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This article compares political science to another discipline, with which it has much in common. That discipline is architecture. The political-science-as-architecture analogy has a long history in political thought. It also has important implications for the ends, means, and uses of political science. It follows from the political-science-as-architecture analogy that political science is necessarily a heterogeneous and pluralistic discipline. It also follows that political scientists have a common purpose, which is to conceive of institutional structures that allow humans to live together in societies, just as the purpose of architecture is to conceive of physical structures in which humans can live together. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of internationalisation, when referring to the work of social scientists within academic institutions, takes on different meanings and involves different activities. This contribution aims to shed light on the international activities of political scientists across Europe and to investigate the various meanings and practices of internationalisation. The analysis relies on the PROSEPS survey, involving some 1,800 political scientists across 37 European countries. We identify three distinct profiles of international scholars: the networked researcher, the editorial manager, and the traveller. These profiles differ according to 1) the building of international research networks, 2) the involvement in the activities of the international publishing industry, 3) the research and teaching exchanges with foreign academic institutions. Determinants, such as gender, family status, career stage, availability of institutional and financial support, and geographical location, are considered as potential drivers or inhibitors of internationalisation. Our analysis shows that the internationalisation of academic practices follows contrasting paths according to the type of international profile. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Internationalisation among European political scientists is not uniform and while research emphasises variations between Western and Eastern Europe, we known less about the contrasting patterns of internationalisation among countries in Central and Eastern Europe. This contribution aims to identify if there are different patterns of internationalisation among groups of countries in the East and what factors influence diverging or converging trajectories. We look at how historical institutionalisation of the discipline, European Union membership, and levels of national funding impact internationalisation in four groups of countries, for three different profiles of international scholars. Relying on data from the 2018 ProSEPS survey among European political scientists, we find that historical legacies have a significant negative impact on levels of internationalisation for all profiles of international scholars. On the other hand, higher access to national funding and EU resources has a positive impact on internationalisation, but not as significant. We conclude that legacies matter and that Europeanisation and access to resources leads to a slow convergence in internationalisation of political scientists form Eastern and Western Europe. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Classical leadership models have insistently reinforced the notion of leader-centric rule. Business models focus on strong leadership, definitive decision-making and charismatic figures. Authoritarian leadership is the foundation upon which other models are based. However, the adoption of Charismatic Leadership and Great Man theory puts into relief the tendency within democratic rule towards fascist and populist ideology. Many leading philosophers and political scientists lend support to authoritarian rule. This tendency is not always apparent in democratic theory, indeed it is counter-intuitive, but from a critical perspective, we are forced to ask whether there is not something within democracy which invites authoritarianism and harbours the seed of fascism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The research deals with an Iraqi national figure who played a key role in mobilizing political events in Iraq prior to and during the 20th National Liberal Revolution. Iraq and the handover of governance to the Iraqis. This character is represented by the top reference Sheikh Sheikh Taqi al-Ha'iri Shirazi.The research reached several conclusions, the most important of which are: Sheikh Mohammed grew up in the martyrs in a family interested in science and knowledge, and his character was characterized by many qualities, and good manners, and subdued, and asceticism in the martyrs, and renounced the discrimination between the sons of one nation, and his courage and feet against the British occupation .From (1919-1920). The leadership role of Sheikh Mohammad Taqi al-Shirazi was characterized by two first periods, starting from his leadership of the religious authority in May 1919 and continued until March 1920. It was characterized by strengthening the role of the religious authority in opposing British projects and solving some of the problems faced by the national movement and taking a peaceful approach in dealing with the administration. The British continued to obtain the rights of the Iraqi people, and stressed the need to maintain peace and security, and not to shed blood, and continued the second period until his death on (August 17, 1920),where he took a firm position represented by authorizing the use of armed force to achieve the Iraqi national goals Declaration of the revolution against the British occupation. Sheikh Shirazi succeeded in winning over the majority of the Iraqi people. In addition to being a scholar and a brilliant political scientist, Sheikh Shirazi was able to exert great pressure on the British inside and outside Iraq, and he was able to incite the Iranians against British policy in the interest of Iraq and its independence. The aspirations of the Iraqi people for liberation and independence. Another role of the religious authority in the revolution of the twentieth is to mobilize, direct and put forward slogans and goals that reflect the national and Islamic content of the revolution, and work to spread the spirit of enthusiasm through speeches delivered in mosques and Husaynat or through the issuance and distribution of publications in various regions of Iraq. The jihadist fatwa of Sheikh Shirazi had a great impact in saving Iraq from the British occupation and made it march on the path of independence. In one of the sons of Sharif Hussein, the throne of Iraq. Al-Shirazi refused to distinguish between the components of Iraq and its various sects, and treated everyone equally after them citizens who have the right to live well in their country, and defends and conquers all Muslims who are subjected to injustice in various countries, whether in Iraq or abroad. His directives were highly commended for praising Arab nationalism and the pursuit of Arab and Islamic unity.This was evidenced by the goals and slogans raised by the National Islamic Society, which followed Sheikh Shirazi and implemented his directives and orders, as well as his letters and books he sent to Sharif Hussein and his children in the Hejaz. His death was a critical moment in the contemporary history of Iraq. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists frequently interpret the results of conjoint experiments as reflective of majority preferences. In this article, we show that the target estimand of conjoint experiments, the average marginal component effect (AMCE), is not well defined in these terms. Even with individually rational experimental subjects, the AMCE can indicate the opposite of the true preference of the majority. To show this, we characterize the preference aggregation rule implied by the AMCE and demonstrate its several undesirable properties. With this result, we provide a method for placing bounds on the proportion of experimental subjects who prefer a given candidate feature. We describe conditions under which the AMCE corresponds in sign with the majority preference. Finally, we offer a structural interpretation of the AMCE and highlight that the problem we describe persists even when a model of voting is imposed. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

