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Johanna Mölgg, Universität Innsbruck, Diplomarbeit, 2019, (VLID)3683964

Previous studies have found that the labour market outcomes of Turkish minorities are slightly better in Germany than in the Netherlands. In this paper we test one of the explanations: differences in ethnic discrimination in hiring. We use a harmonised field experiment to test whether discrimination against job candidates of Turkish origin (age 23-25) varies across Germany and the Netherlands, while holding individual characteristics of job seekers constant. We find that, compared to majority candidates, job candidates of Turkish origin are on average eleven percentage points less likely to receive a positive call-back. Moreover, we find that discrimination against Turkish minorities is significantly higher in the Netherlands than in Germany. In Germany, job candidates of Turkish origin are five percentage points less likely to receive a call-back than equally qualified majority candidates, whereas in the Netherlands this ethnic gap is fifteen percentage points. However, the presented evidence does not support the often-mentioned argument that the amount of diagnostic information in application materials explains why discrimination against Turkish minorities is lower in Germany. Overall, adding diagnostic information has little effect on the relative employment chances of job applicants of Turkish origin, both in Germany and the Netherlands.

Living with diversity requires that we sometimes accept outgroup practices that we personally disapprove of (i.e., tolerance). Using an experimental design, we examined Dutch majority group members’ tolerance of controversial practices with varying degrees of moral concern, performed by a culturally dissimilar (Muslims) or similar (orthodox Protestant) minority group. Furthermore, we examined whether arguments in favour or against (or a combination of both) the specific practice impacted tolerance. Results indicated that participants expressed less tolerance for provocative practices when it was associated with Muslims than orthodox Protestants, but not when such practices elicit high degrees of moral concern. This indicates that opposition towards specific practices is not just a question of dislike of Muslims, but can involve disapproval of specific practices. Argument framing did not have a consistent effect on the level of tolerance for the practices.

Population researchers have contributed to the debate on minority group distribution and disadvantage and social cohesion by providing objective analysis. A plethora of new distribution measurement techniques have been presented in recent years, but they have not provided sufficient explanatory power of underlying trajectories to inform ongoing political debate. Indeed, a focus on trying to summarise complex situations with readily understood measures may be misplaced. This paper takes an alternative approach and asks whether a more detailed analysis of individual and environmental characteristics is necessary if researchers are to continue to provide worthwhile input to policy development. Using England and Wales as a test bed, it looks at four small sub-populations (circa 250,000 at the turn of the century) - two based on ethnic grouping: Bangladeshi and Chinese; and two based on an under-researched area of cultural background, religion: Jews and Sikhs. Despite major differences in longevity of presence in the UK, age profile, socio-economic progress, and levels of inter-marriage, there are, at a national level, parallels in the distribution patterns and trajectories for three of the groups. However, heterogeneity between and within the groups mean that at a local level, these similarities are confounded. The paper concludes that complex interactions between natural change and migration, and between suburbanisation and a desire for group congregation, mean that explanations for the trajectory of distribution require examination of data at a detailed level, beyond the scope of index-based methods.

Focusing on birthplace (foreign vs. domestic) and origin group (European vs. Middle Eastern or African), this article examines the effects of cultural distance signals on discrimination against ethnic minority job applicants. Drawing on a cross-nationally harmonised correspondence test (N = 5780), we investigate how employers in five Western European destination countries (Germany, the Netherlands, Norway, Spain, and the U.K.) respond to job applications from majority and minority group members, with minority job applicants being either very similar (domestic-born and/or European origin) to the majority population or rather different (foreign-born and/or Middle Eastern/African). Our results are generally consistent with taste-based discrimination theory. Employers pay attention to signals of cultural distance, which results in particularly high levels of discrimination against foreign-born minorities and against minorities originating from Middle Eastern and African countries. Although origin group has a stronger effect on employer responses than birthplace, they jointly exert an additive effect. This results in particularly low labour market chances for foreign-born minorities of Middle Eastern and African origin. Separate country analyses, however, reveal important country differences, both with respect to the size of the minority penalty and the joint effect of birthplace and origin group.

