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In presenting my valedictory to this distinguished Association which has honored me by selecting me as its President, I should like to point out by way of introduction what has happened to this office, and therefore to me, during the past year. I have heard of one of my distinguished predecessors some twenty-five years ago who had little else to do as President of this Association than work all year on his presidential address. This was important work and I have no word of criticism of it. But the Association has changed, and today it leaves to the harried wearer of its presidential toga little time to reflect about the status of political science and his own impact, if any, upon it. An active Association life, now happily centered in our new Washington office, is enough to occupy the full time of your President, and universities as well as this Association might well take note. Therefore, in presenting my own reflections to you this evening in accordance with the custom of our Association, I do so without the benefit of the generous time and scholarly leisure which were the privileges of some of my distinguished predecessors.Nevertheless I do base my presidential address today upon my own active participation in the problems of government, as well as upon my scholarly experience. I have extracted it in part from the dynamics of pulsating political life. It has whatever authority I may possess after having been exposed these twenty-five years to the cross-fire of politics, domestic and foreign, as well as to the benign and corrective influences of eager students and charitable colleagues.

The elections which were held throughout Germany on May 20, 1928, are of considerable interest and importance not only to Germany but also to the rest of the world. These elections, to be sure, did not have the dramatic interest which attended the Reichstag elections of December, 1924. But they deserve attention for a number of reasons: first, because they are the first elections to be held in the Reich under what may be called normal conditions; second, because elections for five Landtags and several city councils were held at the same time; and third, because the elections gave a further test, and supplied additional evidence of the operation, of the German system of proportional representation.Despite the intensive work of the political parties, the people were not aroused to much enthusiasm during the campaign. The old Reichstag was dissolved before Easter, but not until the last week of the campaign could one detect any excitement. Never before had the electors been bombarded with so much printed matter, posters, and, last but not least, loud-speakers and films. All the modern methods of appealing to the voters were tried by the numerous political parties. There were lacking, however, the overpowering issues and the battlecries which were so effective in 1924. Parades, demonstrations, meetings, and all the rest were carried through successfully on the whole, but they were quite dull and uninteresting. Only the two extreme parties, the National Socialists or Hitlerites on the right, and the Communists on the left, could appear enthusiastic. Nevertheless, the lack of what the Germans call a “grosse Parole” and the lack of excitement are not to be deplored; their absence probably indicates progress toward social and political consolidation.

The special Senate committee investigating presidential campaign expenditures presented its report on February 28, 1929. The report contains five pages of explanatory material and recommendations, and twenty-five pages of tabulations. The recommendations are not very sweeping, but they strike at four existing defects in our present federal corrupt practices act, namely, the failure to regulate the conduct of conventions and primary elections for the nomination of presidential candidates, to extend the law to political groups operating in individual states, to require careful and accurate itemization of every party expenditure, and to regulate the borrowing of money by political committees. The committee does not argue the constitutional points involved in its first two recommendations, and it does not reach the real problem involved in party deficits with its fourth recommendation. It leaves many vital problems to future committees.The information collected by the committee, by means of hearings and correspondence principally, has been set forth in fourteen tables. There is much useful material in these tables, and several angles of the problem of party finance are clearly brought out by the figures. But there are some serious errors, especially in the tabulation of totals. Tables IV and V dealing with the national committee accounts are inaccurate and misleading. The proof of this statement is as follows. The accounts filed by the two national committees, both with the clerk of the House (according to law) and with the Steiwer committee, show that the Republican national committee received for its own purposes the sum of $3,814,000. On page 8 of the report we find the figure $5,715,000.

The British Parliament has been passing through a period of pianissimo. Its praises should be sounded very softly, while its inadequacies and imperfections should be given wide attention. This does not imply a lack of veneration and respect for the Mother of Parliaments, but merely that a realistic approach should be made to the present-day value of this progenitor of the sturdy race of legislatures. No political institution is eternally successful, and even British institutions which have evolved so slowly, and in general so soundly, are no exceptions. The halo which surrounds Westminster is so great, however, that it almost blinds one to the imperfections which exist within those hallowed precincts. It seems almost sacrilegious, as a great British statesman recently observed, to attempt to meddle with “those great forms of procedure which have been handed down to us.” And yet when the Mother of Parliaments has so obviously deteriorated as to lose much of the respect and prestige which was formerly its possession, one seems justified in calling attention to its inadequacies.The fact is that in the last thirty years Parliament has gradually become an inefficient legislative body which does not effectively control the government, and which the people can hardly be said to control. As early as 1908, President Lowell wrote that “the House of Commons is finding more and more difficulty in passing any effective vote, except a vote of censure.” In 1931, it is doubtful whether even this can be done in a satisfactory way.

