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Questions have abounded as to what Burundi’s motives and interests have been in sending troops and spearheading the intervention in the eastern DRC. With reference to the case of Burundi’s intervention within the framework of the East African Community’s (EAC) response to the growing conflict in the eastern DRC, this article considered a broad range of what Burundi’s motives and interests might be. This included security and stability, both nationally and regionally, regional political dynamics and the position of Burundi within this, and trade and business opportunities. However, this article argues although all of these have explanatory power, some of the complexity and nuance of the intervention is missed if we do not place it within the context of Pan-Africanist considerations, including that of African integration, African self-reliance and agency, and African ownership of and control over its own resources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This lecture challenges the narratives of postcolonial failure to argue that, Africans have accumulated valuable experiences that can lift us out of transgenerational obscurity and provide transformative lessons for the future. Among these are the legacies of Kwame Nkrumah and his vision of the interlinked nature of economic and cultural processes, and his affirmation of women's role in African liberation. The lecture reviews Nkrumah's intellectual legacy to argue that, aspects of this have been taken up in African feminist movements that give an afterlife to a praxis of African liberation. Characterized by transdisciplinary and activist approaches that link theory with practice, African feminism is strongest where it pursues the simultaneous transformation of political, cultural, and economic life. It is an approach exemplified in the digitally-curated, livestreamed Third Kwame Nkrumah Festival, and archived online. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Comparativ: Leipziger Beiträge zur Universalgeschichte und Vergleichenden Gesellschaftsforschung is the property of Leipziger Universitaetsverlag GmbH and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Uhuru Kenyatta, Kenya's fourth president, ascended to power in 2013 amid a barrage of threats from Western diplomats and an acrimonious relationship with the Western world because of the International Criminal Court (ICC) charges he faced. Yet, by the time his first term was coming to an end, his relationship with the West had undergone a dramatic facelift, and he had metamorphosed into one of the continent's foremost leaders. Inspired by this spectacular change of fortune, this paper assesses his legacy. Framed around an "Pan-African—Western lackey" analytical lens informed by Ngugi wa Thiong'o's dialectical representation of Africa's political elite class, it poses the following two broad questions: Can Kenyatta be considered a pan-Africanist, or was he more of a subtle Western lackey? With regard to internal and external affairs, what were his notable achievements? Based on Michel Foucault's "archaeology of power" concept, the paper draws on various relevant sources, including scholarly works, the Constitution of Kenya 2010, the now-defunct Building Bridges Initiative (BBI) Report of 2019, Kenya's Budget Statements (2013–2022), and historical data obtained from Human Rights Watch annual reports (2011–2020); it finds partly that Kenyatta inspired a negative form of pan-Africanism that features impunity, packaged as a quest to safeguard national sovereignty. Also, some decisions his administration made on multilateral trade affairs make him susceptible to accusations of being a subtle Western lackey. Among the hallmark achievements of his tenure, of significance to ordinary citizens, include the use of technology to make public services significantly more accessible and the making of dialysis treatment more accessible and extremely affordable. Whereas his overall legacy continues to unfold given his involvement in peacekeeping efforts in his retirement, the ambivalence that considerably characterises his persona at present makes him difficult to firmly place on either side of the "Pan-African—Western lackey" analytical spectrum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Fiston Mujila's Tram 83 provides a helpful point of departure for this philosophical treatment of pan-African subjectivity. His meditations on music resonate with continental and diasporic accounts of the musicality of African social organization. This in turn provides an opening into a discussion around the tension between conceptions of African identity tied to heritage and continuity on one hand, and considerations of the rupture brought about by the Middle Passage and colonialism on the other. Drawing on African philosophy and Black Studies more broadly, this article argues for a conception of African identity that, while taking seriously heritage and origins, ultimately emerges intersubjectively as a result of the movements and reverberations across the constellation of African worlds. Not only are these pan-African reverberations constitutive, the author argues that they are also key to our survival. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines the discourse of racial difference in the arena of global decolonization, examining the case of the Indonesian territory which is today known as Papua and until 1962 was a Dutch colony. Papuans formed a 'nation‐of‐intent' around the idea of 'race' and racial difference, initially the invention of colonial anthropologists and explorers. Papuan nationalists seized on the colonial power's declaration of racial difference, declaring themselves 'the negroids of the Pacific' and locating themselves within the wave of African decolonization. The paper discusses the way Papuan non‐state diplomats deployed ideas of race to claim a new Pan‐African identity, far from Africa. I draw on Papuan nationalist publications, United Nations and government documents, and oral testimonies to discuss how diplomatic imperatives led to the formation of a Papuan nationalist identity partly within the territory and partly in exile. Finally, I consider how the Papuan diaspora has continued to foster this nation‐of‐intent from exile since Indonesia's annexation of West Papua in the 1960s. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper interrogates the depoliticising effects of a seemingly neutral regulatory drive at the heart of the World Health Organization (WHO)'s promotion of traditional medicine. Emerging at WHO in the late 1960s against a political backdrop of decolonisation and pan-Africanism, traditional medicine has continued to be promoted in subsequent decades, culminating in the latest global Traditional Medicine Strategy (2014 to 2023). Yet WHO's promotion and acceptance of traditional medicine have also become increasingly conditional upon its standardisation and regulation – something that appears fundamentally at odds with traditional medicine's heterogeneity. Drawing on insights from critical law and science and technology studies, we suggest that such a process at WHO has done more than simply disqualify the toxic and the dangerous. Rather, it has implicitly and explicitly marginalised and excluded those aspects of traditional medicine that deviate from scientific, biomedical ways of seeing, knowing and organising. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The African Financial Architecture holds the potential of enabling the countries of the continent to exercise their right to development. From helping to overcome a history of lop-sided dependence to providing a framework and primary resources for African countries to better master their development priorities, the proposed Architecture could become an important game changer in the African regional integration project, and the continent's relationship with the international order. However, to fulfil its promise, and especially in order not to simply become a glorified clone of international financial institutions, it is imperative that the politics of a continental rebirth that underpinned the initial framing and adoption of the Architecture is urgently rediscovered and fully embraced. For, in the end, the quest to build an African Financial Architecture is primarily about reshuffling relations of power between Africa and the contemporary global economic order in order to enhance the prospects of continental socio-economic transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Symposium: Canadian Journal of Continental Philosophy / Revue Canadienne de Philosophie Continentale is the property of Canadian Society for Continental Philosophy and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This brief essay places Rodney in the context of the development of trans-Atlantic African Diaspora consciousness and culture, and the development of non-Western contingent Marxist theories from dependency to his underdevelopment thesis. Rodney's biography and intellectual development are contextualized in their Caribbean, Latin American and Diasporic Black contexts, and in the context of Rodney's engagement with people, pedagogy and political processes in Jamaica, Tanzania, London and Guyana. Specifics of his Cuban sojourns and evolving conceptions of the revolution, his work on a book while there, and his placement within Cuban research and broader Caribbean and Latin American tendencies are examined. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The World Cup is the pinnacle of Nigeria's football participation. While it brings excitement to the country, it is intricately welded to politics at ethnic, national and international levels. What this paper investigatesis Nigeria's relationship with World Cup football- and the intersection of this relationship at three levels of politics. It frames this relationship using theoretical lenses ofnationalism, pan-Africanism and post-coloniality. These frames help us to understand why Nigerians at the World Cup, support not just the Nigerian team but other African teams and teams with players of African heritage. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Missionary Christianity was introduced into Africa by Western and American missionaries whose theological framework shaped Christianity in Africa. Since theology is contextually informed, missionary theological formulations failed to meet Africa’s needs in many respects. In response, the African church began a quest for an African-brewed theology that is culturally sensitive and contextually relevant. For some time now this quest has engaged many African scholars; yet, no scholarly consensus has been reached regarding the nature and methodology for African Christian theology. This article contributes to the ongoing discourse by examining the emergence and development of African Christian theology and afterward, outlining some essential features that must characterize African Christian theology to make it accessible to and acceptable by the African Christian community. It is a literature research based on critical examination of related publications on African Christian theology. The article offers a model for contemporary Christians who are engaged in or desire to undertake theological research for the benefit of Christianity in Africa.