This is the first harmonised correspondence study on the recruitment behaviour of employers in the US and in Spain. By comparing the call-back rates of Latino minority and majority group applicants, we measure the labour market discrimination that Latinos experience in these two national contexts. Due to their proximity in terms of culture and language, Latinos are expected to experience less discrimination in Spain than in the US. This is supported by our findings, as the level of discrimination against Latinos in the US is high and statistically significant, while we find no evidence of statistically significant discrimination against Latinos in Spain. In line with research on the intersection between ethnicity and gender in stereotyping, we find gender differences regarding discrimination in both countries, though in opposite directions. While Latino males are more discriminated than Latino females in the US, Latino females experience more discrimination than their male counterparts in Spain, who are not treated differently from Spanish native men. Our results indicate that ethnic group stereotypes are country-specific and different for males and females of the same ethnicity. Moreover, we find partial evidence that ethnic group stereotypes can be counteracted when favourable information on warmth and competence is provided.

Several scholars have concluded that ethnic diversity has negative consequences for social trust. However, recent research has called into question whether ethnic diversity per se has detrimental effects, or whether lower levels of trust in diverse communities simply reflect a higher concentration of less trusting groups, such as poor people, minorities, or immigrants. Drawing upon a nationally representative sample of the German population (GSOEP), we make two contributions to this debate. First, we examine how ethnic diversity at the neighborhood level - specifically the proportion of immigrants in the neighborhood - is linked to social trust focusing on the compositional effect of poverty. Second, in contrast to the majority of current research on ethnic diversity, we use a behavioral measure of trust in combination with fine-grained (zip-code level) contextual measures of ethnic composition and poverty. Furthermore, we are also able to compare the behavioral measure to a standard attitudinal trust question. We find that household poverty partially accounts for lower levels of trust, and that after controlling for income, German and non-German respondents are equally trusting. However, being surrounded by neighbors with immigrant background is also associated with lower levels of social trust

Selbst wenn die konkreten Lerninhalte längst vergessen sind, so erinnert man sich für gewöhnlich noch Jahre später an das Erleben des Lernortes. Die Orte und Räume an und in denen wir lernen sind so etwas wie die Brutkästen unserer Seele und die Uteri unserer kognitiven Fähigkeiten. Lernorte werden jedoch nicht nur durch die Gebäude, Städte und Institutionen gebildet, sondern durch die Anwesenheit der Lernenden und Lehrenden.

Studies suggest that the rise of neoliberalism accompanies a foregrounding of individual responsibility and a weakening of community. The authors provide a theoretical agenda for studying the interactions between the global diffusion of neoliberal policies and ideologies, on the one side, and cultural repertoires and boundary configurations, on the other, in the context of local, national, and regional variation. Exploiting variation in the rate of adoption of neoliberal policies across European societies, the authors show how levels of neoliberal penetration covary with the way citizens draw symbolic boundaries along the lines of ethnoreligious otherness and moral deservingness.

"The year 2002 was that of Gujarat." Kein anderes innenpolitisches Thema hat im Laufe des Jahres 2002 in Indien mehr Aufmerksamkeit auf sich gezogen als die politische Entwicklung dieses Bundeslandes. Nach dem Erdbeben vom 26. Januar 2001 mit dem Epizentrum im Distrikt Kutch (Kuchchh), bei dem schätzungsweise 17.000 Menschen ums Leben kamen und das in weiten Teilen Gujarats großen Schaden angerichtet hatte, wurden die Pogrome gegen Muslime während der ersten Jahreshälfte 2002 als die zweite Katastrophe dieses Landes bezeichnet. Während jedoch die Folgen des Erdbebens nach einigen Wochen wieder aus den Schlagzeilen verschwunden waren, beschäftigten die Pogrome und die zahlreichen Konsequenzen, die sich vor allem im Hinblick auf die bevorstehende Landtagswahl daraus ergaben, die Medien das ganze Jahr hindurch. Gujarat lag 2002 im Schnittpunkt brisanter und für die Zukunft Indiens höchst relevanter Fragen: An erster Stelle ging es dabei freilich um die politische Zukunft eines der wichtigsten indischen Bundesstaaten, um seine wirtschaftliche Entwicklung und soziale Integration. Über Gujarat hinaus ging es zweitens aber auch um die politische Bedeutung des Hindunationalismus, um den Einfluss der Hindutva, der Ideologie einer Bewegung zur Hinduisierung Indiens, und letztlich um die Popularität der nicht nur in Gandhinagar, der Landeshauptstadt Gujarats, sondern auch in Delhi regierenden Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP). Und drittens ging es um die Geltung der in der Verfassung verankerten Grundwerte von Demokratie, Pluralismus und Säkularismus, um die viel gerühmte "composite culture" und damit um das internationale Ansehen Indiens.

