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This study focuses on the effect of internationalization on the wider society. The study analyses the results of a session on terrorism and media, where participants were the wider public in the United Kingdom. An experimental design with random group assignment was conducted where internationalization was operationalized by the training either being international, where a U.S. trainer co-conducted the intervention group session, or national, where a U.K. trainer co-conducted the control group session. Both groups were matched for age, education, and gender. While both groups did not significantly differ regarding a core personality trait--that is, openness--as well as the learning outcomes prior to the training, they differed significantly post training. Training on terrorism showed consistent learning effects for both groups, but was far greater in the presence of the U.S. co-teacher and these effects were long-term. Consistent with predictions, the presence of an international trainer produced significantly larger effects when compared with when the trainer was not international.

The Counter-Terrorism and Security Act 2015 places a specific duty on clearly identified actors to prevent terrorism. This paper adopts a poststructuralist approach to deconstruct the Prevent Duty's ideology and discourse. Using Foucauldian terminology, Prevent is conceptualised as a proactive "dispositif" to manage the risk of extremism in the UK, in that it is an 'ensemble of discourses,' 'regulatory decisions' and 'moral positions' (Foucault, 1980: 194) that constitute a complex system of response to the threat of terrorism. A globalised state of (in)security is posited as a major influence for Prevent's inception. The formulation of the policy text is underpinned by the neoliberal "governmentality" of the Big Society. The paper problematises its implementation in the education sector through the analysis of the 'duty' to promote British values in the classroom and the expectation of 'preventing people from being drawn into terrorism' (HM Government, 2011; 2019). It concludes that the "dispositif" is driven by principles of human rights and proactivity, however, it has been largely misinterpreted due to lack of clarity and the assumption of shared values.

This paper explores educational inequalities through an analysis of the educational aspirations and future expectations of British girls and young women who identify as Muslim. It draws on qualitative interviews and focus group discussions with teen girls (aged 13-19) and young women in their early 20s living in the north and south of England, the first generation to be considering their future options in the immediate aftermath of the Brexit referendum. The analysis reveals contradictions at the heart of the UK education system in that while Muslim girls are being encouraged to aim high, to be aspirational and successful, they are also tasked with accepting responsibility for the structural and racialised disadvantage that prevents many Muslim women from translating educational success into labour market advantage. The priority given to educational attainment within the current UK education system leaves little space to prepare young women to deal with the potential disadvantage they may face in the labour market. When it comes to the racialised disadvantage that Muslims and minorities face in a post-9/11 and post-Brexit referendum climate, the research revealed gaps and silences which have the effect of responsibilising Muslims students for terrorist incidents when they occur.

The emergence and subsequent decline of the so-called Islamic State of Iraq and Syria provides new challenges for Western governments facing the return of foreign fighters and their families to home soil. This article focuses on the children of returned foreign fighters and more specifically on the international responsibility to provide all children, particularly those most vulnerable and in need, with an education. A critical discourse analysis of public debates surrounding the return of the children of Australian foreign fighters illustrates the tension that exists between the rights of children, citizenship and a nation's capacity to overcome a culture of fear. We argue that we are currently witnessing the emergence of a new type of human being; a particularly insidious and dangerous form of 'child citizen refugee'. The paper employs fear as a symptom of modern life and Arendt's poignant lesson of exclusion and persecution to investigate why the children of returning foreign fighters may be denied the right to an inclusive education. We argue that fear is the antithesis of inclusive education and highlight how ill-equipped we are to overcome the ubiquity of fear to engage in an ethical project of educational inclusion for these children.

This article investigates how 12 upper-elementary school teachers dealt with the occurrence of a terrorist attack in their city during school hours and in the immediate aftermath. All teachers were interviewed shortly after the terrorist attack about their goals, dilemmas, and pedagogical strategies employed in the classroom. We found that during the day of the attack the teachers tried to focus on providing both emotional support and adequate information to the pupils. While doing so, the teachers encountered four types of dilemmas: their perceived lack of knowledge concerning the attack and terrorism in general, their worry about increasing fear among pupils by discussing terrorism, the conundrum of balancing the different (and contrasting) perspectives of the pupils, and the lack of clear management support or guidelines issued. The findings are discussed through the lens of a pedagogy for political trauma, and a case is made for expanding this pedagogy with a historicizing approach. Such an approach may provide teachers with a (depoliticized) framework of reference that enables them to help pupils understand and reflect on the upsetting and contested topic of terrorism.

