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Freire's thinking and acting become, once again, the target of discourses that, far from neutrality, are aimed at silencing educators and directing educational practices towards a distance from democracy and the criticality of teaching, so it is necessary to clarify the educational thought, from the perspective of a resistance discourse, highlighting its importance in Brazilian education. The guiding question of this article is: what are the reasons for Paulo Freire being the target of persecution and criticism in the current political context? The objective is to analyze, in the current Brazilian conjuncture, Paulo Freire's thought as a counter-discourse of confrontation and resistance, against the attacks on his person and educational proposal, clarifying his educational assumptions, refuting the unfounded criticism and pointing out its importance in the educational scenario Brazilian. It consists of a bibliographical research that involves Paulo Freire's productions, but also results of research on Freire's education. It highlights the humanist and ethical-political character of Paulo Freire's education, which cannot be thought of as a neutral field, nor confused with mere party indoctrination, and presents the importance of Freire's education in Brazilian education. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Journal of the College Of Basic Education is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article aims to demonstrate the role of the children's periodicals and magazines in the process of formation of the divine and the greatest sultan character in the minds of children between 1876 and 1908. By examining seven newspapers and magazines from that period, this article points out that these materials emphasized merciful, generous, protective, progressive, reformer, religious and powerful sultan images, which played a considerable role in indoctrination and political socialization of children. In this way, as this article argues, the regime tried to form primarily loyal, and then moral, religious, and well-educated generations who would support the regime's values and norms. The close examination of the children's periodicals indicates how the patriotism was closely connected to loving and obeying the rules and laws of the owner of the state, which reduced the meaning of patriotism to being loyal to the sultan, praying for his health and continuation of his rule, and celebrating his birthday. While elucidating the children's periodicals, this article also provides a glimpse on the bilateral relations between the regime and the publishers and the censorship policy of the period. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When and how does state indoctrination work? Building upon research on motivated reasoning and family socialization, I argue that only those individuals whose parents have connections to political patronage are subject to state indoctrination because their pro-regime biases transmitted from parents induce higher receptivity prior to government messages. Focusing on political education in China, I conduct a quasi-experimental analysis exploiting the sharp variation in textbook content generated by China's most recent curriculum reform. Results based on a national survey show that the new politics textbooks successfully affected only those individuals whose parents had worked for the government. The finding survives extensive robustness checks and falsification tests. I also consider several alternative explanations of the effects: preference falsification, selective attention, parental indoctrination, and educational quality. This paper not only highlights the role of intergenerational transmission in moderating the effectiveness of state indoctrination but also casts doubt on the actual degree to which regimes can change minds by changing educational content. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The purpose of this article is to add to the debate on the normative status and legitimacy of indoctrination in education by drawing on the political philosophy of Benedict Spinoza (1632–1677). More specifically, I will argue that Spinoza's relational approach to knowledge formation and autonomy, in light of his understanding of the natural limitations of human cognition, provides us with valuable hints for staking out a more productive path ahead for the debate on indoctrination. This article combines an investigation into the early modern history of political ideas with a philosophical inquiry into a persistent conceptual problem residing at the heart of education. As such, the aim of the article is ultimately to offer an account of indoctrination less fraught with the dangers of epistemological and political idealism that often haunt rival conceptions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