As a minority in China, Muslims have had to deal with a twofold problem: maintaining the boundary of their group and integrating into larger society. The various responses to this problem in different contexts and under different circumstances are evident in various group identity configurations. Based on Stausberg, it is proposed that the ways the identities are constructed refer to the dynamics of various types of social differentiation. The author argues that there were divergent identity configurations among Muslim elites regarding their identity sign Huihui in late imperial and post-imperial China, with the former constructed in the direction of religiosity and the latter in the direction of secularity. In the concluding remark, the author suggests a theoretical account of his empirical observation by drawing on elements of Luhmann’s theory of social differentiation.

With the election of Evo Morales and his party Movement to Socialism (MAS) in 2005, Bolivia has become the only country in Latin America to have an indigenous party in power. However, it is misleading to take the MAS government as representing all of Bolivia's ethnic diversity. Its indigenous population can be classified into peoples from the Andean highlands and from the Amazonian lowlands. Research has treated the indigenous population as uniform or focused on the Andean peoples and on parties rather than voters. This paper aims to differentiate this picture by showing that variances between highland and lowland indigenous peoples started with the appearance of Homeland's Consciousness (CONDEPA) and have increased since MAS came to power. While the highland indigenous peoples have preferred left political parties, parties with pro-indigenous agendas or which used indigenous symbolism, the lowland peoples have tended to support centre-right parties. The paper attempts to explain these differences in the voting behaviour of Bolivia's indigenous peoples. Ethnic voting is analysed in the time span from 1985 until 2014 within a mixed-methods design.

This book draws together both: theory and practice on minority/migrant women and gendered violence. The interplay of gender, ethnicity, religion, class, generation and sexuality in shaping the lives, experiences and choices of minority/migrant women affected by violence has not always been adequately theorised within much of the existing writing on violence against women. Feminist theory, especially the insights provided by the concept of intersectionality, are central to the editors' conceptual frameworks. Violence against women has received greater political attention across Europe since the 1990s, leading also to increased research in this area. While the responses to the issue vary in different European contexts, there are clearly some similarities reported about the forms and impacts of violence against women. Research and practice traditions on the issue also vary, depending on the level of importance and resources attached. Despite extensive research on violence against women generally, knowledge on the issues and experiences of women and children from minority/migrant groups is more fragmented and at times scant. This leaves a clear gap and no book has yet drawn together both existing research and practice on minority/migrant women and gendered violence in a theorised way. Such a book is long overdue. It has far reaching relevance as minority/migrant communities are settled in all major countries across Europe, which are all struggling with similar issues in research and practice.

The field of critical digital literacy studies has burgeoned in recent years as a result of the increased cultural consumption of digital media as well as the turn to the production of digital media forms. This article extends extant digital literacy studies by focusing on its subfield of digital citizenship. Proposing that digital citizenship is not another dimension or axis of citizenship, but a practice through which civic activities in the various dimensions of citizenship are conducted, this article critically considers how the concept of digital citizenship can furnish further insight into the quality of online civic participation that results in claims to and acts of citizenship. Through interdisciplinary scholarship, drawing from critical media and cultural theory, and media psychology, and deriving new empirical data from qualitative digital ethnography and quantitative focus group and survey studies, it presents original case studies with young people in Southeast Asia, including young Muslim women’s groups in Indonesia and youth public opinion on LGBTs in Singapore. It argues that Southeast Asian youth digital citizenship foregrounds civic participation as emergent acts that not only serve to make society a better place, but also enacts alternative publics that characterise new modes of civic-making in more conservative, collectivistic Southeast Asian societies.