Schools worldwide are increasingly enmeshed in discourses of securitisation. Efforts to prevent or counter violent extremism (P/CVE) are a manifestation of this. P/CVE in education takes various forms; the pilot explored here is considered super-soft in that no mention was made of violent extremism. Attention was given to schools' capacities to enhance social cohesion through Restorative Practices (RP) -- a method for building social capital. We use an affective-discursive lens to explore how affects/emotions are caught in a dispositif of governance fundamental to efforts to regulate youth through this method. Specifically, we focus on extreme emotional incidents that highlight norms and practices in which violence and emotions are entangled, which expose limits and implications of RPs. While holding promise for transcending punitive disciplinary methods, we argue that RPs rely on logics that limit how violence is understood, locating violent problems within the problem bodies of marginalised youth.

The incorporation of peace and war into the curriculum poses problems to teachers, especially in an examination-focussed school system. Whilst recent research concerning conflict has considered conflict-resolution within schools, and difficulties teachers face teaching about terrorism, little has been written on teaching 21st century war without the high-profile deployment of UK troops. In this article, I examine how peace and war are taught in an English school. After identifying the school's overall war-focussed discourse, I focus on the practices of an ex-services English teacher and his techniques to debate, discuss, and ultimately problematise war creating a space akin to Foucault's heterotopia. I argue this 'other space' allowed him to develop his practice and there is evidence of the heterotopia 'leaking' further afield. I suggest that although there are limitations to the classroom-as-heterotopia, it can nevertheless provide a space for practitioners to disrupt the wider discourse within their schools.

What is at stake when educators are asked to deploy vigilant surveillance against students considered to be at risk of becoming a terrorist? This article explores the growing relationship between education and terrorism by focusing on how schools can contribute to reducing fears of terrorism. Rather than profiling future terrorists among their students, the argument is put forward that educators must encourage deliberative agonistic discussions about terrorism in the classroom. Ultimately, this can help students to build resilience against terror fear, which might serve as a bulwark against a range of social negatives. Examples from the empirical literature are offered to highlight how education can reduce terror fear by encouraging discussions about terrorism in schools, which can also have a transformative effect on helping students to unlearn or disengage from extreme ideals and behaviours. In the strand of education-terrorism literature, this could well touch upon some of the most important aspects within educational efforts to reduce the fear of terror and perhaps even reduce terrorism itself.

Within British schools over the last few decades, we have witnessed a policy move from multi-culturalism to counter-radicalization. In response, this article examines an ethnographic project that illustrates both the relative autonomy of methodology from broader theoretical and substantive questions, as well as the internal creative logic of methodology grounded in the research process. Importantly, the research participants claimed, in contrast to the securitised regime that circumscribed their lives as a 'suspect community' closing down critical discussion in the public sphere, their (ethnographic) engagement in the field enabled them to inhabit alternative representational spaces to the dominant public framing of young Muslims as dangerous men. Ethnography, with its attendant immersion research methods, created the time and space to open up complex explorations of the research participants' emerging understandings, meanings and performances of school life for their generation.

Violent radicalisation is one of the most serious problems jeopardising the peaceful coexistence of many modern societies. In recent years, different research has been performed on the processes of violent radicalisation linked to terrorism and instigated by men. Following the recent increase in the number of women joining Daesh or Al Qaeda, this study examines the persuasive messages that both convey to Muslim women through their official online magazines. Using Atlas.ti software, a qualitative content analysis was conducted on all the articles aimed specifically at women published in these magazines. These groups see women as the cornerstone of the Muslim community, assigning them a key role in its survival and highlighting their contribution to the reproduction and education of future generations. Nonetheless, it has been possible to detect differences and contradictions in the role that these groups give women in violent jihad. The results obtained here contradict the general assertion that women are prompted to join these groups by promises of romance, pointing instead to different factors making them more vulnerable to influence. In conclusion, real decolonisation and educational preventive measures on which a consensus has been reached with the Muslim community are recommended.

This study investigated the experiences of Muslim students attending Canadian institutions of higher education in the context of increasing Islamophobia. Qualitative semi-structured interviewing was used to explore the impact of anti-Muslim sentiment on the academic experiences of Muslim students and patterns of identity construction subsequent to recent national and international terrorism-labeled events such as the 2015 Paris bombings and 2015 San Bernardino mass shooting. Analysis of interview data yielded two major themes: (a) the formation of a strong religious identity in response to experiences of Islamophobia and (b) a distinction between general Islamophobia and gendered Islamophobia. The findings suggest that Muslim students in the current post 9/11 era are becoming increasingly devout, have a strong attachment to their religious identity, and are at the forefront of advocating for Muslims through education, activism, civic participation, and interfaith dialogue.