The Treaty of Versailles provided that at the termination of a period of fifteen years from its coming into force, a plebiscite should be held in the Saar Territory to determine under what sovereignty its inhabitants desired to be placed. The following conditions were laid down for the plebiscite: “A vote will take place by communes or districts on the three following alternatives: (a) maintenance of the régime established by the present Treaty and by this Annex; (b) union with France; (c) union with Germany. All persons, without distinction of sex, more than 20 years old at the date of voting, resident in the Territory at the date of signature of the present Treaty, will have the right to vote. The other conditions, methods, and the date of voting shall be fixed by the Council of the League of Nations in such a way as to secure the freedom, secrecy,and trustworthiness of the voting.”

In the development of democracy in the modern world, increasing attention has been paid to the idea of representation. With the growth of large electorates which resulted from the extension of the franchise, it has been a necessary and logical process for thinkers and constitution-makers to devise methods by which the will of the electors can be formulated and translated into public policy. Since the voters are too numerous to gather in the market place, some means must be found to represent their opinions in the control and administration of the state. In the words of John Stuart Mill, “the meaning of representative government is, that the whole people, or some numerous portion of them, exercise through deputies periodically elected by themselves the ultimate controlling power, which, in every constitution, must reside somewhere.”But specifically whom should the deputy represent—individuals, areas, groups, parties, or himself? Must he be popularly elected and, if so, how, and by whom? These and other vital questions have occupied the attention of scholars and statesmen for more than a hundred years. How to organize a system of good democratic representation is today a very live question in several countries, and a really critical question in one or two of them.

In recent discussions of the German problem there seems to be a growing superficiality and confusion that is greatly to be deplored. Sensational articles, and even books, on the subject are having a deep influence on American and British opinion. We badly need more informed discussions of basic parts of the German problem if we are to avoid serious mistakes in the postwar world. Although definitive answers cannot always be given in the political field, it is nevertheless incumbent upon everyone who has studied, both in the ivory tower and in the field, to offer as much light and leading within the spheres of his competence as time and strength will permit.At this time, I think it is important to call attention to an aspect of the German problem which must not be overlooked after the war either by the occupying powers or by the German people. Since it is primarily a long-run problem, and not merely a problem of occupation, the German people will have to solve it in the final analysis. Furthermore, since I do not belong to the school of gloomy haters who envisage an indefinite oppression and control of the German people, I prefer to base a program of governmental and political regeneration for Germany on the assumption that the tragic and bitter experience of the Germans under Hitler will lead to a revival of those features of civilized, democratic society which are so essential to the proper functioning of both national and international government.

The electoral system of Britain provides students of representative government and observers of voting behavior with a large and valuable field of investigation. The Mother of Parliaments has been elected on a democratic basis since 1918, and the constituency pattern which was rearranged after the first World War has continued down to the present time. The party picture too, although constantly changing, has not been altered fundamentally during the period. We have therefore an interesting and satisfactory span of time between the two world wars in which to examine the various aspects of British electoral institutions and behavior.

In the spring of 1953, with the approach of the regular parliamentary elections, the West German Bundestag began its deliberations on a new electoral law. The original law of 1949 had been enacted for the sole purpose of electing the first Parliament under the new Bonn Constitution. It was therefore necessary for the expiring Parliament to re-enact the old law, to modify it, or to supersede it with an entirely new system. It soon became apparent that there were wide differences of opinion among the various parties represented in the Bundestag. The Chancellor's party, the Christian Democrats (CDU), presented proposals to establish a single member district system, eliminating proportional representation.' The Social Democrats (SPD) presented a draft which largely re-enacted the 1949 law.2 The official government proposal, which was something of a compromise, leaned very heavily in the direction of the so-called Mehrheitswahl but also had provisions permitting a combination of party lists and additional votes (Hilfsstimmen).3 It bore some similarity to the law which de Gasperi had pushed through the Italian Parliament shortly before this time, but without the same justification.4 The various proposals were discussed on first reading on March 5, 1953, and again on March 18. After the report by the Election Law Committee, amended proposals were again discussed on second and third reading on June 17 and 19 and passed on third reading June 25.5 After the rejection of the draft election law brought forth by the government, discussions focused principally on two proposals, one drafted by the CDU Deputy Scharnberg and the other prepared by the FPD (Free Democratic party) Deputy Onnen. The Scharnberg proposal patently favored the coalition and provided for run-off elections in the event that no candidate in the first election secured a majority. There was also a procedure by which votes for parties could be pooled. After lengthy debate the Onnen draft, which was strongly opposed by the Chancellor and his party, passed the Bundestag on June 26, 1953, by 202 votes to 175.6 In the course of the deliberations, several significant changes were made in the draft proposal, including principally the restrictive clause against splinter parties. The Social Democrats provided the strongest opposition to the original