With mathematics education dominated by practices of standardized test alignment, the quest for mathematical understanding is adrift despite so much talk about the importance of STEM subject matters. To add to the confusion there has long been worries among educators about any curricular programs or instructional practices that can be labeled indoctrinative. The worse combination of practices seems afoot. Standardized testing has led to unmitigated indoctrination throughout much of public education yet the term is indoctrination is shunned as bad pedagogy. The argument here is that entry into any new discipline from times of antiquity to the present necessarily involves responsible and warranted indoctrination. Acknowledging the fruitful role of indoctrination early on should enable educators to benchmark when the practice has become excessive or otherwise inappropriate. Threshold moments demarcate between early instruction enabling the study of math from advanced and independent study wherein students' development skills of reflection and evaluative deliberation relevant to mathematic thinking. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We assess the nature and extent of socialist indoctrination in elementary school textbooks published by the government of Hugo Chávez in Venezuela. Our methodology consists of systematically comparing these textbooks with those published by previous administrations. We perform a qualitative comparison by coding relevant categories and a quantitative comparison using text mining. We find strong evidence of socialist indoctrination in the textbooks published by the government of Hugo Chávez relative to those we use as a benchmark. The most common topics present in the former include the promotion of income redistribution, government-provided goods, and collective effort. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The transformation toward more sustainable food choices may be supported by an education for sustainable nutrition. In schools, biology teachers play a key role in educating students as sustainability change makers, as biology lessons provide various opportunities to deal with ESD-topics such as sustainable nutrition. Teachers’ classroom practices may be influenced by their personal choices regarding sustainable nutrition. Additionally, students may see their teachers as role models for sustainable behavior. This presents the risk of students adopting teachers’ beliefs and behaviors without reflection. Teaching sustainable nutrition is therefore in potential conflict with indoctrinating young people toward sustainable diets. To date, no studies have addressed the perceived risk of indoctrination in the context of teaching sustainable nutrition in relation to teachers’ personal beliefs, behaviors, and teaching practices. Therefore, this study explored whether biology teachers themselves perceive a risk of indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, and what methods they use for teaching it in a non-indoctrinating way. For this purpose, we conducted semi-structured interviews with seven in-service biology teachers from high schools in Germany. Data for this explorative qualitative study were collected from July to October 2021 using convenience sampling. These were analyzed by qualitative coding and content analysis. The preliminary results of this study show that participants recognize a high risk of indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, primarily due to their own teaching actions, such as deciding whether to reveal their own dietary choices to students. While some participants believed teachers must be restrained, others thought that open communication about personal choices could benefit student decision-making skills. In terms of avoiding indoctrination when teaching sustainable nutrition, participants advocated for student-centered and multi-perspective teaching approaches. Based on the findings, initial implications for further research and teacher training are discussed.

Copyright of Revista Electrónica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad is the property of Revista Electronica de Estudios Penales y de la Seguridad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

After the events of June 30 and July 3, 2013, that brought the Muslim Brotherhood rule to an end, Egyptian President ʿAbd al-Fattāḥ al-Sīsī has been carried aloft on waves of adulation of most of the Egyptian people. This phenomenon was reflected in popular expressions and in the Egyptian media, and any criticism of it was minimal. Interestingly, it was the portrayal of al-Sīsī in a children's magazine, Samīr (February 1, 2014), that generated vocal public debate on issues of the exposure of children to political content and their indoctrination. This article examines why this case provoked such harsh criticism even though political content and indoctrination in children's magazines are not a new phenomenon in Egypt but rather a continuation of past traditions, and discusses what insights can be gleaned from the affair with regard to Egyptian society today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Thinking demands an effort that many people avoid. Teaching philosophy is an especially valuable tool for cultivating intelligence. The teacher's action demands a difficult balance between caring for the development of the student while respecting the condition as a person that is inherent to her. This equilibrium is easier to achieve if one has an accurate idea of the meaning of critical thinking and of the importance of avoiding indoctrinatory behaviour. This article offers new approaches to these topics that differ from those proposed in previous years. It defends the idea of also relating critical thinking to insight and an expanded reason, and it draws attention to the importance of uncovering the indoctrinating activities of some states, in order that we might know how to struggle against not just personal errors but also against mistaken public initiatives, identifying the strategies teachers, and in particular philosophy teachers, should foster to prevent their students from falling into the trap of indoctrination. The article concludes with a brief description of an innovative curriculum that was approved in France in 2019 to offer teaching of philosophy in the baccalaureate. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper acts as an introduction to a dossier centered on the ethical implications of Practicing Philosophy with Children and Adults. It identifies ethical themes in the P4C movement over three generations of theorists and practitioners, and argues that, historically and materially, the transition to a "new" hermeneutics of childhood that has occurred within the P4C movement may be said to have emerged as a response to the everincreasing pressure of neoliberalism and a weaponized capitalism to construct public policies in education on an over-regulated, prescribed, state-monitored, model. Could a new relationship to childhood provide the ethical and political agenda that our times require for doing philosophy with children with integrity? Could a radical listening and openness to childhood-which has been an intrinsic confessional characteristic of P4C pedagogy from the beginning--sustain the movement through these dark times? Finally, the paper presents a set of articles written in response to these questions: What, if any, should the ethical commitments of the P4C facilitator be? Is political/ideological neutrality required of the P4C facilitator? Is political neutrality possible? What constitutes indoctrination in educational settings? Are children more vulnerable to indoctrination than adults, and if so, what are the implications of that fact for the practice of P4C? What are the uses of P4C in the dramatically polarized ideological landscape we currently inhabit? What, if any, are the ethical responsibilities of a teacher engaging in philosophical practice? Are the philosophical practitioner's ethical responsibilities similar or different when the subjects are children or adults? Does every methodology have a "hidden curriculum"? If so, what is the hidden curriculum of P4C? What distinguishes dialogical from monological practice? May one have the appearance of the other? Is the "Socratic method" (Elenchus) as we conceive it dialogical? What, if any, are the uses of irony in philosophical practice? Should Socrates (or any other philosopher) be considered a model for P4C practitioners?. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses the role of the press during the Cuban independence struggle, in relation to the participation of Spaniards in the fight for the emancipation of Cuba. The main source of this study is the newspaper Patria founded by José Martí, which we consider the main exponent of the revolutionary Cuban press in times of preparation for the anti-colonial war. The specific objective is to analyze the discourse that the medium directs particularly to the Hispanic community, observing the modes of interpellation and discursive arguments that it develops to convince the Spaniards to support the independence of Biggest Antilla and their separation from Spain. At the same time, there is an imaginary dialogue, a journalistic and ideological debate, between Patria (revolutionary press) and the official peninsular press (liberal-conservative), which, through contrary arguments, also disputed the participation of the Iberian community in the war in Cuba. The time frame selected (1892-1895) is anchored in the years immediately prior to the outbreak of the so-called Necessary War (1895-1898), a vital stage of indoctrination and organization of the revolution, which in turn coincides with the period in which Martí was the Director of the newspaper, until his death in battle. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Nauki o Wychowaniu. Studia Interdyscyplinarne is the property of Wydawnictwo Uniwersytetu Lodzkiego and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This article discusses the phenomenon of desertions in the Polish Army in the years 1944-1947. At that time it was a serious problem among soldiers, as the number of deserters can be estimated at around 30,000 people during this period. Of course, many factors influenced on the discipline and morale of the army, including political, economic, social or family conditions. The article describes the causes of desertion, its scale and trend of the phenomenon in the discussed period. The text also presents examples of so-called collective desertions and actions taken by the communist authorities to limit this phenomenon in the army. With time, discipline began to improve and the number of desertions decreased. However, it was a process lasting several years. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Estudios de Derecho is the property of Estudios de Derecho and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Cauriensia: Revista Anual de Ciencias Eclesiásticas is the property of Instituto Teologico San Pedro de Alcantara de Caceres and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Although at the end of World War II Greece was at the winners’ side, its economic, political and social situation was tragic. The Civil War (1946-1949) impacted strongly not only the construction of a social and political setting significantly distinct from the pre-war one but also every strand of life, especially children’s lives and family ties. During the civil war years –starting in the summer of 1947– at the initiative of the government and the Royal Welfare Institution around 18,000 children were taken away from their home villages and were housed in 52 institutions called “Childtowns” (Paidopoleis). At the end of the Civil War (1949) most of them returned to their villages and the majority of these institutions closed. Although their role was supposed to