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After a virtual absence from South African writing under apartheid, there has been an explosion of crime fiction in post-apartheid South Africa, largely within the various thriller sub-genres. This article examines Deon Meyer'sHeart of the hunter(2003). Drawing on distinctions between the traditional detective story and the thriller, I argue that Meyer uses the ambiguity and radical perspective of the latter genre to challenge the binary oppositions of black and white, and good and bad that dominated thinking and culture in apartheid South Africa. In doing so he adapts the form to the post-apartheid context, revealing how the thriller can be used as a vehicle for postcolonial investigation and suggesting why it has become the genre of choice in a democratic South Africa. The novel presents multiple, and often conflicting, representations of the main protagonist, Thobela Mpayipheli, a former Umkhonto we Sizwe soldier and assassin for the KGB. By linking these activities to a longer history of resistance to colonial domination, through Nelson Mandela and historical Xhosa figures, Meyer invites readers to question the true source of “crime” in the apartheid and post-apartheid contexts of South Africa. By ultimately refusing a simple inversion of good and bad, however, he mobilizes a textual web of re-reading and re-interpretation that, I argue, should be read as a postcolonial and political strategy, appropriate for a country in a state of transformation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A translation ot Jacques Derrida's "Admiration de Nelson Mandela, ou Les lois de la réflexion," first published in Pour Nelson Mandela (Paris: Gallimard, 1986), a collection of essays, fiction, and poetry conceived of and edited by Derrida and Mustapha Tlili, and later in Psyche: Inventions de l'autre, II (Paris: Galilée, 1987-2003), is given. In part a tribute to the iconic leader of the struggle against apartheid, "Admiration of Nelson Mandela" also presents a sustained analysis of Nelson Mandela's thought and practice through close readings of his speeches and writings, notably the statements that Mandela delivered in his own defense during his trial of 1962 and the Rivonia trial of 1963-64. In addition, "Admiration of Nelson Mandela" represents a significant articulation within the series of reflections that Derrida devoted throughout his career to questions of law and justice, ethics and politics, and democracy. The present translation includes a translator's introduction which situates the essay within this broader constellation of writings and elaborates a number of the problems and concepts central to Derrida's approach to legal theory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article concentrates on the life and times of Molly Fischer, wife of the renowned Communist and struggle-activist Bram Fischer. Molly and Bram’s life was not only woven together by their love for each other, but also by their love of Socialism and Communism coupled with their sincere endeavours to uplift the black community. She was as fervent a Communist and activist as Bram and in these circles was applauded for the unselfish manner in which she took up the cudgels for the oppressed people in the country. Molly is probably one of the few white women in the struggle-history of South Africa who had an Afrikaans background and who made a notable contribution to this cause. Her contribution remained rather obscured to the general public when compared with that of her famous husband. Therefore, the purpose of this article is to emphasise how she played her part as a struggle-activist and how she, as her husband’s soul mate, supported him throughout his public and political life and, in the interests of their cause, never backed away from the mistrust which they were obliged to endure from their Afrikaner compatriots. Also her role as mother, and for that matter homemaker, is taken into consideration. A great deal of Molly’s everyday life centred on their son’s welfare who suffered from cystic fibrosis.

The book Slovo: The Unfinished Autobiography begins with an introduction by Slovo's second wife, Helena Dolny, in which she explains the context in which Slovo wrote his memoirs, and why it was left incomplete. The book is divided into two main parts. Part One entitled Autobiography was written by Slovo. He started his autobiography with a chapter on his return to Obel in December 1981, a small town in Lithuania where he was born. His parents migrated when he was two years old and settled in Argentina before moving to South Africa where they settled permanently. He narrated the different opportunities that were available to him during his years in exile to visit Obel and the reasons why he was unable to visit the place of his early childhood before December 1981.

This short paper synthetizes Nelson Mandela's biography on the occasion of his 90th birthday. It retraces his formative years, his entry into politics and activism, his imprisonment by the apartheid regime, his triumphant liberation and his election as the first democratically elected president of South Africa. It shows how Mandela has been able to draw on various political traditions and Weberian types of domination. He embodied the anti-apartheid struggle, and has become a global icon.