We understand the terrors of this historical moment: rising white nationalism and white supremacist violence, xenophobia, homophobia, sharpening economic inequality, homelessness and underemployment, neoliberal assaults on workers and the environment, Islamophobia, attacks on immigrants, kids in cages. While schools are guilty of perpetuating some of these terrors, they have also been sites of significant movements for justice. Drawing on the organizing for Black Lives Matter in School, in this article I discusses the power of teachers, school communities, and professors to organize against white supremacy through activism and teaching. In doing so, I suggest that, given the tenor of our times, we must be committed to a pedagogy of insurgency.

This systematic review synthesizes research on school-based crisis intervention protocols, descriptions, and evaluations. We performed a comprehensive literature search, and 60 studies met the inclusion criteria for this review. We found an overwhelming lack of evaluation studies (n = 3), suggesting that interventions are being administered post-crises without evaluation. The most frequently named crisis intervention model was the Prevent/Prepare, Reaffirm, Evaluate, Provide and Respond, and Examine (PREPaRE) model (n = 6). All evaluation studies in the sample were observational, and most adopted qualitative methods of evaluation. Future studies are needed to evaluate crisis interventions to measure the fidelity, reliability, and effectiveness of such interventions.

In the aftermath of the September 11th attacks, some who were unable to cope with the devastation and the failure to prevent them turned to alternative explanations as to how and why these attacks occurred. Coinciding with the growth of the internet, hyper-partisan news sources, and misinformation, a vast number of 9/11 conspiracy theories emerged and spread. During the past 20 years, these conspiracy theories became embedded in public discourse, and have slowly started to appear in classrooms, brought in by a generation of students not alive before and with limited understanding of 9/11. In this article, we attempt to explain how these conspiracy theories enter the classroom and teachers' strategies to combat them. Using a combination of theory and empirical data, we contend that 9/11 conspiracy theories remain popular and students' endorsement of them may come from their lack of information about 9/11 more generally. Additionally, we use activities from different teachers to demonstrate three approaches to combat conspiracy theories. At a time when conspiracy theories are used to inflame partisan beliefs, it is crucial to equip educators with resources to extinguish these conspiratorial flames.

America is deeply divided over issues like election fraud, COVID-19, and systematic racism. More concerning, Jenkins (2021) argues that the next few years could be marred by "death threats, attempted assassinations of political leaders, and other acts of terrorism" (para. 11). In addition, a U.S. Department of Homeland Security (DHS) (2020) report notes that white supremacist extremists now pose the most significant threat to America. Further, a Homeland Security Academic Advisory Council (2017) report urges the DHS to establish partnerships with universities to raise awareness of instructional strategies that counter extremism. All the forum essays point out communication is the vehicle for civic engagement and plays a crucial role in enhancing student civic involvement to stabilize and sustain democracy. In this article, the authors contend that communication educators must commit to pedagogies of antiracism, antiextremism, and prosocial civic engagement going forward.

Post-traumatic stress disorder (PTSD) is associated with temporary, distinct cognitive impairment. This study explores how cognitive impaired academic performance is recognized and explained by young Norwegians who survived the Utøya massacre of July 22, 2011. Qualitative interviewing of 65 students (aged 16-29 years) was conducted 2.5 years after the traumatic event. A total of 25% (n = 16) respondents reported no or no distinct change; only 6% (n = 4) reported some degree of positive change. By contrast, 69% (n = 45) reported negative changes in academic performance, with impaired concentration and feelings of chaos. Previously effective study techniques became less effective or inadequate. Respondents worried about lasting impairment of academic functioning, but reported little or no discussion with teachers. From the characteristics of the changes reported, attribution style, the use of metaphors and narrative structuring, we identify differences in the meaning-making processes of these young people. Some were left with an understanding that negatively affected their help-seeking activity and reduced the willingness to accept adapted education post trauma.

Given the current context of "Prevent" and Fundamental British Values, there has been a surge in academic and political interest surrounding Muslim identities in British educational contexts. Noting this 'religious turn' in educational debate, scholars have begun to question the mobilisation of 'Muslim' and 'Muslimness', suggesting that there are limits to such identification. This paper considers their critique through an exploration of how 'Muslim RE teachers' understood and experienced their personal and professional identities, based on recent qualitative research conducted with 21 'Muslim RE teachers' across England. Findings reveal that notions of being a 'Muslim RE teacher' are heavily contested, and instead highlight a fluid and dynamic spectrum of configurations of the participants' 'Muslim' and 'RE teacher' identities. The paper argues in support of the above critique, demonstrating that the assumed primacy of their 'Muslimness' limits the multiplicity of these participants' identities, and so does not reflect their empirical understanding and experience. The paper then suggests a move towards a more sophisticated understanding of identity, encapsulated in the notion of the 'RE teacher who is Muslim'.

