahmetine de girilmemiştir. 2013 sonrası ABD’nin PKK’nın Suriye’deki uzantısı PYD/YPG ile işbirliğine gitmesi konuyu yeniden popüler hale getirdiği bir ortamda, Ali Balcı The PKK-Kurdistan Workers’ Party’s Regional Politics - During and After the Cold War başlıklı bir çalışma yayımladı.

Orientador: José Dari Krein Tese (doutorado) - Universidade Estadual de Campinas, Instituto de Economia Resumo: Este trabalho analisa como a estratégia político-sindical da Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) e da Força Sindical (FS) buscou alterar a agenda do trabalho durante os governos do PT (2003-2014) com o objetivo de discutir o sentido da atuação das duas maiores centrais sindicais brasileiras nesse período. Por meio da análise da participação dessas centrais nos espaços institucionais em contraposição com seus repertórios discursivos discutiu-se a hipótese de que a estratégia de participação social privilegiada por estas instituições consolidou-se por meio de uma busca pelo consenso em detrimento do conflito. Primeiramente, mostrou-se que apesar das potencialidades do novo momento político e econômico que se abriu na vida nacional, o alargamento das heterogeneidades do mercado de trabalho e a permanência da flexibilidade laboral impuseram novos desafios à ação coletiva em linha com as tendências gerais do capitalismo contemporâneo. Em seguida, mapeou-se as estratégias político-sindicais mobilizadas para a reivindicação da agenda econômica e para a disputa em torno da regulamentação pública do trabalho nesse cenário. A pesquisa revelou a subordinação da pauta trabalhista aos interesses comuns com as diferentes frações do capital e à moderação crítica em relação ao governo. Esses elementos caracterizaram uma estratégia de participação social orientada pela institucionalização do consenso. Nesses termos, essa estratégia permitiu a conquista de ganhos pontuais, especialmente econômicos, mas comprometeu o campo político para disputas mais amplas no âmbito dos direitos trabalhistas e da proteção social, expressando os limites dessa estratégia em tempos de capitalismo neoliberal e financeirizado Abstract: This thesis analyzes how the strategy of Central Única dos Trabalhadores (CUT) and Força Sindical (SF) sought to change the labor agenda during the PT governments (2003-2014) with the aim of discussing the orientation of the actions of the two major Brazilian trade union confederations during this period. Through the analysis of the participation of these trade union confederations in the institutional spaces in contrast with their discursive repertoires, this research discussed the hypothesis that the social partnership strategy privileged by these institutions was consolidated through a search for consensus to the detriment of conflict. First, it was shown that despite the potential of the new political and economic moment that has opened up in national life, the widening of labor market heterogeneities and the permanence of labor relation flexibility have imposed new challenges to collective action in parallel with the general tendencies of contemporary capitalism. Then, based on this scenario, the trade union strategies which was mobilized in order to claim the economic agenda and dispute public regulation of labor were mapped. The research revealed the subordination of the labor agenda to the common interests with the different fractions of capital and to the critical moderation in relation to the government. These elements characterized a social partnership strategy oriented by the institutionalization of consensus. In these terms, this strategy allowed the achievement of punctual gains, especially the economic ones, but it compromised the political field for broader disputes in the scope of labor rights and social protection, expressing the limits of this strategy in the current neoliberal and financialized capitalism Doutorado Economia Social e do Trabalho Doutora em Desenvolvimento Econômico FAPESP 2014/19423-1 CNPQ