This article aims to explain citizens’ support for the Law on the Use of Languages (LUL) through their demographic characteristics, political participation, party affiliation and ethnic belonging. We base this article on an empirical ordered logistic regression models using an original database of 669 Macedonian respondents. We compare the support of Macedonian public for the LUL with the support for the general idea of promotion of the use of the languages of the non-majority ethnic communities in Macedonia. We argue that both the support for promotion of minority languages in Macedonia, as well as the support for this concrete Law depends mainly on citizens’ ethnicity and party affiliation. We find statistically significant opposition for the LUL among the ethnic Macedonians, the (Macedonian / mainstream) opposition parties, the participants in the so called ‘For a Shared Macedonia’ initiative, and those whose mother tongue is a minority language other than the Albanian.

The ethnic makeup of the population significantly affects the domestic policy of any state, and its relations with neighbouring countries. Although interactions with ethnic minorities are not as urgent a problem in Lithuania as they are in the two other Baltic States, ethnicity-related conflicts continue to occur, particularly, as regards the relations between the Lithua­nian state and the Polish minority, which is the largest in the country. The Polish minority-Lithuania-Poland relations are not the only factor that affects the situation of the Poles in Lithuania. The other important factors are Lithuania and Poland' EU membership, the rela­tions between Lithuania and Russia, and the Russian minority in Lithuania. Our analysis shows that the EU membership of Lithuania and Poland did not provide an instant solution to the problem of the Polish minority but rather attenuated it. Although the EU factor played a significant role before the accession of Poland and Lithuania to the Union, its influence is very limited today. The effect of the Russian factor is different. Strained Polish-Russian rela­tions do not affect the relations between the Polish and Russian minorities in Lithuania. On the contrary, both minorities collaborate on a wide range of issues.

This article discusses the online activism of Indonesian atheists. While most of the little existent scholarship on atheism in Indonesia views the controversial cases in the light of the violation of Western-style rights to free speech and religious liberty, a closer look at the public discourses both online and offline reveals a more complex picture. The article embeds atheist activism and the well-known case of Alexander An in the changing landscape of religion and state in post-Suharto Indonesia. It points at the intricate relationship between atheism and blasphemy and shows how activists not only carve a space for themselves online, but also seek to counter the negative and anti-religious image that decades-long campaigning has created for atheists. Activists use Facebook, Twitter, messaging systems, and forums such as Quora, both to become visible and yet allow for anonymity. Their online communication and activism is often coupled with offline meetings. In this way, atheists allow for a thriving ‘community’, and also present atheism positively in public. However, to defend atheism this way also has its downsides, as it aligns Indonesian atheists with an international network of mainly Western-funded human rights activists and thus runs the risk of further alienating them from a nation that strongly defines itself along religious identity.

Since the Constitutional Revolution of 1906, successive regimes in Iran promoted competing conceptions of Iranian national identity. However, the policy of promoting nationalism as a state-sponsored ideology that excludes Iran's ethnic and religious diversity remained unchanged. Competing discourses around nation building and identity strikingly intersect with the struggle for democratization in Iran. Since the Islamic Revolution, the pro-democracy movement in the country takes place on two fronts: the confrontation between the conservatives and the reformists, and the challenge posed by the ethnic movements towards the offi cial denial of the ethnic and religious diversity of Iran. This article argues that be they reformist or conservative, successive governments in Iran have refused to recognise the multi-ethnic structure of Iranian society and the legitimate rights of the ethnic groups. Therefore, a regime change would be unlikely to alter the social and political status of ethnic and religious minorities unless the ethnic movements and the pro-democracy opposition collaborate. Formation of a common discourse on the question of "Iranianness" is the primary condition for this to be accomplished.