Terrorism provides a unique context for examining innovation, as the generation of novel, effective, and complex ideas are essential for survival in destructive and malevolent groups. Despite this, innovation remains an underdeveloped concept in terrorism research, at least from the creativity scholars. One reason for this is the limited empirical data about this phenomenon, making it unclear which tenets of creativity research hold versus which do not translate in the domain of terrorism. This two-part study explores this rich domain by examining the dimensions of innovation in a robust sample of terrorist attacks. Findings indicated that three dimensions of innovation (i.e., novelty, relevance, and elegance) emerged from the attack data and that these dimensions were related to different attack characteristics. This article expands our understanding of terrorist innovation by drawing from established theory and methods from creativity research and highlights their manifestations in this understudied domain.

As the needs and interests of young people are shifting under the influence of demographics and other social developments, "new stories" have started to attract many that undermine the human rights narrative and nurture radical attitudes. This has consequences for human rights education (HRE). As competing narratives have gained a foothold in major target audiences of HRE, the latter has to realize it is facing an uphill battle. The evidence suggests that HRE can no longer rely on the mere transfer of knowledge and that the "story of human rights" needs to be told in completely new ways. If HRE aims to change attitudes to be more inclusive and respectful, and to promote a struggle for justice, it has to make its story heard and win people over. Here HRE faces a central dilemma: how to promote fundamental freedoms while including the freedom not to subscribe to these same values? Instead of conceptual persuasion, emphasis should be put more on the affect, and relate to people's lived experiences. Crucially, HRE has to be prepared to make room for the discussion of the paradoxes of political violence. By making clear that it has vital relevance for its audience and can better answer the question of what someone should meaningfully do in life, HRE can change the narrative.

In the fifteen years since the 9/11 terrorist attacks in America, countless literary and artistic works have responded to the incident. This paper examines Amiri Baraka's literary response to this violent event through his most famous poem entitled "Somebody blew up America," which defies American orthodox responses to the attacks. The mainstream reading of the poem swings toward its poetical and political qualities; however, nobody has engaged in a postcolonial reading of the poem so far. Hence, this paper intends to highlight its postcolonial and decolonizing characteristics. Baraka's political poem is significant in terms of its educational role because, as a discovery poem, it attempts to foster private, domestic, and international awareness of both oppressors/ colonizers and the oppressed/ colonized to help them bring about a social change and become new humans carrying ideas of equality, justice, and respect for humanity. The question this paper raises is as follows: What colonial characteristics could be found in Baraka's poem? Drawing upon Césaire, Memmi, and Fanon, it applies postcolonial and decolonization concepts such as dehumanization, "thingification," Manichaeism, and reverse Manichaeism to the poem. The paper concludes that both international and domestic terrorism are rooted in America's and Europe's racist, colonial, capitalist, and imperialist involvements.

Can the higher education faculty sustain itself as a profession? And why does this question matter as much as more frequently asked questions regarding access, costs, quality, governance, and competitiveness? This special issue of "Higher Learning Research Communications" seeks to address these questions by posing as a unifying concept the academic profession's duty to the common good. Higher education is essential for creating the advanced knowledge and human capital necessary to address the world's most challenging issues, ranging from the environment to health to security to societal stability with such immediate crises as drought and climate change, terrorism, migration, famine, and health epidemics. This special issue of "Higher Learning Research Communications" has responded to UNESCO's (2015) call for educational institutions and educators to rethink education in the contemporary era and focuses on how academic endeavors can, do, and should act in service to a global common good.

Education is central to any society's civilization, growth, development, security, stability, and sustainability. That is why all progressive societies give it priority. Christian higher education meets these needs and beyond. It is rooted in God's moral vision and perspective. Its primary aim is to inculcate moral and ethical values and knowledge, which can guarantee societal security and stability as well as foster skills and opportunities that are of benefit to the Gospel of the kingdom of God and human flourishing. This paper, therefore, primarily focuses attention on the issue of Christian higher education in the context of insecurity and instability.