B 93rd Annual Southern Political Science Association Conference b I January 11-14, 2023 i I St. Pete Beach, Florida, USA i The Southern Political Science Association is pleased to invite political scientists from across the United States and around the world to participate in its 2023 Annual Meeting. The conference brings together scholars, researchers, and decision makers in the political science community to exchange information and address the latest scholarship in political science. B 10th Annual International Conference on Humanities and Arts in a Global World b I January 3-6 i I Athens, Greece i The Athens Institute for Education and Research (ATINER) invites participants to its 10 SP th sp Annual International Conference on Humanities and Arts in a Global World. [Extracted from the article]

Democratic cooperation is a particularly complex type of arrangement that requires attendant institutions to ensure that the problems inherent in collective action do not subvert the public good. It is perhaps due to this complexity that historians, political scientists, and others generally associate the birth of democracy with the emergence of so-called states and center it geographically in the "West," where it then diffused to the rest of theworld. We argue that the archaeological record of the American Southeast provides a case to examine the emergence of democratic institutions and to highlight the distinctive ways in which such long-lived institutions were--and continue to be--expressed by Native Americans. Our research at the Cold Springs site in northern Georgia, USA, provides important insight into the earliest documented council houses in the American Southeast. We present new radiocarbon dating of these structures along with dates for the associated early platform mounds that place their use as early as cal AD 500. This new dating makes the institution of theMuskogean council, whose active participants have always included bothmen and women, at least 1,500 years old, and therefore one of the most enduring and inclusive democratic institutions in world history. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

As co-editors, we have used the Editors' Note to pause and reflect on contemporary politics. We are delighted to continue the "Classics Revisited" series with a collection of essays on Francis Fukuyama's I The End of History and the Last Man i (1992), arguably the most influential book about politics published in the last half-century. We are witnesses to the renewal of politics on the Left and the Right, as well as the rapid rise of authoritarian parties and politicians in some of the most "advanced" (to employ Fukuyama's evolutionary terminology) countries in the world. [Extracted from the article]

Mary Stegmaier & Charles Tien: B You have written extensively about voters, elections, and the economy in countries far and wide. I PS: Political Science and Politics i 43 (2010): 69-76. 19 Natalie Jackson, Charles Tien, and Michael S. Lewis-Beck, "Pollster problems in the 2016 US presidential election: vote intention, vote prediction", I Italian Journal of Electoral Studies i 83 (2020): 17-28. 20 Michael S. Lewis-Beck and Charles Tien, "Voters as forecasters: a micromodel of election prediction", I International Journal of Forecasting i 15 (1999): 175-184. Professor Lewis-Beck has authored or co-authored over 315 articles and books, including I Economics and Elections, The American Voter Revisited, French Presidential Elections i , I Forecasting Elections i , I The Austrian Voter, Latin American Elections: Choice and Change, The Danish Voter i , and I Applied Regression i . [Extracted from the article]

