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Prompted by an encounter with an archive of microscopic scans produced by my grandfather in 1976, this paper analyses the potential of disintegrative photographic processes, which deliberately set out to interfere with, subvert and sabotage the original images, to make visible the fragmented state of our memory. Interrogating the work of Stephen Gill and Daisuke Yokota in tandem with theories surrounding the nature of memory and its relationship with photography, I suggest that through the acceptance of the photograph's own decay and degradation, photography may more accurately depict the process of recollection than the recollection itself. With particular reference to cultural geographer, Caitlin DeSilvey, who disassociates decomposition from loss, this paper establishes the image's disintegration as generative. It is within such practices, which are open to, and encouraging of, an entanglement with "other than human agencies" and time passing, that photographs depict a reality; the reality of how memories reside in our minds and are brought back into consciousness. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Service Industries Journal is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Objectives The aim of the research was to check whether the organizational climate explains behaviors harmful to the organization. Theoretical justification for the research was provided by the Stressor-Emotion Model by Spector and Fox (2005), in which various stressors lead to the depletion of resources, which in effect favors engaging in unethical work behaviors. Material and Methods The research was conducted with the participation of 230 people aged 19–67 (125 women and 105 men) with at least 1 year of seniority. The following set of techniques was used: the Organizational Climate Questionnaire by Kolb, the Counterproductive Work Behaviors-Checklist by Spector et al., and metrics. Results The obtained results indicate that the higher the employees assess the climate in the company, the rarer counterproductive work behaviors (CWBs) appear in the form of abuse, sabotage, theft and withdrawal, both in the group of women and men. All the dimensions of the organizational climate, such as the level of responsibility, requirements, organization, evaluation of awards, management, and the sense of warmth and support, are important for this relationship. The moderating role of gender in the relationship between organizational climate and CWBs was achieved for sabotage and withdrawal, and the following environmental conditions: organizational climate, responsibility, requirements, and organization. Conclusions These results may be applied in designing a supportive organizational climate to weaken CWBs such as abuse, sabotage, theft and withdrawal. Int J Occup Med Environ Health. 2021;34(4):513–25

The issue of the implementation of repressions against the “Trotskyists”, “Zinovievites”, “Rightists” and other “enemies of the people” living in the Kirghiz SSR in 1937—1938 is examined in the article. Both objective and subjective prerequisites for the punitive activities of the security agencies in the first years of Soviet power are considered. The relevance of the study is due to the interest of scientists and the public in the period of Stalinist repressions, the assessment of these events. The study was carried out on the basis of materials from the archives of the State Committee for National Security. The novelty of the research is due to the fact that these documents are introduced into scientific circulation for the first time. In addition, statistics are provided on some categories of repressed in the republic, which are also published for the first time. A rethinking and political assessment of the events of this difficult period is proposed. The repressive activities against the so-called “enemies of the people” in the political aspect are analyzed, since the special services were an instrument of the ruling party and obeyed. The role and place of the security agencies, the mechanism for implementing repressions and illegal methods of conducting investigations based on archival documents of the State Committee for National Security of the Kyrgyz Republic are shown.

Copyright of Elektronik Industrie is the property of Hüthig GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Applying affective events theory, this study empirically tested the framework of negative workplace gossip and frontline employees' service sabotage. Based on a time-lagged design, this research found that negative workplace gossip exerted a positive effect on frontline hospitality employees' service sabotage by inducing their anger. In addition, narcissism intensified the link between negative workplace gossip and anger, and self-control buffered the relationship between anger and service sabotage. A moderated mediation model was developed and described. This research thus provided significant implications to the academia and practitioners. • We focus on a new destructive behavioral outcome (i.e. service sabotage) of negative workplace gossip. • We contribute by unraveling the anger mechanism of negative workplace gossip. • We make a complex picture of negative workplace gossip by testing the boundary roles of narcissism and self-control. • This study attracts societal attention to the alleviation of negative workplace gossip. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explores the evolving nature of Russian sabotage operations, highlighting the influence of the 'gig economy' in recruitment and attack methods, and the need for intelligence agencies to adapt their responses. Topics include Russian sabotage tactics, intelligence agency collaboration, and the impact of AI on geopolitics and conflict.