This paper examines Nigeria's democratization dilemmas and the imperatives of an educational framework against the backdrop of the Boko Haram insurgency. It identifies and connects the pattern, character and dynamics of the existing educational system. It also discusses the system's failure in calling for a new approach to overcome the prevailing dearth of civic order and the increasing spread of dissent groups. This new method is about acculturating Nigerian youth into a more civic culture, a Nigeria where citizens can live side by side with each other in peace." While examining both theoretical and practical characteristics of this new educational agenda, the paper especially examines the link between philosophical education and the development of a civic culture, trusting that such a connection suggests an approach to education that may assist future policy makers, educators, and teachers. Specific theoretical analysis of pedagogical and philosophical education contained here can further the current understanding of how philosophical education is likely to facilitate the development of the values, beliefs, and attitudes that generally underpin the operations of a civic society, developments desperately needed to address the problem of Boko Haram and the increasing spread of dissent groups in Nigeria.

This study examined how many terrorist incidents affected the teachers' occupational attitude by the variables of gender, marital status, birthplace, the term of employment and occupational status with "the effect of terrorist incidents on the occupational attitude of the teacher" scale. In this study, "descriptive scanning method" among quantitative research methods was employed. The sample of the research was determined by the "simple random sampling" selection among the probabilistic sampling choices, and it consisted of 116 teachers who served in Bulanik district of Mus Province during the 2015-2016 academic year. In the analysis of the data, arithmetic mean, frequency, percentage, t-test, ANOVA and Tukey tests were employed. The levels of being affected by terrorist incidents in the occupational sense of the teachers who participated in the study were found to be at the medium level. While significant differences were not observed according to the gender, marital status and occupational status of the teachers, significant differences were determined according to their birthplaces and term of employment. As a result of the study, it was suggested to provide in-service training to improve the occupational attitudes of the teachers serving in a terror zone in the positive direction.

Robert Gardner is a Social Studies teacher at a large urban high school in Edmonton (Canada) with a widely diverse ethnic population. He observes that after the terrorist attacks of September 11, 2001 his students became much more engaged in discussion of international issues and more willing to share their personal experiences of life outside of Canada. Mr. Gardner soon found that he needed to learn far more about Middle Eastern history, culture and religion to better understand and to better teach current events from a range of perspectives. [This article originally appeared in the v38 n1 Fall 2013, issue of "Canadian Social Studies" and was one of five selected for this Retrospective Issue that "offers insights into the concerns of the past that still live with us today".]

The main threats to world order are terrorist and extremist activities. On the world stage, countries unite into a coalition with the aim to increase the efficiency of the fight against terrorism. At the local level, the terrorist threat is fought by the security services. In order to prevent global human victims, which may arise as a result of terrorist attacks, the government is taking a number of normative legal acts, which prevent the activities of militants. The main problem that arises in the preparation of the law is the lack of a clear understanding of what the "terrorism" and "extremism" are. Therefore, in this paper, a complete analysis of these terms will be made on the basis of normative legal acts of some countries such as the USA, Russia, Kazakhstan, and scientists specialized in the subject. Research of the terms "extremism" and "terrorism" has shown that these concepts are different, but at the same time interconnected. This relationship is expressed in the fact that terrorism is a continuation of extremism, its next step. The disengagement of these concepts will allow the legislator to create more specific laws, that will cover the entire field of criminal activities.

From Kamikaze to Suicide Bomber, to Islamist, to Jihadist and others all are known by deferent names but the use of suicide bombing as the prime tactical weapon in pursuing their political goals is crucial. Since 1983 when the first suicide attack took place until today the number of suicide attacks has been increasing annually. Planning is very crucial in any terrorist acts weather long or short term but planning must be there. So they are not doing it alone there must be organization or institution for preparation. So what forces them to become suicide bombers? Many analysts believe that death of those who commit the suicide bombing acts and following reprisals do not stop them and "more people are, willing to become suicide bombers now than in the past."(2) The purpose can be different but the goal is. One i.e. to kill ostensibly to get rid of injustices, Muslim world, jihad speaks of individual dignity and communal power. It is suggested that heterogeneous factors identified as "personal causes" of suicidal terrorism. The various "ideological reasons" assumed to justify it (e.g. liberation from foreign occupation, defense of one's nation or religion), and the "social pressures" brought upon candidates for suicidal terrorism. A bibliography is included.