Political thinkers in Africa saw colonial imperialism and racial inequality as related issues that needed a coordinated approach on a continental level. Their philosophical approach aimed to provide freedom fighters with moral, political, and financial support. The study utilized secondary data with a qualitative approach, which enabled data to be derived from various sources, including documentary records. The findings showed that the roots of contemporary African political thought can be traced back to the cultural nationalism, negritude, and pan-Africanism of great African political thinkers like Marcus Garvey, William Du Bois, and others who lived in the 1940s, 1950s, 1960s, and 1970s. The study identified that African political theory offers workable solutions to the continent's many political, economic, social, and cultural issues. It differs depending on historical contexts and the dynamic political environments of Africa and the rest of the globe.It was also discovered that for sixty years now after independence, the democratic journey has remained tortuous because of the reckless pursuits of power by the political class. A way out of this predicament quest for social inclusion, equality, and self-respect. The study recommends the need to address good governance that would position fundamental governance and create an enabling environment for self-participation, collective services, a driving force, and responsiveness to public demands.

In "Making the Revolution Global: Black Radicalism and the British Socialist Movement before Decolonisation," Theo Williams explores the contributions of Black pan-Africanist radicals to the British Left from the 1930s to the 1940s. The book highlights activists and intellectuals such as Kwame Nkrumah, C.L.R. James, Jomo Kenyatta, Amy Ashwood Garvey, and George Padmore, who fought for Black liberation in Africa and the Caribbean and reshaped the British Left. Williams chronologically traces the formation and development of the International African Service Bureau (IASB) and the Pan-African Federation (PAF), emphasizing the communication of strategies through journals and conferences. While the book does not extensively connect these contributions to the current socio-political landscape of Britain, it fills a gap in the documentation of Black radicalism within the British socialist movement and emphasizes the importance of forging alliances across borders and movements today. [Extracted from the article]

When Pan-Africanism is not historicized by reflecting on its beginning towards the mid-twentieth century, its nowness is usually attached to the African continent. In other words, a twenty-first-century understanding of Pan-Africanism remains exclusively tied to the African continent, specifically leaving out Afro-diasporic subjects and even more so Afro-Europeans. In this paper, I provide reasons for this situation, but I also argue that if the current conception of Pan-Africanism can no longer incorporate the fate, role, and conditions of Black diasporic subjects in the West, particularly in Europe, then it is valid to parallelly speak of Afro-European Pan-Africanism: a new connection of black European youth against racial discrimination and for an Afro-European political identity. In the twentieth century, Europe was a center for black intellectuals' collaborations, but these black intellectuals were more of "sojourners" for anti-colonial struggles than advocate for the improvement of the black condition in a European context. I suggest Afro-European Pan-Africanism as marking, in the twenty-first century, new diasporic linkages and movements of black Europeans of African and Afro-Caribbean descent. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The inception of the African Continental Free Trade Area (AfCFTA) in 2018, an event which redefined the institutional dimensions of Africa-European relations, is at the centre of historic normative debates between two dominant contending schools on the imperatives of African unity. While Pan-Africanists advocate for African unity as a strategy to rupture trade relations between the two continents in question, Afro-European integrationists assert that the quest for African unity should not be divorced from deeper exchanges between Africa and Europe. The AfCFTA is embedded in an ensemble of Africa-EU free trade institutions and therefore is bound to be perceived by Pan-Africanists as Africa yielding to European domination and mobilized by Afro-European integrationists as a vindication of the validity of their assertions. With the aid of Bob Jessop's regulation analysis, Radhika Desai's concept of combined development, and my notion of syndic neo-corporatism as well as the method of sequence analysis, this paper makes a case beyond the normative perspectives of the two schools. It does so in order to demonstrate that while Pan-Africanists miss the point that African elites instrumentally value the AfCFTA as a rent extraction scheme, Afro-European integrationists fail