A growing number of political and policy scientists have utilized institutional theory to explain how the purposeful actions of agents shape and are shaped by structural, institutional, and agential factors. Most current studies, however, have conflated and/or combined the fundamental concepts of structure, institution, and actor, overlooking how their interactions shape policy and institutional outcomes. Furthermore, such research lacks an approach that allows a more comprehensive means to integrate the various dimensions of such interactions. By studying these distinct but interdependent causal factors through an integrative approach, we provide a richer, more comprehensive understanding of contingent conditions, agency, and outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

December is typically a month of fevered agitation in Nigeria. Their answer is that although many factors contributed to the People's Democratic Party's (PDP) downfall, not least the well-documented shortcomings of President Goodluck Jonathan, the chief reason why Buhari prevailed was the PDP's failure to "manage a stable elite consensus".[56] Their otherwise optimistic analysis ends with a caveat, one that should have been heeded by those now dispirited by the Buhari presidency. The statement later released by his aides titled: 'It's the real me, President Buhari responds to cloning allegation' merely added a touch of farce to a bizarre episode.[3] As I argue in one of the articles in this virtual collection, macabre humour (whether intended or unintended), such as the foregoing encounter involving President Buhari and his implacable troll, is never just comic, but always sociologically telling.[4] As a constant in the moral economy between state and civil society, humour metaphorizes power's often perverse ways and is always evocative of resources and capacities never fully captured within formal sites of engagement. Nevertheless, to single out Buhari, or any occupant of the country's highest office for that matter, is to misjudge both the cultural character of civil society and the structural forces impinging on governance in the country. [Extracted from the article]

However, the close-knit cooperation in the 16th and 17th centuries between commoners and priests employed as local state officials and the systematized and state-regulated use of petitions to legitimize rule also stand out as Scandinavian traits. We learn from I Bringing the People Back In i that state and society need not be enemies since, in Scandinavia, state officials often communicated or even encouraged and supported the popular petitions. How did state and society co-evolve historically in the Western world, and how did patterns of state-society interactions shape the development of liberal democracy and the state's propensity to deliver desired public goods?. [Extracted from the article]

Party alliances, government alternatives and democracy in Europe: by Fernando Casal Bertoa and Zsolt Enyedi, Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2021, £75.00 (hardback), 320pp., ISBN 9780198823605 Party Alliances, Government Alternatives and Democracy in Europe i by Fernando Casal Bertoa and Zsolt Enyedi. With this Casal Bertoa and Enyedi make a great step forward in our understanding of the significance of the party system as a system and not merely as a collection of individual parties. [Extracted from the article]

Paul was well ahead of his time in explaining the dynamics of nationality formation as a result of elite choices and explaining this phenomenon in a comparative, India and global context. Paul R. Brass, the doyen of Indian political science in the USA for almost five decades, died at his home in Acme, WA, on 31 May 2022, at the age of 85, with his wife Susan by his side. From the mid-1960s, while he was working on Uttar Pradesh, Paul took a keen interest in developments in the Punjab, and conducted extensive interviews with key participants involved in the Punjabi Suba movement. [Extracted from the article]

Even in the decades before it became possible to access archives in mainland China, there have always been a few historians who seamlessly moved between the late Qing, the Republican era, and the People's Republic of China (PRC). However, when it comes to dealing with the Mao era and Maoism in general, Fuller's interpretative pattern, rather than revealing collective erasures, ends up obscuring historical and political complexities. Pierre Fuller's I Modern Erasures i is one of the better examples of historical investigations that span China's long revolutionary trajectory, from the May Fourth era to the Cultural Revolution. [Extracted from the article]

In chapter 2, Cowan shows how state agents turned away from Catholics and toward conservative evangelical Protestants. In Rome, Sigaud, Mayer, and Oliveira worked behind the scenes with figures like Archbishop Marcel Fefebvre to mobilize church fathers against progressive reforms (20-26). In 1960, Sigaud and his longtime allies, Bishop Antônio de Castro Mayer and lay activist Plínio Corrêa de Oliveira, coauthored I Reforma agrária: Questão de consciência i (Agrarian reform: a question of conscience), "an anticommunist battle cry for Catholic renewal and against wealth redistribution" (18). [Extracted from the article]

