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The article presents the discussion on bequest of slavery conjoined at the founding with America's vaunted claims to freedom and self-government embracing the language of colorblindness and expansive notions of institutional or systemic racism.

Focussing on the postracial drive to undermine racism through its purported universalization, the paper is aimed at analyzing, from a critical race studies perspective, how the ‘racial eliminativist’ demands, that underlie postracialist projects, paradoxically, crystallize into new forms of racial deniability, which I study through the contemporary expressions of ‘not racism’. Thus the argument is not about the existence of race as a factor determining social and political relations, hence ‘anti-racialism’, but rather about the establishment of definitions of racism that either sideline or deny race both as an historical phenomenon and as experienced by racialised people, on the one hand ; push for a dominant interpretation of racism as a moral one which sutures it to assessments of individual character, on the other hand. Three key facets of this ‘not racism’ will be put under scrutiny : the tendency to oppose race and class ; the alleged ‘unhelpfulness’ of racism; and the so called ‘elitism’ of antiracism.

In this article, I present a framework for diversity as a racial ideology that rearticulates the logic of civil rights. Diversity ideology is, in part, a co-optation of calls for race consciousness that challenged color blindness: it highlights race and other axes of difference to achieve a color-blind ideal of fairness where race will no longer matter. In this way, diversity ideology creates space for minor acknowledgment of structural inequality in the abstract. This is an important difference from color-blind racism, which explains inequality as a function of the past, individual "racist" bad apples, or the failings of people of color. The logic of diversity ideology is based on four tenets (diversity as acceptance, diversity as intent, diversity as commodity, and diversity as liability) that frame an amorphous diversity as the answer to racial inequality, while centering white people's desires and feelings. These conceptualizations of diversity are devoid of power and history, which is how systemic whiteness is reinscribed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Diversity is a ubiquitous concept in Education. Our contemporary racial discourse has been taken over by diversity talk. That is, to talk about race in the colorblind era in the contexts of school admissions or educational policy is to do so through the language of diversity. However, the hegemonic ascendancy of diversity has been dependent on the demise of affirmative action policies. This inverse relationship is not coincidental. Utilizing Critical Race Theory's methodology of constructing counter stories, this paper traces the history of diversity from the Supreme Court. By locating the ontological being of diversity from the perspective of the Supreme Court, the author establishes a historical narrative that shows the backward and bifurcated approach of how affirmative action equals racial discrimination in the colorblind era. As a result of this backward approach, diversity talk is widely accepted while affirmative action policies in education have been effectively defeated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Because the ideology of colorblindness swings between the visual and the verbal, it sharply magnifies the challenges black artists already confront in navigating between the problems of image and the problem of language. I submit that, in the post-Reagan contemporary period, the proliferation and diversification of "black graphics" (works that function to make blackness visible by foregrounding text and/as image) indicate the heightened stakes of black artistry within a social context dominated by colorblindness. By examining how different artists have negotiated this context, we stand to enrich our comprehension of contemporary black culture and the innovative modes of resilience demanded of—and produced by—those who are determined to represent their vision of a world in which black freedom is becoming/possible. This essay takes up two such artists: Hank Willis Thomas and Renee Gladman, each of whom began developing their artistic practice within this period. In Thomas's work, we have the output of an artist who is deeply concerned about the ongoing impact of racial discrimination upon black people—indeed, who creates startling conceptual art of bold visual immediacy, intended to promote awareness and understanding of the absurdity and injustice of racism. At the heart of both the absurdity and injustice, in his view, is the fact that we—all of us—continue to attribute to the construct of "race" a reality it does not have. To what extent is this stance informed by the logic of colorblindness, and what might the implications of that logic be for his art? On a different note, Gladman's abstract, intellectually knotty art can also be understood as the product of a creative practice intended to explode the limitations placed upon black people. That said, one of the challenges her work presents is determining whether, when, and how her racial subjectivity informs art that does not often invoke "blackness" in the ways our society has encouraged us to expect. What do the "colorblind" stand to miss in works that seem to embrace its mandate of eschewing racial markers? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This discussion begins from the speculation that evaluating formulations of life has become one of the leading prerogatives of "novel" turns to matter, materiality, and the posthuman. However, moving with the Other (rather than simply representing them) has proven a difficult task for scholars in education concerned with decolonizing pedagogies by critiquing epistemological and ontological regimes of power disengaged from the interrogation of the metaphysics of race and sex at the center of Western metaphysical foundations of thought. There is an ongoing need for sustained engagement with the assumption of human primacy that runs through the nearly ubiquitous assertions of what Claire Colebrook calls active vitalism, which is characteristic of humanist approaches to education. In other words, the new conceptualizations of posthumanism only rarely challenge the lingering humanist concept of life itself. In this article, Petra Mikulan and Adam Rudder argue that posthumanist and neo‐vitalist materialist approaches to ontology must consider that racism is vitalist in the active sense because it begins with bodies (as bounded organisms always autopoetic and self‐proximate) and that vitalism is racist because it then distributes and discriminates racialized bodies according to their function as parts in a whole. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on precarity of desired "post-racial" America during the most socially tumultuous periods in national history. It mentions critical regionalism and borderlands studies during the Harlem Renaissance and Blacks in Los Angeles, California and borderlands of racial memory. It also mentions how gentrification through the "rebranding" of iconic and historical places like South Central in Los Angeles and preserve their cultural pasts as well as understand their own identities.

