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People experience difficulties tracking the source of their memories following collaborative remembering. This results in a variety of source monitoring errors. Researchers have typically focused on one of these errors - instances of adopting information from external sources as one's own memories. They have failed to investigate the frequency of other possible source monitoring errors. Because of this, it is impossible to say whether observed instances of mistakenly adopting external information represent a true bias in remembering or whether these errors simply reflect one of many memory errors that have an equal likelihood of occurring. In two studies, we teased apart these two possibilities. Members of dyads individually studied pictures with some items appearing in both participants' pictures and some unique to each one's pictures. Participants then collaboratively recalled what items were present. After the collaborative recall, participants completed individual source monitoring tests. We found that participants displayed biases in their source monitoring errors for information discussed during collaborative remembering. They were more likely to adopt information from partners as their own memories than attribute their contributions to their partners. They also more often believed their memories (rather than their partner's) were shared, representing a false consensus. Importantly, these biases only occurred following collaborative remembering and not when individuals received comparable information in a non-social setting. These results illuminate the importance of investigating the relative, and not just absolute, frequency of source monitoring errors and provide insight into how collaborative remembering changes individual memories over time.

In this article, we focus on connections between and among teachers’ self-efficacy beliefs, classroom management practices, and the cradle to prison pipeline. Drawing from Bandura’s (1986) theoriza...

An emerging and growing body of research has clearly established the importance of youth building sociopolitical consciousness in order to be more democratically engaged citizens. An overwhelming amount of sociopolitical youth development work occurs outside of school. Much of the research on this work has focused on youth outcomes, and we know little about sociopolitical youth workers, the types of experiences and influences from which they draw, and how those experiences and influences emerge in their work. To attempt to fill this void, the author uses life history methodology to showcase two sociopolitical youth workers (“activist mentors”). Using Watts, Williams, and Jager's eco-transactional model of sociopolitical development as an analytic tool, the author explains and uncovers ways in which an amalgamation of past events, relationships, and environmental influences inform and emerge in activist mentors' work with youth activists. Findings indicate that activist mentors' ecological and tran...

Understanding that suggestive practices can promote false beliefs and false memories forchildhood events is important in many settings (e.g., psychotherapeutic, medical, legal). The generalizability of findings from memory implantation studies has been questioned due to variability in estimates across studies. Such variability is partly due to false memories having been operationalized differently across studies and to differences in memory induction techniques. We explored ways of defining false memory based on memory science and developed a reliable coding system that we applied to reports from eight published implantation studies (N=423). Independent raters coded transcripts using seven criteria: accepting the suggestion, elaboration beyond the suggestion, imagery, coherence, emotion, memory statements, and not rejecting the suggestion. Using this scheme, 30.4% of cases were classified as false memories and another 23% were classified as having accepted the event to some degree. When the suggestion included self-relevant information, an imagination procedure, and was not\ud accompanied by a photo depicting the event, the memory formation rate was 46.1%. Our research demonstrates a useful procedure for systematically combining data that are not amenable to meta-analysis, and provides the most valid estimate of false memory formation and\ud associated moderating factors within the implantation literature to date.\ud

A viable solution for increasing fuel efficiency in vehicles is optimizing driver behavior. In our previous work, we proposed a data-driven Intelligent Driver System (IDS), which calculated an optimal driver behavior profile for a fixed route. During operation, the optimal behavior was prompted to the drivers to guide their behavior toward improving fuel efficiency. This system was proposed for fleet vehicles mainly because a small increase in fuel efficiency of fleet vehicles has a significant impact on the economy. The system was tested on a portion of the fleet's route (12km) and achieved 9-20% of fuel saving. One limitation of the IDS was that the prompted behavior profile was the same for all drivers. However, the approach of driving is significantly different from driver to driver. Therefore, it is important to capture those differences in the optimal behavior profile creation and prompting. This paper presents the first steps of a modified IDS that incorporates different approaches of drivers in optimal behavior profile creation. This work has three main components: 1) analyzing the capability of scaling our previously proposed IDS to the complete route of the fleet, 2) assessing the capability of identifying different types of driver behavior from data, and 3) proposing an IDS framework for integrating different driver behavior in optimizing driver behavior. Experimental results showed that the existing IDS was able to achieve 26-37% estimated fuel savings on the complete route. Conclusions of the paper are: 1)the existing IDS scaled to longer routes, and 2) It is possible to identify different driver behavior using data.