The distinguished South African photographer George Hallett speaks about his childhood, schooling, career in photography, exile in Europe and return to South Africa. Born in District Six and raised in Hout Bay, Hallett was introduced to the world of politics, literature and art by the novelist Richard Rive, who was his high school English teacher, and by the poet James Matthews and artist Peter Clarke, who became friends, as well as mentors. Hallett began his photographic career in Cape Town, but, struggling under the restrictions of life under apartheid, soon left for London. In Britain and, later, France and the Netherlands, he established himself as a leading photojournalist and fine art photographer. After brief stays in the United States and Zimbabwe, he returned to South Africa to photograph the 1994 elections for the African National Congress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Storia delle Donne is the property of Firenze University Press and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Several strategies have been designed and implemented in African countries to promote development. Even though they may have contributed to increased gross domestic product growth over the years, they have largely failed because of a number of factors, namely: ineffective leadership; poor policy implementation; policy discontinuity; slow industrialisation; and an environment not conducive for private sector growth. The failure of these strategies or paradigms has led to the continued search for an appropriate strategy to address Africa’s development predicament. This search has also been exacerbated by the rise of China, East Asia and some Latin American countries as newly industrialising countries, the 2008 global economic crisis stemming from market failure and the renewed interest in the role and nature of the state in the development process, especially its role in reviving the economies of many Western countries with bail-out packages by the state. These developments no doubt point not only to the role of the state in development but also to the kind of state that will promote and facilitate socio-economic development. The kind of state to shoulder the burden of socio-economic development is the developmental state, which according to (Evans, 2008, p. 13), ‘If … it was important to 20th century economic success … will be much more important to 21st century success’. Using Ghana (considered as a non-developmental state) and South Africa (considered to be an emerging developmental state) as case studies, the paper examines the extent or the degree to which the two countries have met or achieved the key seven features of the developmental state. Some recommendations are also made with the aim of consolidating progress thus far and deepening or accelerating the process. In doing so, it is hoped that the lecture will make a contribution to the literature on the concept of the developmental state. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Copyright of Historia is the property of Historical Association of South Africa and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

At the beginning of the transition from apartheid to democracy, the African National Congress (ANC) was unprepared for foreign policy discussion, a lack of readiness magnified by the collapse of international Communism and the Cold War ideology. President De Klerk and the National Party controlled foreign policy in the early years of the transition and began the process of reintegration with the international community, The ANC initially struggled to adapt to the new international situation, whereas De Klerk was successful in wooing the international community. In the later stages of transition, the ANC developed a greater sense of direction and substance in foreign relations, although there were differences of opinion among and between the leadership and the rank and file. Already in 1994 there was evidence of tension between idealism and pragmatism. Post-apartheid foreign policy under Mandela was riddled with inconsistencies, which stemmed from the events of South Africa's transition [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Although histories have been written about the transnational character of the anti-apartheid solidarity movement, thus far little has been written about the black voices raised in solidarity in Europe or in Britain, arguably the centre of the international anti-apartheid movement. There is a long history of pan-African sentiment from the late nineteenth century among Africans of the diaspora settled and transient in Britain. The deteriorating racial situation in South Africa throughout the twentieth century therefore attracted the concern of black communities living in Britain. People of African descent in Britain felt the insult of apartheid most keenly because of past and contemporary manifestations of racism in Britain. This empathy was transformed into acts of solidarity and material support. Black Britons viewed the African liberation struggle in Southern Africa with more than casual detachment. There was a willingness to identify with the liberation struggle whether through supporting the ANC or the PAC. However, there were ambivalent feelings in some quarters about the former. The following article will focus on aspects of black British anti-apartheid solidarity during the nearly 45 years of apartheid. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The nationalist narrative that Albert Luthuli received in December 1961 the Nobel Peace Prize for his unambiguous advocacy of strict non-violent methods to fight Apartheid and the next week supported the launch of the armed struggle is historographic oxymoron. Nationalist pundits decry that the acknowledgement of such a gross contradiction ‘distances Luthuli from his movement’. Or, they confess that ‘all nascent countries adopt myth’ in the interests of nation building. Or, they simply deny the contradiction exists by introducing ‘ambiguity’. The author asserts that Luthuli held and articulated an unambiguous stance against the use of violence within the South African context during the 1950s and 1960s. The author suggests that Nelson Mandela, at best, undermined Luthuli and, at worst, committed insubordination by launching uMkhonto we Sizwe without the ANC and Luthuli's knowledge or assent. The author utilises archival evidence to resolve irreconcilable differences in nationalist historiography and seeks to restore Luthuli's agency by resisting his absorption into Mandela's ‘cult of personality’. [ABSTRACT FROM PUBLISHER]

Many myths assert that Albert Luthuli as President-General of the African National Congress (ANC) launched the armed struggle on his return to South Africa after receiving the Nobel Peace Prize in December 1961. The first substantive biography on Luthuli (Couper 2010) utilises extensive archival evidence from Luthuli's own pen to argue that the iconic leader never countenanced the initiation of violence by Umkhonto we Sizwe. These divergent interpretations spark what is arguably one of the most relevant and controversial historical debates in South Africa. First, the author argues that those who dismiss Luthuli's own words are fearful of a history that drives a wedge between Luthuli and the ANC when in fact its history is littered with examples of President-Generals whom the Congress and its perceived contexts outgrew and 'retired'. Second, the author argues that those who dismiss the archives are fearful that the Luthuli thesis undermines the assumption that ANC traditionally operates as a collective through consensus decision making despite the fact that unilateral decisions made by Nelson Mandela to initiate violence and later to negotiate with the National Party regime occurred to avoid known objections by his colleagues. Perhaps the ironies present in the remembering of one icon will lead to ironies being remembered in another. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Firearms are inextricably linked to the history of South Africa's liberation struggle and experiences of decolonisation, liberation, and independence for many African countries. Firearms are often perceived as symbols of emancipation from colonial rule, and military leaders, such as Nelson Mandela, who commanded Umkhonto we Sizwe, are no exception, for he is associated with numerous handguns, military weapons and military ordnance during 1962, in particular to a Makarov pistol, originating from Ethiopia. This heritage item holding symbolic and historical value, Mandela claimed he buried at Liliesleaf farm in Johannesburg shortly before being captured in 1962. Although mentioned fleetingly in Nelson Mandela's autobiography Long Walk to Freedom, the provenance of and knowledge about his pistol and the circumstances under which he received it and how he subsequently buried it, together with ammunition and possibly an Ethiopian army uniform, are not widely known. This article details the process by which I established this provenance during 2004 to 2010, and contextualises Nelson Mandela's broader military activities in Africa, discussions he held with freedom fighters and military personnel in Ethiopia and Morocco, the type of military training he underwent, weapons he handled, and activities in South Africa upon his return, once armed and trained. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Verne Harris offers a reflection on legacy and the archive through three intersecting enquiries, on: the South African tradition of 'archives for justice', deconstruction's insistence that the work of archives is justice; and the legacies of Nelson Mandela and Jacques Derrida. He makes a case for an open-ended making and re-making of legacy and for a more radically transformative agenda in the work of archives in South Africa. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Robert Faulkner's The Case for Greatness offers a lively, detailed discussion of Aristotle's magnanimous man and the statesman who embodies this ethical-political ideal. Faulkner's portrayal of the complexity and tensions within this classical portrait of magnanimity and in the souls of its ancient and modern exemplars is compelling, but missing from his discussion is any mention of magnanimity in the Jewish and Christian intellectual traditions and the resources they afford to mitigate and heal these tensions and provide an openness to fuller wholeness and happiness. One of these resources is the virtue of humility, which is discussed here as a support and a supplement to magnanimity. Various statesmen who seem to incarnate this humble yet arguably more magnanimous magnanimity are noted in the last sections of this essay. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay examines the leading role adopted by the South African governments of Nelson Mandela, abo Mbeki, and Jacob Zuma to promote R2P between 1994 and 2010. In response to the sociopolitical oppression and devastation wrought by apartheid between 1948 and 1990, South African governments since 1994 have played an activist role in developing new norms in international affairs. Describing the South African posture on R2P as one of engagement and 'quiet diplomacy', the essay notes that the country has pushed for multilateral institutions to become the major repositories of the R2P norm. Within Africa, South Africa was instrumental in negotiating the continent's shift of position on the R2P norm from one of 'non-intervention' to one of 'non-indifference'. South Africa has also sought to implement R2P through political processes and negotiations rather than through sanctions and the use of force-an engagist stance that the country adopted during its controversial two years on the UN Security Council (2007-2008), contrary to the tougher approach recommended by powerful Western members of the Security Council. Emphasis is placed on the capacity constraints with which South Africa continues to struggle, as it seeks to operationalise its position on R2P. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this era of globalization, social inequality based on racial attributes is increasingly perceived as anachronistic. Moreover, citizens of racially diverse countries have gained a new consciousness, which occasionally translates into electing a president from a racially underrepresented group. However, although members of these racially underrepresented groups have obtained presidential appointments, racism and social inequality persist. This article sheds light on the transnational discourses of reverse discrimination that result from the election of "presidents of color." It suggests that while these discourses take different shapes and forms, they aim to minimize the continuities of racialized relations, thereby painting utopian pictures of modern societies. The article also reveals the extent to which these leaders can reduce the social inequalities and racism plaguing their countries. By examining the legacy of Nelson Mandela in South Africa and the presidency of Bolivia's Evo Morales, this article argues that to accomplish these intertwined goals, Barack Obama and other presidents from racially underrepresented groups must enact local policies that contradict the logics of globalization, which is based on the free movement of labor and capital. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of Capital Institute of Physical Education is the property of Shoudu Tiyu Xueyuan and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nelson Mandela's Long Walk to Freedom provides evidence organized in the form of antecedent-behavior-consequence units, which suggest that a shaping process effected during his many years of incarceration best describes the origins of the outcome represented by the political order in South Africa following his release. The analysis shows that Mandela's radicalism at the start of his imprisonment on Robben Island changed into a saintly presidential aura in the end, through a systematic selection process that actively involved Mandela himself and his political aspirations. The saintly qualities ascribed to Mandela after his release by many around the world are consistent with Skinner's (1971) views on autonomous man. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I explore the notion that ethics, far from being a check or drag on negotiator power, can actually help to enhance it. As the example of Nelson Mandela negotiating with the South African government showed, ethics (or at least the perception of being ethical) can be a major source of power, diminishing or even neutralizing many other weaknesses. I explore some of the principal ethical dilemmas facing negotiators and illustrate the sometimes surprising ways that “right” ethical choices can actually increase negotiator power. This occurs not only in the more superficial case of instrumental or even prudential ethics, (the province of “saints” and “sharks”), where “right” behavior is employed to gain short-term advantage or to improve long-term negotiator reputation, but even more so in the case of intrinsic “principled” negotiation, where the “right” thing is done for its own sake. As in the case of the medieval Japanese samurai, ethics can be a major source of power. This thesis is then illustrated anecdotally in three practical examples, leading to a proposal for how to deepen and apply this lesson to negotiation analysis and practice. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Nelson Mandela's autobiography The Long Walk to Freedom describes how an iconic political activist and freedom fighter reflected on, and sometimes modified, four core assumptions at the heart of his struggle to overturn the White supremacist, minority hegemony and create a free South Africa. Critical reflection's focus is on understanding the dynamics of power (and how to manipulate these) and on uncovering (and combating) ruling class hegemony. Although clearly unaware of adult education's utilization of the idea of critical reflection, Mandela's reasoning on tactics and strategy, his awareness of the need to reappraise assumptions that previously were viewed as gospel, and his use of multiple lenses through which to view his actions as a freedom fighter exemplify the practice of critical reflection. The article does not presume any sort of historical accuracy, conducting instead a thematic content analysis of Mandela's own personal account of events, which others have challenged. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Profiles Thabo Mbeki and Cyril Ramaphosa, probable successors of Nelson Mandela. African National Congress' increasingly complicated internal politics; Choice of Ramaphosa over Mbeki in surveys; Youthful supporters' belief in armed struggle and support for Mbeki; Uncertain outcome of leadership issue.