I The Struggle Over Black Lives Matter and All Lives Matter i is a localized study of the Black Lives Matter (BLM) movement and the #AllLivesMatter (#ALM) countermovement as played out in Memphis, Tennessee, in 2016. As opposed to such movements, the #ALM countermovement to BLM, in Memphis at least, did not follow the scripts predicted by critical race theory. The fruits of this approach reveal that both the BLM movement and the #ALM countermovement are not as distinct from each other as assumed, and to dismiss #ALM as "racist" oversimplifies history and contemporary needs. [Extracted from the article]

This article presents the racial politics of circulation as a critical concept for elucidating how whiteness, nationhood, and doxa intertwine to reinforce and amplify white supremacy within a context of white nationalist postracialism. As a case study, the authors investigate how two popular slogans associated with Donald Trump drive the production and circulation of digital doxicons called Trumpicons and how such Trumpicons, in turn, feed back into a socio-political loop of white supremacist logics. In studying how Trumpicons become embroiled in such racial politics of circulation, the authors disclose how new media images contribute to an affective economy of whiteness in contemporary American culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Drawing from social science, educational, and legal scholarship, this article examines color-blind and color-conscious ideologies and their impact on dance education. It demonstrates that color-blind racial ideology produces numerous deleterious effects among teachers, students, and the general population, and it illustrates how these adversely influence dance education. The alternative, color-consciousness is then presented. Four approaches are named for developing color-consciousness in dance education: identifying the role of race, naming racist practices, challenging the neutrality of Whiteness, and according full expression to perspectives of people of color. These four approaches are employed in examining dance education's current deficiencies and in developing potential positive directions for its future. By explicating these two ideologies and applying them to dance, this article illuminates the pathways forward for dance education to advance racial discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study addresses the complexity of colorblindness as a phenomenon and explains not only its tenacity, but also potential breaks in its hold on school leadership practice. The authors draw from an interview study of 22 school leaders in a county in the Northeastern USA to examine their perceptions and practices associating with leading schools that enroll students of color. The authors propose a multi-ring model that shows variation among three perspectives: (1) holding to colorblindness, (2) recognition with minimal capacity, and (3) cultivating race-conscious. Perspectives and variation within these three rings are explored, along with consequences for multiple resulting 'lacks' in capacity. Implications are offered for building upon race-conscious practice where it exists, removing barriers to implementation, and expanding capacity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the thriller Get Out (2017), director Jordan Peele depicts the reality of people of color in wealthy, white-dominated spaces in 'post-racial' America after the election of Obama. In a post-racial society, colorblindness is represented in cinema by increasing the number of black films, directors, writers, etc. This essay argues that the logic of colorblind ideology masks the centrality of racism in neoliberalism. Get Out challenges neoliberal racism in its current form of colorblindness through the narrative and casting, but also uses memory to restore African-American history to undermine other neoliberal strategies that obscure the colonial roots and the lingering impact of structural racism, such as individualism, equality, and progressivism. Get Out confronts the collective illusion of the elimination of racism as a social-spatial practice in post-racial America, exemplified by the real horror of Trayvon Martin being killed in the modern equivalent of a sundown town. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although mainstream historiography's postcolonial indifference has been heavily contested, a profound engagement with how race relates to racism in Switzerland seems far-off. As the country's direct democratic system relentlessly allows for race to be mobilized, Swiss racial denial results in an inability to productively name and contest racism. This would be particularly pertinent, as racism has not only been normalized by right-wing popular initiatives but also by a state-sponsored climate in which any attempt of naming racism is deemed excessive or hysterical. This article explores the effects of anti-racialist 'anti-racism' on public debates about racism in Switzerland. It has been argued that, in wake of the UNESCO consensus, anti-racialism has been established as the dominant paradigm of anti-racism across Europe. Through an analysis of Swiss state anti-racism, I will propose that an unexamined commitment to the anti-racialist tradition actively contributes to the difficulty of naming and combating racism in Switzerland. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The US reality television show The Bachelorette is one of the most successful productions in its genre. It only recently featured its first African American lead, a long-expected departure from the show's dominantly white cast. By analysing how the show discusses race, this article sheds light on how reality television sensationalizes racism. Racism in reality television is not, as the production wants to make viewers believe, the result of individual cases of prejudice, but a problem of those responsible in the control room and, arguably, of those tuning in. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an ever-changing, racially-charged society, topics of race and racism are frequently being broached in schools. However, reaching the desired racial change after engagement in these discussions on race and racism requires concerted intention on the part of educators and stakeholders. While there is no specific formula in moving toward more racially just environments in our schools, educational leaders must acknowledge barriers, such as institutionalized racism, neutrality, and colorblindness, which serve as veils of oppression, in order to keep discourse on race and racism from becoming circular in nature [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Working from the premise that theatre and performance can yield valuable insights about the operations of race, this article explores the dramaturgical strategies Lydia R. Diamond deploys in her 2014 comedy, Smart People, to interrogate the complexities of racial politics in the twenty-first century. I trace how, through the intertwined narratives it weaves for its four protagonists, Smart People engages important debates about the rebiologization of race, the psychic costs of stereotyping, and the vexed representational politics of US theatre, thereby bringing into sharp relief the ways in which narratives of racial progress obscure the material ramifications of race in contemporary life. Even as it trades in the signs of progress the United States has made on race matters, Smart People illustrates for its audiences why a proper reckoning with racial formations, ideologies, attitudes, practices, and beliefs remains as urgently needed as ever. In so doing, the play participates in and extends a long tradition within black expressive culture of using theatre and performance to provoke social action and change. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study explores the communicative experiences of Black millennials enrolled at predominantly White academic institutions (PWIs). Researchers examine the ways in which Black millennials respond to postracial discourse and the specific microaggressions that inform their resistance to racist ideologies. Data from 61 interviews reflect four primary themes: (a) postracialism is a myth; (b) racism will always be an issue; (c) racial microaggressions are a daily occurrence; and (d) assumptions of criminality. The study contributes to literature concerned with how people of color experience and understand racial dynamics. Findings suggest that Black millennials at PWIs continue to be subjected to a myriad of racial microaggressions. Continual exposure to racial microaggressions contributes to Black millennials' rejection of postracial discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

On both sides of the Atlantic Ocean the interests, fears, and voices of "ordinary" White people have become a prominent part of mainstream political and educational debate. This article reflects on recent developments, including a critique of so-called colorblindness as a form of racism denial and the argument that White people are merely an ethnic group "like any other" who are denied their rights by political correctness. The author argues that because of their uniquely powerful influence on economic, cultural, and social systems, White groups cannot be treated as just another ethnic group. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In his 1944 article, Prospect of a World Without Racial Conflict, W.E.B. DuBois hypothesized that we would never live in a world without racial division. With this in mind, we highlight how neoliberal ideologies promote policy, actions, and an idea of peace that upholds racial inequality in the United States. We consider how neoliberal tenets, such as free market trust and individual responsibility, reflect and promote misperceptions of racial conflict and impact colorblind perceptions of peace and justice. These perceptions promote definitions of conflict as physical violence versus systemic violence, ignore racial equality as a path to peace in favor of harmonious interaction, and highlight individuals as responsible for racial conflict as opposed to the system. In response, we argue for counter‐definitions of peace that explicitly acknowledge systemic violence and prioritize justice within the racial conflict context. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background/Context: Seeking to avoid litigation or a legal threat, many postsecondary institutions are responding to a legal and policy environment that seeks to end the consideration of race in education policies by adopting race-neutral policies and practices in admissions, even when not explicitly required to do so by law. Yet, such responses may introduce new barriers and challenges for administrators seeking to promote inclusive campus environments and support students of color, not only within admissions but in other areas of campus life after students enroll. Understanding the consequences of these institutional responses is critical for those addressing the potential limitations a race-neutral approach puts on diversity-related policies and practices. Purpose/Objective: In this study, we examine how key players charged with implementing diversity-related policies and practices understand legal developments around affirmative action and the institutional responses to these developments, in particular, how they influence their efforts to support racial and ethnic diversity. To explore the wide-ranging influence of the current race-neutral policy climate, we focus our study on a public flagship university that has opted to employ race-neutral admissions policies and practices as a matter of institutional policy--not by law. Participants: Informed by a bottom-up policy implementation framework, we examine the influence of the legal environment from the perspective of administrators who are tasked with carrying out the institution's mission as it relates to diversity. We particularly target administrators who are engaged in outreach and recruitment efforts and who help support students after they enroll. Research Design: In this qualitative study, we draw from document analysis and semistructured interviews of 13 administrators charged with implementing diversity policy at a public flagship institution to investigate how this legal and policy climate has shaped racial diversity work in areas outside admissions. Findings: Our findings illustrate how a colorblind approach in policy-making takes hold through seemingly innocuous practices and responses that are called race neutral. These practices, which start in admissions, spill over into other areas of university policy, and shift the nature of diversity-work. Conclusions: Findings point to the importance of intentional efforts to implement diversity policy through a race- and racism-conscious lens, develop narratives that counter distorted narratives about racial discrimination, and address legal terms and definitions that do not reflect a realistic understanding of inequality or discrimination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

"Canadian Experience" is a paradox for many immigrants in Canada and contributes to their exclusion from the labour market. Through an analysis of Canadian English print media, from 2006 to 2011, we illustrate how "Canadian Experience" discourse places the responsibility of immigrant labour market integration on immigrants themselves and constructs their experiences of exclusion as non-racial. This is theorized as a "post-racial" strategy that relies on anti-racialism (avoidance of racial references) to deny the existence and effects of racism, thereby allowing the Canadian public to maintain its façade of innocence but perpetuates "racism without racists". The discourse de-historicizes postcolonial racial hierarchy and promotes a de-racialized neo-liberal model for immigrant inclusion. This has implications for anti-racism and settlement service provision. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholarly discussions contesting post-racialism have noted how the false but common belief – that systematic racism has been defeated in Western societies – works to undermine anti-racism's critical potential. Simultaneously, the discussion about the relativization of anti-racism has mainly been located in contexts with strong anti-racist traditions. By exploring anti-racism in the Finnish civil society, the article thematizes thinking around the post-racial modality of racism in a context where racism is often presented as a recent phenomenon. A discourse analysis of non-governmental organization advocacy materials that work to mainstream anti-racism identifies three parallel problem-definitions of racism, illustrating a tendency to understand racism as an individual flaw in a non-racist social reality. This shows that trivializing racism and recentring whiteness happen through classed and aged discourses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In September 2016 a new five-pound note entered circulation. In an online article, I offered a counter-hegemonic reading of Winston Churchill's life in order to critique his depiction on the note. The article sparked a wave of online criticism. Drawing upon comments on the piece I wrote, in this article I show how, in the face of the threat posed by anti-racist counter-narratives, states of white amnesia lead commenters to draw upon alternative explanatory discourses that are consistent with 'post-racial' white supremacy. Particularly, I focus on those comments that pathologise me as the author of the article. These comments construct me as 'a racist', as 'confused' and as 'lacking intelligence'. In each case, this framing allows the commenters to reconcile the cognitive dissonance that counter-hegemonic anti-racist work threatens to produce. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increase in international adoptions of minors (quiet migration) all over Spain has coincided in time with the rise of immigration. The links between these two phenomena give rise to a hybrid line of research focused on the racial experiences shared by both the adopted population and the immigrant population. A comparative analysis of data coming from three public opinion research sources reveals: (a) the presence of "racism without race" within Spanish society, even though phenotypic differences play a determining role in the social construction of race; and (b) a low "racial awareness" amongst interracial adoptive parents, which leads them to reproduce the ideology of "color-blind racism.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the ways that the ostensible humour associated with contemporary blackface incidents in Canada is constituted. It argues that the conditions of possibility for contemporary Canadian blackface humour are an anti-black libidinal economy dependent upon the tropes of biological racism, and a socially embedded, psychic association of the Black body with pleasure that was entrenched through slavery's relations of domination. With the specificities of anti-blackness in view, this article refines Simon Weaver's concept, embodied racism, to emphasize that it is a form of biological racism that has historically targeted Black people, and continues to do so today. Then, building upon these foundations, I argue that contemporary Canadian blackface humour is constituted and intensified by the specific racialized social relations in Canada, such as its postracialist claim to being racially egalitarian, and the ways it mobilizes multiculturalist discourse to make Blackness perpetually foreign and out-of-place in Canada—matters that, in part, characterize the contemporary Canadian colonial project. The article therefore suggests that making clear these ways in which contemporary Canadian blackface is only legible as humour through racialized social relations is a necessary component of challenging suggestions that blackface is harmless, non-racial humour. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The violent, racially motivated events of the Charlottesville rally unleashed demons that many Americans believed were long buried. Old Jim Crow-inspired racism came straight through the front door. Yet critics of colorblind policies were not surprised. For them, such an eruption of racial hatred manifested what they had repeatedly argued: colorblind policies neither alter racial predispositions nor affect the unequal treatment of minorities in the United States. In fact, colorblindness has given rise to a modern, latent type of racism. This Article empirically investigates this claim in an unexplored context--the media's colorblind, crime-related coverage policies. Utilizing a novel dataset spanning ten years of crime coverage under the media's colorblind policy contrasted with national and state-level crime statistics, this longitudinal study complicates the controversy around colorblindness. First, while explicit racial references in crime reports declined, they were replaced by implicit racial cues, primarily by the use of visuals. Second, racial schemas in the criminal context prevailed with unbalanced representations of black and white perpetrators compared to real crime statistics, both at the local and national level. Through these findings, this Article adds a new dimension to the scholarship on the indivisibility between race and crime in an era of colorblindness. It offers the incognizant liberal trap as a conceptual framework to engage with these findings, and an explanation for the failure of liberal news outlets to combat racially distorted narratives. This Article calls for an "affirmative action" in crime coverage to combat institutional inertia and to allow counter-stereotypical racial schemas to take hold. More broadly, this Article sheds light on the potential links between crime reports and persistent inequalities in the criminal justice system. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

SOCIAL JUSTICE AND PRIVILEGE Questions remain in work on community initiatives about troubling exclusions and, at times, for example, the prioritisation of environmental goals over concerns for social justice. Even in the darkest of times, such as the Covid pandemic, the togetherness of community responses means we should remain full of hope that, at whatever scale and wherever they happen, community initiatives can help facilitate on-going socio-ecological transformations to create a more equitable, ecologically sensitive, and just world. COMMUNITY AS INTERDEPENDENT RELATIONS OF HOPEFULNESS Empirical and theoretical research into community initiatives has evolved significantly in the last two decades. The potential of community collective action to respond to the multiple, intersecting, crises we face has long been a space of hope and inspiration. [Extracted from the article]