Studies have shown that the Requirement of Controversy defined in the German Beutelsbach Consensus is repeatedly violated in the practice of teaching Civic Education. However, little is known about the impact that different teaching settings have on the quality of controversy in the classroom. In this article, two scenes of classroom discussions that deal with current topics are analysed and compared by using reconstructive research methods: the "Numbers of the Day" ["Zahlen des Tages"] as a teacher-centred classroom discussion and the "Weekly Newsreel" ["Wochenschau"] as a student-led classroom discussion. We could reconstruct an active prevention of controversy in the "Numbers of the Day". In contrary, the discussion in the "Weekly Newsreel" is developing in a modus of disagreement. By analysing the discussion with the documentary method, we show that this controversy is based on homogeneous (and so noncontroversial) shared orientations among the students. This leads to the result that the foreground of a discussion should be distinguished from its background of milieu-based orientations. This outcome raises new questions regarding controversy in Civic Education classrooms.

Purpose: This article focuses on recent developments in the domain of civic education in the French education system, the new programme on "Enseignement moral et civique" (EMC), and the debate about the relevance of the basic values of the Republic which came up after the terror attacks in January 2015. Method: The study is based on a press review which provides a contrastive choice of exemplary texts from different perspectives (e.g. educational policy documents, scientific and journalistic articles, interviews, statements of teachers and experts) collected between January 2015 and March 2016. Findings: The contribution examines public reflections on the design and implementation of the programme and gives an overview of the aims, content and methods of the new initiative to teach values in schools.

This article notes that while there is a large literature lamenting increasing assaults on academic freedom, there is little literature to address ways in which it might be preserved. Sampling that writing, it finds some concern with protecting academic freedom in extreme scenarios, via discrete programmes, and generalised dissidence, but no discussion of determinate action applicable to all Arts and Humanities research. Defining academic freedom via the UK's legal framework and elaboration in Judith Butler's writing, the article inventorises significant assaults in recent times, noting the roles of government and the market in such. Following the literature review, it proposes a new, interventionist tactic for preserving academic freedom, suggesting that undue constraints should be annotated when research is written up, and that this space should also be used to suggest constructive alternatives. This strategy is demonstrated as the article acknowledges some of the constraints on its own production and suggests redress.

This paper reports on interviews exploring pre-service English as an Additional Language (EAL) teacher attitudes towards the inclusion of controversial issues in EAL classrooms. The paper examines how teachers perceive the role of the teacher in fostering EAL students' democratic understandings, skills, and dispositions, and whether these perceptions lead teachers to consider including controversial topics such as terrorism for discussion in EAL. Pre-service teachers report that they perceive the discussion of controversial topics to be beneficial in both breaking down stereotypes and misrepresentations and in developing students' knowledge and skills as active citizens, in agreement with a body of international research that recommends the discussion of controversial issues as a fundamental democratic practice. However, analysis suggests that despite this positive attitude towards the discussion of controversial topics, many pre-service teachers often defer the decision to include such topics to external authorities over concerns related to negative professional consequences and sensitivity to student well-being.

Government advice in relation to 'countering violent extremism' (CVE) in English schools requires teachers to identify students 'at risk' of radicalisation whilst also encouraging them to facilitate open classroom discussions of controversial issues. Data collected in seven schools illustrate how teachers are responding to this advice and illuminate three tensions within 'controversial issues' pedagogy. First, we discuss the tension between depth and coverage in case studies, which risks treating history as parable. Second, we identify a problem with finding a genuinely open ethical dilemma to discuss, which entails the risk of adopting a hypocritical stance in the classroom. Third, we identify a tendency to perceive school as the antidote to undesirable social attitudes. The teachers' responses highlight the usefulness of framing certain issues as 'controversial' but also illustrate how difficult this can be in practice, especially in the context of CVE, which is perceived by many as a controversial policy.

The paper considers the learning of former abductees in Nigeria who enrolled on the New Foundation School University Preparatory (NFSUP) programme at the American University of Nigeria (AUN). The research question is: Can action learning enable a holistic evaluation of the student learning experiences of former terrorist abductees on a university preparatory programme at the AUN? The methodology employed is based on the praxeology of action learning, combined with grounded theory. Literature relating to abduction, stigmatisation and exclusion are considered along with coverage of the Boko Haram abduction of Chibok school girls in Nigeria. Findings show action learning enables student engagement, promotes confidence, encourages social and emotional learning and provides a forum for feedback from NFSUP students. This paper could also be relevant for preparatory and transformational courses in a wider community that includes refugees, internally displaced persons, child soldiers, teenage victims of trafficking and sexual grooming. Action learning probably enables a more holistic evaluation of student learning than Course Experience Questionnaires. A hybrid of both approaches should be considered by educational institutions as an assessment tool.