Climate activists have recently engaged in widely publicized acts of politically motivated lawbreaking. This article identifies and critically analyzes two seemingly overlapping but in fact diverging approaches among present-day activists. Though their illegal acts (e.g., blockades, occupations, and selective property damage) sometimes appear equivalent, the rival approaches place them in contrasting lights; the resulting differences are normatively and politically consequential. The first and now predominant approach favors nonviolent civil disobedience, understood in conventional terms as civil, conscientious, nonviolent, public lawbreaking. Though this approach exhibits many strengths, its proponents sometimes rely on problematic usages of recent political science scholarship that cannot withstand critical scrutiny. The second approach views nonviolent civil disobedience as insufficiently militant and instead aims primarily to block and disrupt our fossil fuel-driven political economy. Its preferred mode of political illegality is sabotage. Less concerned than the first approach with altering public opinion, it generally writes off the prospect of meaningful political reform. Though both approaches rely on the idea of a "climate emergency" to justify their activities, the second approach provides a vivid warning of its possible dangers. Although the momentous threats posed by global warming are undeniable, the idea of a climate emergency risks opening the door to political avant-gardism and, potentially, authoritarianism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Women were major players in the Resistance to Nazi occupation. Their role was downplayed in the post-war period, but this is changing with more studies being published, led by women historians. This article aims to help reverse the historiographical gender imbalance and add to the small body of literature on non-violent resistance to Nazism. It gives an overview of the many nonviolent ways in which women resisted, before focusing on the activities of several key women. It considers how these fit within the pantheon of non-violent tactics, including symbolic actions, overt non-cooperation and covert tactics. It will then focus on four types of covert tactics in particular, commencing with the gathering and communicating of intelligence. A subsequent article will explore resistance through media; smuggling and hiding people; and sabotage, and examine some of the effects of these tactics in order to determine how successful they were. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We analyze how institutions shape communication incentives in a Romer–Rosenthal agenda-setting model with private information and private values. An agenda-setter faces multiple voters who are privately informed about their ideal points in a one-dimensional policy space. We consider two institutions. In one setting, cheap-talk communication precedes a take-it-or-leave-it agenda-setting game. The second involves sequential agenda setting where the setter can revise the proposal only when the first one fails to gain enough support. The latter institution requires the setter to commit to a policy as a screening technology. The commitment fosters information disclosure from strategic voters and thus results in efficiency gains over straw polls, where the setter is not constrained in how she reacts to revealed information. In addition, we also find voters' sabotage incentive that may discount the informativeness of political communication. Specifically, when a voter preferring the status quo cannot directly block less preferred policies, he could have an incentive to induce an extreme reform proposal and expect it to fail. With numerical examples, we identify the sabotage phenomenon in nonmonotonic equilibrium, where the types of voters that sufficiently prefer and dislike the status quo send one signal, and the intermediate types send another one. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Covid 19 pandemic and then the war in Ukraine affected us all to a greater or lesser extent, but the traces existed and still exist. The Internet has created a huge space of resources, but it has also created the context of new types of damage, theft and fraud. The legislation in force, both in Romania and in the European Union, militates for the creation of a legal context in which adequate and balanced technical and organizational measures are implemented to meet the minimum security requirements of networks and IT systems on the territory of the European Union. The present work wants to draw attention to the need, in the future, of protection against all cyber attacks. The laws in the field of cyber security, both in Romania and in the European Union, are briefly presented. The authors proposes a security architecture and creates a new model of cyber ontology. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of WestEnd is the property of Nomos Verlagsgesellschaft mbH & Co. KG and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Political economy scholarship generally assumes that governments are interested in enforcing economic regulations. Cases of non‐enforcement are predominantly studied in the context of developing countries and are chiefly associated with states' deficient institutional capacity. This article casts doubts on these assumptions by showing how governments in advanced democracies manipulate the regulatory regime and generate selective non‐enforcement of economic regulations to shape markets at their discretion. We argue that regulatory forbearance becomes an attractive form of industrial policy when governments are prevented from intervening discretionally in markets due to legal obstacles, which they cannot overcome; or when the productive structure of the country makes alternative forms of intervention unviable. Drawing on the study of tax non‐enforcement in two most‐different cases of strong and weak state capacity such as Germany and Italy, the article theorizes three techniques through which governments manipulate regulatory regimes: legal and organizational sabotage and shirking. By shedding light on the economic logic of forbearance, the article points at non‐enforcement as an overlooked mode of regulatory governance and suggests the need to inquire further into governments' strategic agency behind regulatory regimes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A