Inattentional blindness is a failure to become aware of an object or event that should be completely obvious due to focused attention. Inattentional blindness has important ramifications for the legal system. First, inattentional blindness may contribute to accidents. People often engage in divided attention tasks and perform tasks that require tracking multiple sets of information. In these situations, people may cause accidents because they become selectively focused and fail to notice objects, signals, and events. Second, inattentional blindness may result in eyewitnesses failing to notice a crime. One crucial feature of inattentional blindness is that people are surprised that they or someone else can fail to notice things that seem obvious. People expect to notice unusual events, warning signals, and crimes. For this reason, expert testimony may aid jurors and courts attempting to understand the role of attention in many legal cases.

Background/ContextPrior research on Milliken v. Bradley focuses on the failure of this case to implement interdistrict busing in the highly segregated Detroit schools. Much of this work focuses explicitly on desegregation, rather than on equity and addressing individual, systemic, institutional, and organizational challenges that may prevent the advancement and actualization of desegregation to benefit Black students, teachers, and communities.Purpose/ObjectiveIn this study, we shed light on the impacts of desegregation on Black students, teachers, and communities. We argue that Brown, Milliken, and associated policies that attempt to address segregation focus mostly on student assignment policies. Our focus instead is on highlighting the underconceptualized microlevel realities of desegregation, which include the losses of cultural and community connections, strong role models, and connections to school.Population/ParticipantsThis study draws from interview data collected from three experts in the field of education whose research focuses on school desegregation. The interview participants have written scholarly articles and/or book chapters about desegregation and related influences on/for Black teachers, Black students, and Black communities spanning the PreK–12 and higher education spectrum.Research DesignThis study employs in-depth qualitative interviewing.Data Collection and AnalysisInterviews were conducted by phone and lasted approximately 45 minutes to an hour. Participants in the study were asked questions about the impact of desegregation and education on Black teachers’ experience, self-concept, dedication, and retention; Black students’ experience of schools and school-related success; experience and connection of Black communities; and “next steps” in educating Black students. An interpretive perspective was used to guide the interview analyses in this study.Findings/ResultsAnalysis of the expert interviews reveals the underexplored microlevel losses and harmful effects of desegregation policies and politics on Black children, families, and communities.Conclusions/RecommendationsEvidence from these researchers who have studied desegregation suggests that for many Black students and educators, desegregation was unsuccessful— even when there were superficial indicators of success. We suggest that both researchers and policy makers should consider drawing from the potential losses associated with desegregation and focusing on equity, regardless of schooling location and population.

This article focuses on factors outside of school that we have identified from the established research literature as essential for educators to consider in supporting students in urban environments. We start by conceptualizing what it means for a school to be “urban.” Following this discussion, we describe four outside-of-school factors that emerge from the literature: (1) Understanding Student and Family Homelessness; (2) Understanding Geography and Social Contexts; (3) Understanding Policy and School Funding; and (4) Understanding Parental and Family Involvement. These factors are important to helping educators, especially pre- and in-service teachers, in their understanding of and, consequently, the practices they use to meet the needs of students in these social contexts. We conclude with recommendations for educational practice.