This contribution uses a comparative racialization framing to revisit Aihwa Ong's notion of ideological blackening as applied to Southeast Asian refugee youth. Examining a case study of a Hmong teen in Wisconsin who received a long adult sentence based on his imputed gangster status, it disrupts generalized attributions to East Asian Americans of femininity and honorary whiteness. It interrogates instead the specific conditions that allow Southeast Asian newcomer young men to be treated as racially unmarked but implicitly "blackened" in the American racial order, and thereby sometimes subject to the state violence, excessive policing, and judicial overreach that have been denounced for Black Americans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Prominent theories of the US racial order contend that phenotypically light Latina/os will elevate to an honorary White category as a result of their socio-economic advantages over darker Latina/os. Accordingly, light Latina/os are presumed to adopt colour-blind racial ideology to cement their elevated racial status. This study is among the first to examine the relationship between skintone and Latina/os’ colour-blind ideology adherence with nationally representative data. I examine these relationships with data from the 2006 Portraits of American Life Study, and test the robustness of findings across two alternative national data sets: the 2014 General Social Survey, and the 2006 Latino National Survey. Across data sets, different measurement approaches, and time periods, this study finds no evidence that skintone shapes Latina/os’ levels of colour-blind ideology adherence. The study concludes by considering why the racial ideology of light Latina/os is non-concordant with their elevated socio-economic status in relation to darker Latina/os. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper examines what white, middle-class parents report saying to their children about racial tension and racial protest when events like Michael Brown's death and the Ferguson protests are the top news stories. The data come from interviews with forty white, middle-class parents in 2014-15. The study results indicate that few parents recalled speaking with their children about racial tension or racial protest even when such discussions were highly visible in the news and on social media. I argue parents' silence stemmed from a desire to create a protected, worry-free childhood combined with an inability to understand how such subjects related to their white life. However, not all parents were silent. Twelve participants reported speaking with their children about these subjects via a neutral or a defensive colour-blind frame. Only two participants drew attention to issues of power and privilege. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This qualitative study assesses how police-perpetrated homicides of African-American males are constructed in the public sphere. Similar studies on the discourse surrounding the topic have focused on newspaper articles as the discourse unit. In this article, I argue that the opinion-editorial (op-ed) pages of newspapers are a space for challenging colorblind frames invoked the discourse about police use of force that dominates in the print media. To demonstrate this point, I conducted an ethnographic content analysis of 168 op-eds from five different U.S. newspapers: Contra Costa Times, New York Times, Pittsburgh Post-Gazette, Salt Lake Tribune, and Washington Post. The op-eds focused on the policeperpetrated homicides of Eric Garner, Michael Brown, and Tamir Rice in 2014. The findings from this study indicate that the op-ed pages provide a unique opportunity for Black voices to be heard, as well as a space for dominant frames about police-perpetrated homicides to be challenged. Paradoxically, the results also impugn the sequestering of Black voices into the openly subjective spaces of print media. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: Race consciousness serves as the foundation for Critical Race Theory (CRT) methodology. Colorblindness minimizes racism as a determinant of outcomes. To achieve the emancipatory intent of CRT and to reduce health care disparities, we must understand: 1) how colorblindness "shows up" when health care professionals aim to promote equity; 2) how their colorblindness informs (and is informed by) clinical practice; and 3) ways to overcome colorblindness through strategies grounded in CRT.Design/setting/participants: We conducted 21 semi-structured interviews with key informants and seven focus groups with personnel employed by a large Minnesota health care system. We coded transcripts inductively and deductively for themes using the constant comparative method. We used a race-conscious approach to examine how respondents' accounts align or diverge from colorblindness.Results: Evading race, respondents considered socioeconomic status, cultural differences, and patients' choices to be the main contributors to health disparities. Few criticized the behavior of coworkers or that of the organization or acknowledged structural racism. Respondents strongly believed that all patients were treated equally by providers and staff, in part due to race-neutral care processes and guidelines. Respondents also used several semantic moves common to colorblindness to refute suggestions of racial inequality.Conclusions: Colorblindness upholds the racial status quo and inhibits efforts to promote health equity. Drawing on CRT to guide them, health care leaders will need to develop strategies to counter personnel's tendency to focus on axes of inequality other than race, to decontextualize patients' health behaviors and choices, and to depend heavily on race-neutral care processes to produce equitable outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author presents a literary criticism of the English novel "White Teeth" by Zadie Smith. She discusses the issue of postracialism in the novel, the attitudes towards the human bodies of immigrants, and the sense of liminality that is evoked.