Google Scholar Crossref Search ADS Google Preview WorldCat COPAC 8 Williams Robert F. 2009. The U.S. Constitution is highly venerated by citizens of the U.S. Scholars from multiple academic fields have spent countless hours studying its origins as well as its impact on the well-being of citizens and the governing of the U.S. Bluntly, we know quite a bit about the history, evolution, and impact of the U.S. Constitution. [Extracted from the article]

Reviel Netz offers a radically contingent counterfactual history in which the absence of Archimedes would have prevented early modern Europe's scientific revolution and perhaps the nineteenth-century industrial revolution too. I argue that we need to be more explicit about methods in counterfactual arguments. Techniques developed by economic historians and political scientists seem to point toward a more constrained range of possibilities, and also favor assigning more importance to external material forces. Absent Archimedes, I suggest, we would live in a different world from this one, but not very different. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Putnam focuses on "social capital", whereas Kristol worries about "the depletion of moral capital."[23] In I The Upswing i , Putnam and Garrett write about "moral awakening." Also, while both Putnam and Garrett and Kristol praise early-twentieth-century progressivism, the former saw it more as a liberal movement, whereas the latter saw it as a conservative-leaning movement. Sometimes progressivism embraces communitarianism, just as Putnam and Garrett claim. This seems likely, as Putnam mentioned both Hoover and Dewey in a relatively positive tone: in Putnam's depiction, Hoover "had Progressive roots and was a firm communitarian" (p. 173), Dewey was "a leading communitarian Progressive and educational reformer" (p. 168). [Extracted from the article]