Outside of school time (OST) programs are playing an increasingly prominent role in the lives of youth, particularly Black children. Because many schools are not meeting the social, cultural, and academic needs of Black students, the ability of OST programs to support students in these areas is essential. Ladson-Billings (The dreamkeepers: successful teachers of African American children, 2nd edn. Jossey-Bass, San Francisco, 2009) conceptualized three central tenets of culturally relevant pedagogy, a theoretical framework designed to describe instructional practices inside of school that are relevant to, aligned with, and responsive to Prek-12 students. In this paper, the authors build on a tenet of Ladson-Billings’ (2009) culturally relevant pedagogy framework, sociopolitical consciousness (SPC), to make sense of how OST programs can develop instructional practices that build students’ knowledge and understandings of injustices in their communities and work to change them. The authors discuss how youths’ development of SPC can be fostered and operationalized through pedagogy in OST programs. The authors conclude with recommendations that could potentially contribute to a pedagogy of SPC in OST programs.

People frequently experience musical imagery-times when music plays in awareness in the absence of immediate environmental music. Although people may intentionally bring songs into awareness, songs often enter the mind without conscious volition. Sometimes an episode of involuntary musical imagery is brief, with the song simply passing through one's thoughts. Other times the song may become stuck in one's head. Having a song stuck in one's head is an involuntary thought that most people have experienced and that many people experience frequently (Bailes, 2007; Beaman & Williams, 2010; Beaty et al., 2013; Halpern & Bartlett, 2011; Hyman et al., 2013; Kvavilashvili & Mandler, 2004; Liikkanen, 2008, 2012a, 2102b; Williamson et al., 2012). Our goal is to use involuntary musical imagery as a means of studying involuntary and intrusive thoughts more generally: to understand the reasons songs return to awareness, investigate individual differences in involuntary thoughts, and explore the features that lead some songs to feel intrusive when they invade one's awareness.In several recent studies, researchers have described the experience of having a song stuck in one's head, developed experimental methods to explore the experience, and investigated individual differences related to the frequency of the experience. Some of these findings have disproven general beliefs about the stuck song experience. For example, the general social belief is that having a song stuck in one's head is unpleasant; either because annoying songs are more likely to become stuck or because the experience exemplifies the failure to control the contents of consciousness (Kellaris, 2003, 2008; Levitin, 2006). This may be why the general term for the experience is an earworm-an obnoxious song that burrows into the mind and refuses to leave. This general belief is, however, incorrect. Although disliked songs do sometimes get stuck, people generally report liking the songs in their heads and find the experience to be pleasant (Beaman & Williams, 2010; Beaty et al., 2013; Halpern & Bartlett, 2011; Hyman et al., 2013; Williamson et al., 2012).These recent findings also suggest that when a song is stuck in one's head, the song is generally repetitive in two important aspects. First, only a small part of the song, typically the chorus, repeats in awareness (Beaman & Williams, 2010; Hyman et al., 2013; Liikkanen, 2012a). Second, the song returns repeatedly to consciousness (Hyman et al., 2013). A song may start replaying mentally, temporarily leave awareness, and then return later. Hyman et al. (2013) argued that both of these repetitive aspects of involuntary musical imagery reflect Zeigarnik (1967) effects, such that unfinished thoughts stay active and return to memory and consciousness. This occurs because people may have a song start mentally replaying, but are generally unable to complete the song. Instead, when people remember a song they can reach the chorus but fail to leap across the gap to the next verse (Hyman & Rubin, 1990; Rubin, 1995). This may cause the chorus to keep looping. Consistent with a Zeigarnik effect for unfinished thoughts, Hyman et al. (2013) found that if a song starts replaying in someone's head after listening to it, that song is more likely to return over the ensuing 24 hours than if the song did not start mentally replaying immediately after exposure.The onset of involuntary musical imagery generally reflects recent exposure- either hearing the music or being exposed to some other stimulus that brings the song to mind (Hyman et al., 2013; Kvavilashvili & Mandler, 2004; Liikkanen, 2012b; Williamson et al., 2012). For example, the last song in a set of music is the song most likely to become stuck in awareness (Byron & Fowles, 2013; Hyman et al., 2013). Recent exposure may explain why people frequently report Christmas songs playing in their heads during the holiday season (Halpern & Bartlett, 2011; Kvavilashvili & Anthony, 2012). …