be the “protection of abandoned, poor and orphan children,” a strong emphasis was laid on their indoctrination. The paper looks into the instruction of children in the values of nation-mindness (ethnikofrosyni: extreme nationalism) which at the time was the dominant ideology. Based on the premise that education aims, among others, to help the young generation internalize a common culture, which the teachers attempt to instill in children, we follow the way children were imbued with the national ideology in these institutions. We study the pedagogical discourse about the homeland and the nation as reflected in contemporary official documents, journals and newspapers as well as in the published testimonies of children who experienced life in these institutions. We focus on the analysis of various aspects of life in the Childtowns, as well as the education, training and daily routine of the children in relation with the educational moral and national values during the postwar period. We are interested in analyzing how the pedagogical theory and practice created and determined the dominant codes through which children could express their emotions and feelings for the nation and the country as well as display the expected attitudes and behaviors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article refutes dominant views that define evangelical indigenous media as intrinsic tools for religious indoctrination. The case of the Colombian Misak community shows that evangelical radio stations can contribute to community building. However, the degree of the positive or negative contribution of evangelical media depends on the dominance of evangelical presence at indigenous localities. The rapid expansion of indigenized evangelical groups via the provision of social services has radicalized Evangelicals against views different from their own. As a result, these evangelical media are progressively leaving their role as promoters of positive social change to become tools for religious indoctrination. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Indoctrination is one form to limit women's space unnoticed. Through indoctrination, a woman will not feel that her space of motion has been restricted. It is because the indoctrination done based on conventions, as well as traditions that exist in the community. This is reflected in the Lowland novel written by Jhumpa Lahiri. The Lowland novel provides an overview the position of women in India who are 'voluntarily' restricted by the indoctrination. Indoctrination reflected in customs, traditions and other things. It is represented by the character Gauri that almost all aspects of her life are determined by men. This research is done by applying the concept of the scope of women carried by Barbara Welter. This is a concept that women's movement space tends to be limited by the existence of constructions. The results indicated that Indoctrination contestation in the novel The Lowland is divided into four forms; piety, purity, submissiveness and domesticity. Lowland's novel is also a representation of feminism. Customary and community traditions are points criticized by Lahiri. What experienced by Gauri as a woman in the patriarchal society convention was also experienced by many women in India. The space for movement becomes limited due to indoctrination with the labels of religion, norms, customs and traditions.

Abstract We apply the models and tools of epidemiology and public health to propose a unified field theory showing the role of ideologies, indoctrination, and incitement, in genocide, genocidal terror, and terror by groups or individuals. We examine the effects of indoctrination and incitement as exposures and risks in relation to genocide and genocidal terror. Incitement has been recognized as a trigger to these outcomes but indoctrination is upstream to incitement. Population-wide exposure to indoctrination increases susceptibility to the effects of incitement. These relationships have been seen in all major genocides and genocidal terror in the late twentieth and twenty-first centuries. There is some insight into the relationship between ideology, incitement, and genocidal acts of violence from the so-called localized genocides in Bosnia, Rwanda, Darfur, Syria, and most recently, among the Rohingya in Myanmar. There is a need to recognize the upstream role of ideologies of hate in order to determine the degree to which indoctrination posed, and continues to pose, a contributing factor. Epidemiologic models, such as the iceberg model of exposure and disease and the concept of “sick individuals” and “sick populations,” guide our understanding of the content and spread of indoctrination and incitement and can provide essential insights for prevention. The hateful indoctrination and ideologies behind genocidal violence must be countered and replaced by positive ideologies and role models that emphasize respect for life and human dignity for all.

This paper argues that propaganda poses a (new) challenge to civic education. It examines the tension between education and propaganda in relation to civic education for adults considering (1) civic education as protection against propaganda attempts and (2) propaganda as a possible element of civic education. This paper explores didactical approaches and core principles of civic education that strive to both resist and deal with propaganda. The core proposal of the paper is to root civic education in the tradition of the German concepts of Bildung and Mündigkeit in order to contrast civic education with propaganda or manipulation.