common feature of democratic politics is that the opposition may sabotage the implementation of policies put forth by the incumbent party. This paper presents a theoretical analysis of the opposition's optimal use of sabotage and of how the prospect of sabotage conditions the incumbent's agenda. We show that, when a proposed policy enjoys moderate public support, the incumbent will attempt to pass it as early as possible, and the opposition will exert increasing effort to sabotage it as the next election approaches. In contrast, the incumbent delays the passage of highly popular policies until near the end of her term, and these are not subject to sabotage. Finally, the threat of sabotage persuades the incumbent to abandon unpopular proposals. In extensions, we show how our results compare under different electoral institutions, and how legislative obstruction can be used as an alternative or complement to sabotage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The pan-African worldview of Nigeria's political leaders and Abuja's putative hegemonic leadership in Africa had entailed Nigeria operated an idealistic border policy. However, convinced that border closure remained a solution to the perennial insecurity and economic 'sabotage' in Nigeria, President Buhari imposed border closure in 2019. While the government declared the controversial policy a 'success' in the fight against crimes, this paper disagrees with this assertion, contending that the closure failed to achieve its purposes. The study interrogates the factors accountable for this failure. It identifies poor governance of national borders despite closure as a potent factor exacerbating the crisis. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explains the nature and constitutional role of norms and explores ways to respond to the challenges they face, which threaten the viability of democracy. Constitutional norms are informal unwritten rules embedded in the normative practices of officials and political leaders. The effect of departures from constitutional norms depends on the seriousness with which participants take responsibility for their practice. The article distinguishes norm infringers, who depart from norms but do not intentionally challenge them; norm entrepreneurs, who challenge the norm in hopes of reforming or replacing it; and norm saboteurs, who seek to deal a deathblow to the norm or the constitutional system of which it is a part. Responses appropriate to each kind of deviation are considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We document an unusual surge in fraud investigations for family firms with multiple sons who compete for leadership successions. Shareholders negatively react to the news, while such fraud investigations are concentrated in firms run by families with extensive internal conflicts, leading to strong whistle-blowing incentives inside the family (i.e., sabotage). Using the sudden death of a chairman as an exogenous shock that increases conflicts among potential heirs of the family firm, we find sharply increasing fraud investigations after the chair's death. Overall, our results shed new light on the significant spillover from family governance to corporate governance in family-run organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Purpose: Integrating conservation of resources (COR) and complexity theories, this study aims to develop and assess a research model of the relationship between job dissatisfaction and brand sabotage behavior (BSB) based on the moderating mechanism of psychological resources (i.e. brand-based role identity and relational energy). The interdependence between these influencing factors is analyzed from the perspective of social science holism. Design/methodology/approach: A total of 381 valid questionnaires were collected from frontliners serving in full-service restaurants in Guangzhou, China. Regression analysis was used to test the research hypotheses and combined with fuzzy-set qualitative comparative analysis to identify the complex triggering mechanism of BSB. Findings: Job dissatisfaction is positively related to BSB, brand-based role identity internalization and relational energy weaken this effect, whereas brand-based role identity compliance strengthens it. Qualitative comparative analysis shows that a single condition does not constitute a necessary condition for BSB. The interdependence of job dissatisfaction and employee psychological resources forms multiple asymmetric paths that trigger high and low BSB. Practical implications: The findings can be used by catering organizations as guidelines for conducting training for brand internalization, formulating strategies to avoid BSB among employees and strengthening brand building. Originality/value: This study is the first to integrate COR and complexity theories to comprehensively analyze how BSB is formed among dissatisfied employees. The authors advance theory by distinguishing the role of brand psychological resources (i.e. brand-based role identity) and psychological resources obtained from the environment (i.e. relational energy) in stimulating or buffering dissatisfied employees to engage in BSB. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article reveals the reaction of the regional press, and in particular, on the Mordovian regional Committee of the CPSU(b) of the newspaper “Red Mordovia” in the political trials of 1937 in Moscow, and the establishment of Soviet society a climate of suspicion, “hostile environment”, the search for “enemies of the people”, “wreckers”, “spies”, “Trotskyites”, spies of Western and Japanese intelligence agencies.

Mini‐LED products are currently attracting the attention of the consumer market. It can achieve high dynamic contrast ratio through local dimming algorithm. Compared with traditional backlight and OLED, Mini‐LED products have the advantages of low power consumption, high brightness, long life‐time and high reliability. However, due to the LED distribution and disproportional dimension deviation of Mini‐LED light board, edge strip mura and difficult die bonding may sabotage overall display performance and production yield. To solve these problems, this paper proposes LED gradient distribution theory and reference quadrilateral stacking parameters to enhance the competitiveness of Mini‐LED core products. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]