As we enter another presidential contest, it is well to reflect on where we stand with reference to party funds and their public control. So much attention in the past two years has been concentrated on pressing emergency problems that this vital matter of regulating the real springs of public policy has been quite overlooked. But now that we are face to face with the realities of a huge quadrennial plebiscite, careful students of democratic institutions might profitably refresh the memories of voters and legislators and point out the significant facts about campaign funds and their regulation today, particularly those facts which have a bearing on the present situation.

The voters of the Saorstat Eireann went to the polls on September 15 to elect a new Dail. This was the fourth election under the P.R. system and the second election of the year. Despite the importance of the issues involved and the strenuous efforts of the two larger parties, the total poll was only 35,000 votes greater than in the previous June. But a total poll of 1,180,000 votes is a good record for the Free State, even though on a percentage basis it does not appear large. The present inefficient state of the register makes a percentage comparison somewhat misleading.To the student of political institutions the election was interesting because of its bearing on several important matters: proportional representation, the development of the party system, political education, and parliamentary government. Not the least of these was proportional representation. There has been much discussion of P.R. in the Free State, and the Cumann na nGaedheal, or government party, made a promise in the election campaign to modify or abolish the system if returned to office. It remains to be seen whether this pledge can be carried out. But in the meantime it is interesting to point out how the system appears to have operated in the most recent election.Some of the English newspapers undoubtedly exaggerated the evils of the system, the Sunday Express even saying that “one consequence of the election will be the abandonment of an experiment which distorts rather than expresses the opinion of the voters.”

France ha restored the single member system with the second ballot for Parliamentary elections, after two experiences with a bogus form of proportional representation.

Following the lead of other recently created nations of Europe, Latvia has promulgated a constitution. This new republic came into the world of nations on November 18,1918, when it proclaimed its independence, although its government was not formally recognized by the United States until July 27, 1922. One year previous to this, on September 22, 1921, Latvia became a member of the League of Nations. After the independence of Latvia had been proclaimed, a constituent assembly was convened, and it was this body which drew up the new constitution. It was adopted February 15, 1922, and became law on June 30. Elections under the new organic law were held October 7 and 8, and the newly elected parliament met November 7 of the same year.

The receptor mechanisms underlying vasopressin-induced human platelet activation were investigated with respect to stimulation of phosphoinositide metabolism and changes in the cytosolic free Ca2+ concentration ([Ca2+]i). Vasopressin stimulated phosphoinositide metabolism, as indicated by the early formation of [32P]phosphatidic acid ([32P]PtdA) and later accumulation of [32P]phosphatidylinositol ([32P]PtdIns). In addition, vasopressin elicited a transient depletion of [glycerol-3H]PtdIns and accumulation of [glycerol-3H]PtdA. The effects of vasopressin on phosphoinositide metabolism were concentration-dependent, with half maximal [32P]PtdA formation occurring at 30 +/- 15 nM-vasopressin. In the presence of 1 mM extracellular free Ca2+, vasopressin induced a rapid, concentration-dependent elevation of [Ca2+]i in quin2-loaded platelets: half-maximal stimulation was observed at 53 +/- 20 nM-vasopressin. The V1-receptor antagonist [1-(beta-mercapto-beta, beta-cyclopentamethylenepropionic acid),2-(O-methyl)tyrosine,8-arginine]-vasopressin selectively inhibited vasopressin (100 nM)-induced [32P]PtdA formation [I50 (concn. giving 50% inhibition) = 5.7 +/- 2.4 nM] and elevation of [Ca2+]i (I50 = 3 +/- 1.5 nM). Prior exposure of platelets to vasopressin rendered them unresponsive, in terms of [32P]PtdA formation and elevation of [Ca2+]i, to a subsequent challenge with vasopressin, but responsive to a subsequent challenge with U44069, a thromboxane-A2 mimetic. These results indicate that vasopressin-induced human platelet activation is initiated by combination with specific V1 receptors on the platelet, and that the sequelae of receptor occupancy (stimulation of phosphoinositide metabolism and elevation of [Ca2+]i) are equally susceptible to inhibition by receptor antagonists and by receptor desensitization.