This article analyses Brazil's 1975 vote in favour of United Nations General Assembly Resolution 3379, which equated Zionism with racism and racial discrimination. Historians and political scientists have investigated extensively the causes for this vote. However, all these analyses focus on Brazil's relations with other state actors whilst ignoring the possibility that domestic factors, including Brazilian leaders' attitudes towards Zionism, influenced the decision to support the anti-Zionist resolution. Drawing on archival materials from Brazil and Israel, the article introduces domestic and normative factors into the analysis of this controversial vote. It argues that Brazil's desire to secure oil imports and financial investments from Arab countries, combined with its repudiation of diasporic allegiances, best explain its support for the resolution. Whilst the Brazilian dictatorship's delegitimisation of diasporic loyalties was not the primary reason for the decision, it constituted an important element in the normative framework that enabled it. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political scientists are accustomed to imagining electoral politics in geographical terms. For instance, there is a "red America" that largely covers the country's expansive heartland and there is a "blue America" mostly confined to the coasts. Until recently, however, public opinion scholars had largely lost sight of the fact that the places where people live, and people's identification with those places, shape public opinion and political behavior. This paper develops and validates a flexible psychometric scale measure of a key political psychological dimension of place: place resentment. Place resentment is hostility toward place-based outgroups perceived as enjoying undeserved benefits beyond those enjoyed by one's place-based ingroup. Regression results indicate that males, ruralites, younger Americans, those high in place identity, and those high in racial resentment are more likely to harbor higher levels of place resentment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Abstract: Sleep research presents an important frontier of discovery for political science. While sleep has largely been neglected by political scientists, human psychology is inextricably linked with sleep and so political cognition must be as well. Existing work shows that sleep is linked to political participation and ideology, and that contentious politics can disrupt sleep. I propose three directions for future research—on participatory democracy, on ideology, and on how context shapes sleep-politics links. I also note that sleep research intersects with the study of political institutions, of war and conflict, of elite decision-making, and of normative theory. In short, political scientists across subfields can and should consider whether and how sleep influences political life in their area of expertise and how to influence relevant policies. This new research agenda will enrich our theories of politics and enable us to identify pressing areas for policy interventions to revitalize our democracy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nationalism is known as the product of the continuation of the Enlightenment in Western Europe. Although this ideology has an established place in studies on political science and has been a subject studied by political scientists, discussing whether the founding fathers of sociology had deliberated or not on this would be interesting. Max Weber seems to have developed an interest in the concept of nationalism after getting his professorship in economics. Once nationalism became a mainstream phenomenon among the world communities at the end of 20th century, Weber's approach evoked interest among social scientists. This paper pays attention to Weber's discussion of this notion in the context of German nationalism mostly based on the socio-political changes he witnessed. The basic question is what was Weber's idea about nationalism and its place in his sociological and economic views? This paper tries to answer this question by comparatively going through sources. This preliminary work intends to review the ideas of Weber's nationalism by engaging in the existing literature which is believed to be meaningful. This article limitedly addresses the reconstruction of Weber's concept of nationality based on the availability of relevant data by revealing the academic discussion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper describes a participatory approach to realize journalistic ethics and values in platform news distribution systems. Using methods from participatory governance and design thinking, three panels of journalists and platform news representatives in 2020 tried to find consensus around value definitions that could inform the ranking and recommendation of news articles. Examining how they negotiated the areas of local, opinion, and science/health journalism, we discover possibilities and limitations for journalists to inform the design of these systems. More broadly, the effort to prioritize news content according to journalistic values belongs to a larger question regarding the role of expertise within democratic societies. The establishment of technical definitions in collaboration with others can be understood as a softer form of algorithmic governance. This governance may allow for some democratizing potential in online systems, here within a "minipublic" model defined by political scientist Archon Fung. Yet the implementation of these definitions remains within the decision-making power of technology companies that do not identify as news publishers. The exploration into platform news distribution is an opportunity to reflect on the challenges of governance, both algorithmic and democratic. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political parties are important componenets of democracies. Political parties which emerged in their current function with the rise of representative democracies and widened voting right, have roles in different ways in accordance with the structures and conditions of countries. Political scientists examine political party systems of countries in different contexts. The first party system of Turkish Republic is pragmatist single party system. Later, multi party system is attemped with Progressive Republician party but it results in failure. Progresive Republican Party is the very first corporate opposition party in the history of Turkish Republic. Despite the fact that it had a short life time period, it was effective with the number of commanders who are part of national struggle. Besides, due to the fact that it had emerged aftermath of newly established state and new regime, it is significant in terms of democracy and corporate tradition in Turkish political life. Progressive Republican Party had been banned shortly after it's establisment because of it's existing and potential hindrance effect by the goverment who were aiming to modernize society by doing rapid and effective social reforms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The passing of Robert Jervis in December 2021 has prompted a flood of personal recollections about our fellow editorial board member, describing how he created and refined theory, boosted careers, inspired students, and encouraged his colleagues. As the leading political scientist of his day, Robert Jervis will be remembered mostly for his contributions to political psychology, international relations theory, and nuclear strategy. Nevertheless, throughout his career, he always returned to his avocation – intelligence studies. Here is a brief summary of his contributions to the study and conduct of intelligence. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines the writings on loyalty and betrayal of sociologist Erving Goffman and political scientist Morton Grodzins. Both thinkers made unique contributions to the understanding of those topics while simultaneously offering critical appraisals of early Cold War America. Examining these writings in historical and intellectual context, and reading them against each other, reveals important elements of this work that are worthy of a fresh appreciation. Within this analysis, the article reflects on social criticism during treacherous times, from open resistance to subtle intellectual legerdemain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the consolidation of democracy and the inception of reforms thereof in Ghana, one raging subject matter that has over time come under intense scrutiny, and persistently, altogether eminently preoccupied the attention of political scientists, pollsters, marketers and strategists in particular, has been one bordering on voter's behavior. Understanding voter's behavior is crucially indispensable to reshaping the democratic process and devising political strategies. In spite of this, there is however a paucity of research focus targeted at unraveling the distinct behavior patterns and underpinnings relative to voters' choices. Against this backdrop, the main idea of this research is to explore the antecedents of voters' choice. The theory of consumer behavior has been used as the theoretical framework. Using the survey approach, data was elicited from card bearing registered voters and analyzed with the aid of the structural equation modeling technique. Results of data (n = 363) analysis revealed a confluence of voters' choice antecedents anchored on; quality, trust, attractiveness, expertise and image. Based on the results, study implications are discussed, and suggestions for future research are subsequently delineated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How should political scientists navigate the ethical and methodological quandaries associated with analyzing leaked classified documents and other nonconsensually acquired sources? Massive unauthorized disclosures may excite qualitative scholars with policy revelations and quantitative researchers with big-data suitability, but they are fraught with dilemmas that the discipline has yet to resolve. This paper critiques underspecified research designs and opaque references in the proliferation of scholarship with leaked materials, as well as incomplete and inconsistent guidance from leading journals. It identifies provenance as the primary concept for improved standards and reviews other disciplines' approaches to this problem. It elaborates eight normative and evidentiary criteria for scholars by which to assess source legitimacy and four recommendations for balancing their trade-offs. Fundamentally, it contends that scholars need deeper reflection on source provenance and its consequences, more humility about whether to access new materials and what inferences to draw, and more transparency in citation and research strategies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