Postsecondary institutions in the global north have rapidly internationalized, driven mainly by the proliferation of international students and responses to these changing demographics. This internationalization has captured attention across various platforms, including increased media focus directed toward these students and the primary and ancillary influences of their participation in PSIs and surrounding communities. The project explored in this paper examines this phenomenon by connecting internationalization of higher education research with insights from critical media studies and framing theory to investigate news media representations of international and refugee students' participation in Canadian universities and colleges. A critical thematic analysis was performed on 391 news media texts published between 2000 and 2017. Findings reveal the Canadian news media's tendency to construct issues related to international students and internationalization into one or a combination of four broad macrothemes: (1) Canada as benevolent and ideal; (2) international students and internationalization as commodified assets; (3) international students and internationalization as threats; and (4) the strategic neutrality of data.

On October 1, 2017, the history of Las Vegas, Nevada was forever changed when a mass shooting claimed the lives of 58 innocent people at a concert site on the Vegas Strip. Only three miles away, the University of Nevada Las Vegas and its main branch, Lied Library, became a space where students sought shelter and answers. To understand how this event impacted students' perceptions of safety at UNLV, nine qualitative interviews were conducted asking students to consider the various qualities of a public place that make it feel safe. Students' responses were analyzed to determine similarities and differences of "safe" locations on campus. Although each participant shared unique viewpoints as to where they would seek shelter and why, it was discovered that most students did not alter their actions regarding spatial use after the incident. More research must be conducted to determine if the majority of UNLV students feel similarly about their campus spaces and how the university can improve upon feelings of safety in the academic community.

This article includes three essays to explore how U.S. universities engage in practices that terrorize, threaten, and betray women of color in academia. Drawing from personal narratives to illuminate the psychoanalytical argument, this essay bridges together both storytelling, actual events, and deeper racial psychoanalysis and critical emotion studies to better understand how whiteness operates in academia. The essays are also situated in a particular emotionally tense political and social moment in the United States.

Framed as being in response to terrorist attacks and concerns about religious bias in some English schools, 'British Values' (BV) curriculum policy forms part of the British Government's Counter-Terrorism and Security Act, 2015. This includes a Duty on teachers in England to actively promote British Values to deter students from radicalisation. This paper, first, traces the history of Britishness in the curriculum to reveal a prevalence of nationalistic, colonial values. Next, an ensemble of recent policies and speeches focusing on British Values is analysed, using a psycho-political approach informed by anti-colonial scholarship. Finally, we interrogate two key critiques of the British Values curriculum discourse: the universality of British Values globally, and concerns over the securitisation of education. Findings indicate that the constitution of white British supremacist subjectivities operate through curriculum as a defence mechanism against perceived threats to white privilege, by normalising a racialised state-controlled social order. The focus is on 'British' values, but the analytic framework and findings have wider global significance.

In places where Islamic State (ISIS) took hold in Syria and Iraq between 2014 and 2017, its domination was followed by an elaborate educational system. As such, the terrorist organization's 'state program' is a unique case in recent history. Indeed, not only did it overturn the existing education system in Syria and Iraq, resulting in a hiatus in the schooling of children and teens, the organization went a step further by creating its own alternative educational system in its stronghold regions replacing the Syrian and Iraqi formal system. This topical paper presents a case study whose purpose is to produce a description and interpretations through interviews and official document analysis of the way ISIS established its education system. To understand these unique, unprecedented circumstances, we retrace the steps taken by ISIS to institute its education system. Our results show among other things that ISIS acted as a proto-state and attempted to redefine education through the lens of a sectarian vision of Islam. By this study, we hope to shine light on the unique context in which the curriculum was prepared and implemented.

In this article Nancy Evans, a former faculty member, recalls her experiences during two major crises, a campus shooting and the 9/11 attacks. Through these difficult situations, she learned some strategies for supporting students during crisis. Now in the midst of the COVID-19 pandemic, she shares some of these strategies. Additionally, guidance for student affairs faculty is provided based on insights from Ellen Broido, a professor in Bowling Green State University's Higher Education and Student Affairs program. Evans concludes that the coronavirus pandemic, perhaps, has had, and will have, the greatest impact on students of any event in their lifetimes. When students have had their lives turned upside down, their concerns can be extensive and serious. During an event such as this, students need the support and guidance of their faculty more than ever and they need to be there for them.