Introduction: Hard-to-reach and minority groups are often at higher risk for adverse sexual health outcomes. While such groups are therefore of interest to sexual health researchers, it can be difficult to locate and recruit sufficient sample sizes using probability sampling methods. This study aims to establish whether web-panel surveys can provide a viable less resource intensive means of boosting sample sizes of two hard-to-reach groups (people of Black African ethnicity, and gay men) for a sexual health survey, and the extent of any bias. Methods: Results from a national probability sample survey (Natsal-3, administered using a computer-assisted personal interview (CAPI) and selfinterview (CASI) with 15,162 participants), which included 211 black African participants and 83 gay men, were compared with results from a webpanel survey (using identical questions) of 529 black Africans and 592 gay men. Web-panel survey results for socio-demographics were compared with external benchmarks, and for sexual behaviours and attitudes reported in Natsal-3. Odds ratios (ORs) were used to examine differences between variables and the average absolute OR, along with the number of estimates for which the web-panel survey differed significantly from the benchmarks, were used to summarise survey performance. Results: At least 18% of estimates differed significantly between surveys for gay and black African men, and 28% for black African women. For black African women average absolute ORs were: 1.6 for attitudinal questions asked in CAPI, 1.5 for attitudinal CASI questions, 3.2 for behaviour questions asked in CAPI and for 1.7 for behaviour CASI. For black African men average absolute ORs were: 1.5 for attitudinal questions asked in CAPI, 1.8 for attitudinal CASI questions, 2.5 for behavioural questions asked in CAPI and 1.6 for behavioural questions asked in CASI=1.6. For gay men, average absolute ORs were: 2.2 for attitudinal questions asked in CAPI, 2.8 for attitudinal CASI que

Claim of indigenous minorities to land are a significant political issue in many parts of the world. These claims, though, are contested, be it in theoretical, political or legal terms. I consider a position, put forward by Jeremy Waldron, that asserts some theoretical reservations towards indigenous minorities' claims to reparations and land. Waldron seems to assume that indigeneity is no important factor regarding land claims and reparative issues. I propose a rivalling account of indigenous land claims, based on the idea of self-determination. Self-determination itself can be understood in two different ways, it can either be conceived as a form of political autonomy or sovereignty, or it can be understood as having pre-political property rights.

The Syrian civil war exacerbated sectarian divisions between the Alawite-ruled Syrian government and Syria's Sunni population, straining also the relations between the Sunni majority and Alawite and Alevi minorities of the neighboring Turkey. The Alawites and Alevis of Turkey were predominantly supporting Syria's president Bashar al-Asad, while the Turkish government greatly supported the Sunni insurgents of Syria. The paper aims at examining how Alawites and Alevis have influenced the relations between Turkey and Syria in the light of the Syrian civil war, the reasons behind the sympathy of Alevis for the Syrian government and the implications that Turkey's Syria policy has had domestically. It finds that the Alevi / Alawite factor has had some restraining effects on Turkey's antagonistic policy towards Syria. In the introductory part, the article touches upon the differences and the similarities between Alevis and Alawites, then it analyzes the developments in regards Turkey's policy towards the Syrian crisis that were also reflected in Ankara's domestic policy vis-a-vis its Alevi and Alawite minorities.

This editorial delivers an introduction to the Media and Communication thematic issue on "Communicating on/with Minorities" around the world. This thematic issue presents a multidisciplinary look at the field of communicating on and with different members of minority groups who, based on gender, ethnicity, sexual orientation, or a background in migration, experience relative disadvantage and marginalization compared to the dominant social group. The contributors to this thematic issue present a variety of professional contexts (i.e., portrayals in journalistic content, in fiction and non-fiction audiovisual content, on social media platforms and in health care). Taken together, the contributions examine various theoretical angles, thereby adopting new research directions through the use of quantitative, qualitative or mixed methodologies.