According to this perspective populism can be a form of mobilization, a type of political regime, a communicative style, a I forma mentis i or a thin-centered ideology (Zulianello 2017). Many researchers are questioning whether new populism, as a phenomenon has specificities with respect to historical populism. There is an ongoing debate on the reasons that favored the emergence of the new populism, and probably the causes are multiple and involve different plans: from the structure of the political offer to the economic-social dimensions. Although, according to Mudde and Cristóbal Rovira (2017), whatever the variant, the new populism is a diverse set of ideas with three common characteristics: anti-establishment, authoritarianism, and nativism. [Extracted from the article]

The Marquis de Condorcet, a French philosopher, mathematician, and political scientist, studied mathematical aspects of voting in the eighteenth century. Condorcet was interested in studying voting rules as procedures for aggregating noisy signals and in the paradoxical nature of ranking three or more alternatives. We survey some of the main mathematical models, tools, and results in a theory that studies probabilistic aspects of social choice. Our journey will take us through major results in mathematical economics from the second half of the twentieth century, through the theory of Boolean functions and their influences and through recent results in Gaussian geometry and functional inequalities. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political opposition to European integration has inevitably increased in the last fifteen years as the European Union has faced various political, economic and societal challenges in this period. This phenomenon of opposition has often been expressed by academics, journalists as well as practitioners and all discourses and practices associated with this phenomenon have generally been labelled with the term Euroscepticism. This article will make a new theoretical attempt in the light of the academic works in the Euroscepticism literature, and proposes a different perspective to the future studies on the phenomenon of Euroscepticism, especially concerning political parties. It will choose political scientist Peter Mair's (2007) emphasis on the phenomenon of "polity" while explaining the rising opposition towards European integration as a starting point. Then, it will put forward a new Euroscepticism typology which differs from the former typologies suggested in the literature of Euroscepticism and theoretically discuss the relationship between Euroscepticism and pro-Europeanism. In this way, it will propose a solution to resolve the confusion between these two phenomena. The article will conclude that the positions of political parties towards the EU can be defined in three different categories: "political Euroscepticism", "polity Euroscepticism" and "non-sceptical pro-Euroscepticism.". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Americans are increasingly polarized by a variety of metrics. The dimensions, extent, causes, and consequences of that polarization have been the subject of much debate. Yet despite the centrality of religion to early discussions, the analytical focus on America's divides has largely shifted toward partisan identity, political ideology, race, and class interests. I show that religion remains powerfully implicated in all dimensions of American polarization, and sociologists must once again make religion more central to their analyses. After outlining research on American polarization, focusing on the role of religion, I survey findings within the burgeoning literatures on cultural transformation processes, (White) Christian nationalism, complex religion, and Americans' attitudes toward science in order to underscore the centrality of ethno-religious identities, religious demography, and religious institutions for both shaping and exacerbating various forms of polarization. Lastly, I propose an agenda for elucidating religion's ongoing role in understanding polarization beyond public opinion research at the macro-, meso-, and micro-levels. Though polarization research has been dominated by political scientists, leveraging religion in our analyses—not merely as a sui generis variable, but as a site of complex social behavior—facilitates novel sociological contributions to these literatures via our relative attention to multiple levels of analysis, theoretical eclecticism, and methodological fluidity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This issue also features four research articles, which address important topics in American political behavior, black political thought, feminist theory, queer politics, and social movements. The cover of our July issue features an image of Brazil's President Jair Bolsonaro, his eyes masked by the numbers that he simply refused to see. We are thrilled to include a "Classics Revisited" symposium on Wendy Brown's I States of Injury i in this issue. [Extracted from the article]