This article examines how electronic-dance-music (EDM) festival participants construct narratives about dress (clothing, accessories, and other body modifications) to reinforce EDM as a demographically and ideologically white terrain. Through individual and focus-group interviews conducted over the course of 12 festival events, I explore how popular campout EDM festivals in the Midwestern United States use conversations about dress to discuss and defend practices of cultural appropriation, often by drawing from interpretive frames of “color-blind” racial ideology. By doing so, these interviewees distance themselves from race and racism, frequently by claiming a “white innocence” that obscures the ways that larger racial inequalities infiltrate and replicate within the EDM scenes many participants insist are unwaveringly egalitarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A seismic shift in the racial landscape of the United States occurred in 2016. The prevailing discourse about a "postracial America," though always, in the words of Catherine Squires a "mystique," was firmly and finally extinguished with the election of Donald J. Trump. Race, in the form of racial prejudice, erupted in Trump's political rhetoric and in the rhetoric of his supporters. At the same time, the continued significance and consequences of racial division in America were also being asserted for politically progressive ends by the increasingly prominent #blacklivesmatter movement and by the newly opened National Museum of African American History and Culture on the National Mall in Washington, DC, not far from the White House. This article tracks the resurgence of race in the US cultural landscape against the racially depoliticized myth of the "postracial" by focusing first on the HBO television series Westworld, which epitomizes that logic. The museum, which opened its doors against the backdrop of the presidential campaign, lodges a scathing critique of the very notion of the postracial; in fact, it signals the return of race as an urgent topic of national discussion. Part of the work of the museum is to materialize race, to move race and white supremacy to the center of the American national narrative. This article points to the way the museum creates what Jacques Rancière calls "dissensus," and thus becomes a site of possibility for politics. The museum, in its very presence on the Mall, its provocative display strategies, and its narrative that highlights profound contradictions in the very meaning of America, intervenes in what Rancière calls "the distribution of the sensible" and thus creates the conditions for reconfiguring the social order. In part, it achieves this by racializing white visitors, forcing them to feel their own race in uncomfortable ways. The article suggests that this museum, and the broader emerging discourse about race in both film and television, offers new ways to think about the political work of culture. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Teaching sociological perspectives on race and ethnicity is challenging due to the predominance of colorblind ideology in our supposed postracial society. Students enter the classroom hesitant to discuss race or acknowledge ongoing racism. To better educate students and bridge the racial distance between them, we developed small-group, team-facilitated dialogues as a core course component. We explore results of pre- and postsurveys from students in two sections of Sociology of Race and Ethnicity taught by the first author, which featured dialogues, and one similarly structured offering from a different instructor without dialogues. In comparison to the class offering without dialogues, students who completed the dialogues showed greater mastery of core sociological concepts related to race and an increased commitment to supporting and promoting racial and ethnic equality. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

One of Dr. Martin Luther King's most memorable quotes came from his famous “I have a dream” speech, which arguably called for a racially colorblind society. Today, colorblindness represents a complex ideology used in education, businesses, and governments, with both positive and negative implications for intergroup relations. On the one hand, colorblindness is used to promote fairness and equality between groups by asking people to ignore group membership and treat everyone the same. On the other hand, colorblindness serves a system‐justifying function by holding minority groups responsible for their current disadvantages. The present research utilizes a nationally representative sample of majority group New Zealanders (N = 8,728) to examine the implications of colorblindness on support for policies that redress inequalities between the indigenous (Māori) and majority (European) population through resource redistribution and symbolic incorporation into the nation's identity. Additionally, we examine the indirect effect of system‐justifying beliefs on the relationship between colorblindness and policy support. Data revealed that colorblindness predicted opposition toward both resource‐based approaches to redress inequalities and symbolic policies that incorporate indigenous culture into the national identity. Importantly, there was a significant indirect effect of system‐justifying beliefs on both outcomes. Taken together, these findings suggest that colorblindness can be used to undermine support for policies that redress inequalities between majority and minority groups in a post‐colonial society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relying on exhaustive administrative data spanned over four decades, this paper studies the treatment of African American applicants by the Moderately Priced Dwelling Unit (MPDU) program in Montgomery County, MD. We show that this program was equally accessible to African-American applicants, except between 1995 and 2000, when African Americans’ conditional probability of purchasing a home through the program was lowered by 10% compared to that of other applicants, maybe as a temporary response to the sudden surge in African American applicants that occurred at that time, even though we cannot rule out that this may also have reflected changes in applicant behavior. Turning to the outcome of the allocation process, we show that African American MPDU beneficiaries purchase homes located in cheaper neighborhoods and that the spatial allocation of beneficiaries does reflect preference-based sorting patterns observed on the private housing market at the neighborhood level. However, we also show that the program seems to induce some scattering of different ethnic groups at the most local level: when comparing beneficiaries living in the same housing development, but at different addresses, we find that African American beneficiaries have fewer African–American neighbors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper sheds light on a neglected urban process in our heavily racialized and polarized contemporary societies: the slow emergence of an urban post-racial generation through artistic collaboration that is both locally rooted and transnationally connected. On the one hand, race and racism clearly still matter at the social and political levels. But, on the other hand, a part of urban youth transcends ethnic, racial, gender, class and religious boundaries in their daily lives. Used to living together whatever their assigned identity, they challenge, more or less consciously, mainstream racism and ethnicism through an active and intense collaboration in assorted artistic projects in various disciplines (music, dance, theatre, etc.). The paper, based on qualitative empirical data collected in two Belgian cities (Brussels and Liège), will document the existence of this “post-racial” generation and underline the necessity of studying it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]