Sexual and/or gender minority populations (LGBQ/T) have particular cancer risks, lower involvement in cancer screening, and experience barriers in communication with healthcare providers. All of these factors increase the probability of health decisions linked with poor outcomes that include higher levels of cancer mortality. Persistent discrimination against, and stigmatization of, LGBQ/T people is reflected in sparse medical curriculum addressing LGBQ/T communities. Marginalization makes LGBQ/T persons particularly reliant on knowledge derived from online networks and mainstream media sources. In what is likely the first nationally-funded and nation-wide study of LGBQ/T experiences of cancer, the Cancer's Margins project (www.lgbtcancer.ca) conducted face-to-face interviews with 81 sexual and/or gender minority patients diagnosed and treated for breast and/or gynecological cancer in five Canadian provinces and the San Francisco Bay area (US). With specific attention to knowledge access, sharing, and mobilization, our objective was to document and analyze complex intersectional relationships between marginalization, gender and sexuality, and cancer health decision-making and care experiences. Findings indicate that cancer care knowledge in online environments is shaped by cisnormative and heteronormative narratives. Cancer knowledge and support environments need, by contrast, to be designed by taking into account intersectionally diverse models of minority identities and communities.

This study examines and evaluates the representation of ethnocultural diversity in non-fiction TV programmes broadcasted by the Flemish (Belgian Dutch-speaking) public service broadcaster VRT in the 2016-2017 TV season. A qualitative content analysis of a sample comprising 36 clips and episodes of 14 non-fiction programmes was supplemented by four focus group interviews with a total of 12 participants belonging to different ethnocultural minorities. The findings suggest that despite several measures undertaken by the VRT, the representation of ethnocultural minorities is still unbalanced and biased in at least three ways: first, in presenting minorities as homogeneous groups rather than highlighting intragroup differences; second, in "typecasting" people with a migration background thematically, i.e., for items on topics and issues related to their ethnocultural identity; and, third, in portraying and approaching minorities from a dominant group perspective. The article ends with the recommendation for public service media to further improve ethnocultural diversity in the workforce and to encourage their journalists and TV producers to reconsider their ‘professional pragmatics' in order to increase their ethnocultural sensitivity and better manage the representation of super-diversity in their programmes.

Der Beitrag unterzieht die von Thilo Sarrazin in seinem Buch „Deutschland schafft sich ab“ aufgestellten Thesen zunächst einer wissenschaftlichen Prüfung und formuliert Erklärungsansätze für den großen Erfolg des Buches. Dabei zeigt sich, dass die Behauptungen Sarrazins weitgehend unhaltbar sind. Da diese sich aber einer hohen Popularität erfreuen, verweist der Sarrazin-Diskurs auf elementare soziale und politische Problemlagen, die letztendlich eine Gefahr für den gesellschaftlichen Zusammenhalt und die Funktionalität der Demokratie in Deutschland darstellen können. Als zentral für die Sympathien für Sarrazins Argumente erscheinen die seinem Buch immanente Verteidigung bürgerlicher Mittelschichtswerte und -privilegien, die aufgrund eines beschleunigten sozioökonomischen Wandels zunehmend infrage gestellt werden, sowie die vermeintliche Legitimierung tief in der Gesellschaft verwurzelter Ressentiments gegenüber Minderheiten. Vor diesem Hintergrund analysiert der Beitrag bestehende Möglichkeiten und Handlungsbedarfe für entsprechende Interventionen im Rahmen der migrationspolitischen Bildung. Abschließend werden neuere didaktische Ansätze vorgestellt, deren Implementierung im Bildungssystem aufgrund der analysierten Problemlage anempfohlen wird., First, the article checks the by Thilo Sarrazin set theses in his book "Deutschland schafft sich ab" of their scientific durability and formulates explanations for the success of the book. It turns out that the assertions of Sarrazin are largely untenable. But because these theses are having a high popularity, the Sarrazin discourse shows basic social and political problems that ultimately could be a threat to social cohesion and functionality of democracy in Germany. As central to the sympathies towards Sarrazin's arguments appears the defense of bourgeois middle class values and privileges in his book, which are increasingly questioned due to an accelerated socio-economic change, and the perceived legitimacy of deep-rooted resentments in society against minorities. From this background, the article analyses existing opportunities and action requirements for adequate interventions accounting treatment of migration-policy education. Finally, newer teaching approaches were presented, whose implementations are advised to the education system because of the analyzed problems.