to recognize that the AfCFTA fits the strategic quest of the EU to prevail over its global competitors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay probes the project of security (defined as the protection of whiteness, class hierarchy, and heteropatriarchy) in relation to the desire for safety (glossed as "having somebody"). In probing this relation within a context in which police violence and extrajudicial killing are not typically seen as part of the global phenomenon of anti-Black racism, it seeks to contribute to a conversation in which raciality is not tethered to physicality, but instead is grounded in both historical-ideological and onto-epistemological phenomena that produce whiteness as the apex of humanity in the modern West. The essay explores the relation between security and safety through the rubric of diaspora in two senses—first as a phenomenon of Western modernity via plantation-based New World slavery, which catalyzed the development of enduring categories of (non)personhood and their elaboration into hierarchies of humanity; and second as a phenomenon of migration and the constitution of transnational sociocultural spheres. Diaspora, thus, generates forms of pan-Africanism and Black consciousness as much as it produces agendas related to transnational governance and global security infrastructures. The essay argues that to more complexly understand security from the South, these two notions of diaspora must be held in productive tension. In this way, security is revealed as a racializing project grounded in coloniality, even within majority Black spaces. The essay concludes by illuminating other terrains on which to build accountability and safety. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When Africa emerged from the chains of colonialism, there was great hope for post-colonial African leaders to consolidate the spirit of Pan-Africanism and use Africa's vast resources to spur inclusive socioeconomic development. The Organization of African Unity also supported this vision, as did the Lagos Plan of Action and the New Partnership for Africa's Development. Great emphasis was placed on continental integration and African unity. However, post-colonialism, Africa has been engulfed by never conflict, fragmentation of governance, political instability, and unstable relations between African countries, thus defeating the need for unity and collective development. The African Union Agenda 2063 is Africa's blueprint for achieving inclusive and sustainable socioeconomic development. It seeks to ensure, amongst others, peace and economic and political stability. However, there have been questions about whether the AU can achieve this. This doubt has been driven by the plethora of socioeconomic and political problems currently consuming Africa. This paper reviews current literature to examine the practicality of AU agenda 2063. It seeks to understand whether this agenda can be a possibility or just another plan with little if no substance. The following question will guide this paper: to what extent can the AU's agenda 2063 become realizable, considering the current socioeconomic and political challenges engulfing Africa? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The recent clamor by some African leaders for an integrated Africa, anchored on the notion of a quasi-federal government as championed by Kwame Nkrumah and other radical Pan-Africanists in the early 1960s, has revived an issue that many thought had been buried at the 1963 Addis Ababa conference. It has also placed the radical variant of Pan-Africanism on the discursive radar. Against this background, this article adopts descriptive, historical, and analytical methods to retrospectively examine and to provide a prospective prognosis on the place of radical Pan-Africanism in the African integration project. In it, we show that many agential and structural factors have frustrated and continue to frustrate attempts to achieve the supranational African community promoted by radical Pan- Africanists. We argue that these factors cannot be divorced from the nature of post-colonial African states, which offer opportunities to ruling elites that a supranational environment cannot.

Abstract The present work discusses the evolution of the development and international insertion strategies adopted by nations in the African continent since the mid-20th century, period during which they began to achieve formal independence. In this context, supported by a literature review and official documents issued by African international organisations, the aim of this analysis is to understand the meaning and the importance of Agenda 2063 for this issue. Based on this analysis, the article proposes to demonstrate that such an agenda represents the inauguration of a new development and international insertion strategy in the continent, a hybrid one, that reconciles elements of two of the previously adopted approaches: the strategies of contestation and of mutual and shared responsibility.