The possibility that living cells are capable of high frequency electrical oscillations was first suggested by Frohlich in a series of papers (Frohlich 1968,1980,1982). His theoretical development noted that an extremely high electric field exists across all biological membranes (107 V/m) and that the highly polarized molecules within these membranes could interact cooperatively under certain conditions. Frohlich calculated that if the thermal vibrational modes that existed in the membrane received energy above a threshold energy, then the modes would condense into one coherent mode having a frequency in the range 1011−1012 Hz. Further work (Frohlich 1984) revealed that polar modes in biological molecules, and larger systems, exist with both higher and lower frequencies. Stimulated by this proposal, a number of different lines of investigation have given evidence that these oscillations do, indeed, exist.

Summary— A system has been developed to acquire a complete urological history using an Apple microcomputer. The system can ask up to 300 multiple choice questions which the patient answers using a light pen. The questions are grouped into blocks for urological symptoms and complicating factors. A printout summarises the history and the recommended further investigations. A copy of this is given to the patient and the referring doctor. The clinician discusses the printout and proposed investigations with the patient. The system has been tested against experienced clinicians and the results are presented. The computer system was evaluated for 26 patients and was found to record all of the important information. The system is now in regular use in the out-patient clinic as the first part of the diagnostic work-up in suitable referrals. This system has shortened waiting times for first appointments. To date 261 patients have used the system. The consultant urologist continues his practice of reading all referral letters and allocating priorities. Conditions requiring immediate physical examination (e.g. testicular swelling) are not suitable for this type of approach.

The inter-relationships between receptor occupancy, inositol phospholipid metabolism and elevation of cytosolic free Ca2+ in thromboxane A2-induced human platelet activation were investigated by using the stable thromboxane A2 mimetic, 9,11-epoxymethanoprostaglandin H2, and the thromboxane A2 receptor antagonist, EPO45. 9,11-Epoxymethanoprostaglandin H2 stimulated platelet phosphatidylinositol metabolism as indicated by the rapid accumulation of [32P]phosphatidate and later accumulation of [32P]phosphatidylinositol in platelets pre-labelled with [32P]Pi. These effects of 9,11-epoxymethanoprostaglandin H2 were concentration-dependent and half-maximal [32P]phosphatidate formation occurred at an agonist concentration of 54 +/- 8 nM. With platelets labelled with the fluorescent Ca2+ indicator quin 2, resting cytosolic free Ca2+ was 86 +/- 12 nM. 9,11-Epoxymethanoprostaglandin H2 induced a rapid, concentration-dependent elevation of cytosolic free Ca2+ to a maximum of 300-700 nM. Half-maximal stimulation was observed at an agonist concentration of 80 +/- 23 nM. The thromboxane A2 receptor antagonist EPO45 selectively inhibited 9,11-epoxymethanoprostaglandin H2-induced [32P]phosphatidate formation and elevation of cytosolic free Ca2+, indicating that both events are sequelae of receptor occupancy. Human platelets contain a single class of stereospecific, saturable, high affinity (KD = 70 +/- 13 nM) binding sites for 9,11-epoxymethano[3H]prostaglandin H2. The concentration-response curve for receptor occupancy (9,11-epoxymethano-[3H]prostaglandin H2 binding) is similar to that for 9,11-epoxymethanoprostaglandin H2-induced [32P]phosphatidate formation and for elevation of cytosolic free Ca2+. These observations indicate that human platelet thromboxane A2 receptor occupation is closely linked to inositol phospholipid metabolism and to elevation of cytosolic free Ca2+. Both such events may be necessary for thromboxane A2-induced human platelet activation.

Cytosolic Ca2+ levels and arachidonate liberation were investigated in platelets loaded with the fluorescent Ca2+ indicator dye fura-2, and labelled with [3H]arachidonate. Fura-2 was used in preference to quin2 because the latter interfered with [3H]arachidonate labelling of phospholipids. From a resting free Ca2+ level of around 100 nM, ionomycin (10-200 nM) evoked an instantaneous, concentration-dependent increase in cytosolic Ca2+ that only resulted in [3H]arachidonate liberation (up to 4-fold over control) at Ca2+ levels greater than 1 microM. Addition of collagen (10 micrograms/ml) evoked an elevation in Ca2+ up to 461 +/- 133 nM. These changes in Ca2+ were accompanied by a 2-4-fold elevation in [3H]arachidonate with depletion of [3H]phosphatidylcholine by 17 +/- 4% and [3H]phosphatidylinositol by 41 +/- 7%. Indomethacin (10 microM) reduced the elevation in Ca2+ by collagen to 115 +/- 18 nM but did not significantly inhibit the 2-4-fold increase in [3H]arachidonate. [3H]Phosphatidylcholine and [3H]phosphatidylinositol were decreased by 9 +/- 7% and 10 +/- 6%, respectively, with collagen in the presence of indomethacin. Stimulation of phosphoinositide turnover by collagen in the presence and absence of indomethacin was indicated by [32P]phosphatidate formation in cells prelabelled with [32P]Pi. This phosphatidate formation was decreased (75%) by the presence of indomethacin. In the presence of indomethacin, phorbol myristate acetate (20 nM) alone or in combination with ionomycin (30 nM) failed to stimulate arachidonate liberation despite a marked stimulation of aggregation. These results indicate that, whereas ionomycin requires Ca2+ in the microM range for arachidonate liberation, collagen, notably in the presence of indomethacin, does so at basal Ca2+ levels. The mechanisms underlying the regulation of arachidonate release by collagen are not clear, but do not appear to involve activation of protein kinase C, or an elevation of cytosolic free Ca2+.