Case Willoughby begins by recalling his experience as a Class Dean at Columbia University in New York City about eight miles north of the burning twin towers on September 11, 2001. He reflects that everyone in New York City had this horrible shared experience that made the city of wildly different people into one whole. The entire country was kinder. Columbia moved to support its students with additional counseling, academic support, and leniency on assignments and deadlines as everyone coped. Today, the world is in the middle of a very different crisis--the COVID-19 pandemic--and its impact on the world will be different than 9/11's. In this article, Willoughby shares some observations and reflections on the notion of grace in general, and its role in higher education during the pandemic. In so doing, he describes how his own institution struggled with ending face-to-face classes and moving to remote instruction yet everyone pitched in to figure out how to keep the community safe and how to continue to educate the students. Willoughby notes that to operationalize grace, colleges and universities need to scaffold learning and provide support structures so more students learn, develop, and succeed. He concludes that when COVID-19 becomes last year's problem and many educators return to comfortable routines, they can work to remember that many students are facing obstacles they know nothing about. Higher educators aspire to be agents of social justice and social mobility. Key in meeting these aspirations will be holding on to this sense of community and the extension of grace.

This article explores the positioning of a sample of Arabic complementary language schools in the context of the UK government's discourse and promotion of so-called Fundamental British Values. While there is considerable social and political debate about radicalisation in Arab communities, teachers in the sample are deeply committed to a form of consensual diversity, both in their schools and their communities. They are also supportive of so-called British values, which they frame as universal values. In their promotion of these values as universal, there may be the potential for diasporic disconnect: the schools are striving for integration which may at times result in assimilationist positioning in the context of government pressure. However, their discourse is embedded in the highly charged political context in which Arabic schools operate and in which they position themselves as stakeholders in Arab communities. On the basis of the qualitative evidence reported here some of the government's ways of challenging radicalisation seems unwarranted in relation to Arabic complementary language schools.

The purpose of this investigation was to conduct a scoping review of factors that influence United States veterans' reintegration into higher education. Of the 2,288 articles published between 2009 and 2018, 24 articles met inclusion criteria and were coded into four themes: (a) mental health, (b) academic and career development, (c) support, and (d) identity. Recommendations for research and practice are discussed.

Looking at the current discourse on how to teach disaster, one apparent gap is that the scientific aspect of disaster is discussed and taught mostly in isolation from its human aspect. Disaster educators seem to be primarily interested in addressing issues such as social vulnerability, community resilience, personal action-related knowledge and emotion rather than the scientific basis of disasters, whereas science educators often fail to make connections between the scientific accounts of disasters and the social and political contexts that surround them. In this theoretical paper, I claim that this disconnect is problematic and that overcoming it is a key to understanding and teaching disaster in a more nuanced and comprehensive manner. Drawing primarily on science and technology studies (STS) on disaster, I explore the potential of interpreting disasters as failures of socio-technical systems, which helps us unearth the inner workings of the complex network of science, technology and society in the wake of calamities. STS challenges the dichotomous understanding of the material and social worlds and takes a view that they shape each other to constitute socio-technical systems. Taking such an approach to disaster allows a synthetic understanding of the natural, technological and human-made disasters that we are faced with in the age of uncertainty and complexity. Based on the ideas of STS and examples of recent disasters in East Asian countries, I argue that disaster education and science education can cross-pollinate in tackling the post-disaster hardship and cultivating responsible citizens.

In the modern era migrations are complex, multi-determined and elude vulgar mechanistic models of causality. Migrations unfold in complex ecologies involving broad features of the state -- borders, demography, economy, and society. Furthermore, historical relationships, cultural affinities, political interests, and the environment itself continue to carve the pathways of the great human migrations in the new millennium. In this article, I first introduce the most up-to-date relevant data on global migration and examine the broad features of a conceptual model framing migration in the current era of globalisation. Second, I turn to a new cartography of mass migrations flowing from unchecked climate change, environmental degradation, war, and terror. Finally, I offer a humanitarian reflection on how education must respond to the defining existential crisis of our times.

The reaction time-based concealed information test (RT-CIT) has been used to judge the veracity of an examinees claim to be naïve by using RTs to test for recognition of relevant details. Here, we explore the validity of the RT-CIT to generate new knowledge about the incident--the searching CIT. In a mock terrorism study (n = 60) the RT-CIT not only allowed to link suspects to known crime details, but also allowed to reveal new crime details well above chance. A simulation study confirms the potential of the searching RT-CIT and identifies conditions under which it performs best. We used an archival dataset that met these conditions (high CIT effect, large number of item repetitions), and found better item classification performance than in the mock terrorism study. The searching RT-CIT could be a new, promising investigative tool to reveal new (e.g., crime) details to the investigative party.