Because they inhibit the processes that promote elevation of [Ca2+]i and augment the processes that promote removal of Ca2+ from the cytosol, receptor antagonists, agents that mimic or elevate cAMP, cGMP or 1,2-Diacylglycerol (DG), and both inorganic and organic Ca2+ channel blockers can be considered to act as 'Ca2+ antagonists' on human platelets. Agonist-induced elevation of [Ca2+]i is associated with phosphoinositide hydrolysis. Unlike agents that mimic or elevate cAMP, cGMP or DG, receptor antagonists and organic Ca2+ influx, mobilisation of internal Ca2+ and inositol lipid hydrolysis. Lanthanides apparently inhibit only Ca2+ influx. Thus La3+ but not Verapamil or Diltiazem block receptor-operated Ca2+ channels on human platelets. The endogenous processes that promote extrusion or sequestration of cytosolic Ca2+ may be augmented by cAMP, cGMP, DG and by Ca2+. DG, via activation of protein kinase C, may serve as a bi-directional regulator of platelet reactivity.

Doppler echocardiograms of the tricuspid and mitral valves were recorded along with the electrocardiogram and respiration in 22 normal full-term neonates. A computer-interfaced digitizer pad was utilized to measure the following: peak E and A velocities (cm/s); E and A areas (the components of the total velocity-time integral in the early passive period of ventricular filling [E] and the late active period of atrial emptying [A], respectively) and the 1/3 area fraction (or the proportion of filling in the first 1/3 of diastole).All of the variables of right (tricuspid) versus left (mitral) ventricular filling were significantly different on the 1st day of life. Respective values were peak E velocity (cm/s) 44.6 ± 10.0 (tricuspid) versus 53.2 ± 9.3 (mitral), p < 0.01 peak E/A ratio 0.84 ± 0.14 versus 1.15 ± 0.17, p < 0.0001; E/total area 0.58 ± 0.07 versus 0.63 ± 0.05, p < 0.0005; area ratio 1.05 ± 0.23 versus 1.63 ± 0.40, p < 0.0001; 1/3 area fraction 0.31 ± 0.04 versus 0.41 ± 0.04, p < 0.0001; peak A velocity (cm/s) 53.0 ± 8.4 versus 47.6 ±5.8, p s< 0.05 and A/total area 0.57 ± 0.09 versus 0.41 ± 0.09, p s< 0.001; the mean heart rate (beats/min) was not significantly different: 121 ± 8 versus 120 ± 7. Most of the variables remained significantly different on the 2nd day of life, but the level of significance was the same or less for all measurements.Doppler-determined diastolic function in neonates is significantly different for the right and left ventricle, particularly on the 1st day of life. The pattern of right ventricular diastolic function is characterized by a reduction in early passive filling, with a greater dependence on atrial contraction for right ventricular filling. These changes may reflect reduced right ventricular compliance as a result of intrauterine dominance.

Following the stimulating suggestion by Herbert Frohlich in 1968, oscillating electric fields are now found to be produced by living cells. These natural oscillating electric fields of cells at frequencies in the order of 30 Hz or higher are evidenced by: (1) direct instrumental detection and observation. (2) the use of tiny particulate probes of either very high or very low dielectric permittivity, together with knowledge about nonuniform field effects (dielectrophoresis, or DEP for short). (3) cellular spin resonance (CSR), the frequency-sensitive spinning of cells or small particles. (4) the observation that certain species of fish emit radio frequency signals in the range of 1 to 60 kHz. This emission can hardly be imagined to be other than cellular in origin. (5) the formation of rouleaux by red blood cells mediated by long-range interactions (up to 4 micrometers).