The article examines the role of children and juvenile literature of the Third Reich in the development of Nazi identity. In German culture of the 1930s, the image of childhood developed during the period of the Weimar Republic underwent dramatic changes. As the Third Reich was proclaimed “the Youth Reich” (das jugendliche Reich), childhood lost its autonomy and merged with “youth,” the key concept of the Nazi era. Youth, in turn, was more than age category; it implied a certain worldview, or a specific life position that all age groups of Nazi society had to adhere to. Children and adolescents aged 10-18 years old joined the Hitler Youth, the largest organization in the world, and became carriers of the new ideology. Literature for children and adolescents of the Third Reich significantly expanded its boundaries: now it included literary works written for adults, and also those written before 1933. “Expanded borders,” therefore, implied multiple cases of intersection between children and adult literature, interpenetration and coexistence of these literatures within the cultural ambience of the Nazi period. Despite the fact that the entire system of education and upbringing fostered indoctrination while literature was one but not the only one factor in the development of the new identity in this multilevel system, it was literature that legitimized children’s refusal to follow their personal interests and encouraged their engagement in the propagated ideological system.

Over the course of the early Soviet Union, the content and nature of propaganda exhibits increasing alignment with advantageous biological traits, particularly the human aptitude for indoctrination. Drawing from evolutionary biology, psychology, and history, Soviet propaganda will be analyzed as a vehicle of education and advertisement. Under the pretext of natural selection by way of an evolutionary theory of motivation, definitive patterns existed within Soviet propaganda, of which those found in posters and newspapers will receive examination. Human behavior is directionally motivated by survival, and the human propensity to accept ideologies contrary to fundamental mechanisms of individual survival suggest that the ability for indoctrination confers some evolutionary benefits. As the Soviet Union’s political situation changed between 1917 and 1932, propaganda experienced simultaneous transformations in accordance with both politics and human evolution. Methods employed under Stalin proved more adept than those previously employed by Lenin at appealing to innate biological predispositions, including the human desire for societal stability through hierarchical organization and the desirable positive associations among ‘in-group’ members when a defined contrasting ‘out-group’ exists. In this light, the evolution of propaganda effectively illustrates unconscious modifications within propaganda machines to better appeal to human biological traits that have been selected for under the processes of evolution.

This paper presents the concept of 'religious certainty' I have developed by drawing inspiration from Wittgenstein's notion of 'certainty'. After describing the particular traits of religious certainty, this paper addresses two difficulties derived from this concept. On the one hand, it explains why religious certainty functions as such even though all its consequences are far from being absolutely clear; on the other hand, it clarifies why, unlike the rest of certainties, the loss of religious certainty does not result in the collapse of the world-picture made up of all certainties. Subsequently, it analyzes to what extent the teacher can teach religious certainty by acting as a facilitator for its acquisition–if desired—particularly bearing in mind that religious certainty cannot be attained at will. These basic teaching guidelines have several advantages. First, they make it possible to know the nature of religious certainty even better. Second, and most importantly, the fact of having adopted the perspective of a teacher who tries inculcating a religious certainty contributes to detecting and preventing forms of indoctrination that, arguably, might go unnoticed even when attempting to properly present religious certainty—or rather, this way of being religious—in current schools to foster understanding thereof. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This introductory essay outlines the key themes of the special issue on the long-term impact of autocracies on the political attitudes and behavior of their subjects. Here, we highlight several important areas of theoretical and empirical refinements, which can provide a more nuanced picture of the process through which authoritarian attitudinal legacies emerge and persist. First, we define the nature of attitudinal legacies and their driving mechanisms, developing a framework of competing socialization. Second, we use the competing socialization framework to explain two potential sources of heterogeneity in attitudinal and behavioral legacies: varieties of institutional features of authoritarian regimes, which affect the nature of regime socialization efforts; and variations across different subgroups of (post-)authoritarian citizens, which reflect the nature and strength of alternative socialization efforts. This new framework can help us to better understand contradictory findings in this emerging literature as well as set a new agenda for future research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do the labels left and right take on meaning in new democracies? Existing explanations point to the universality of the left–right scheme or, reversely, emphasize regionally dominant social cleavages. We propose an alternative legacy-focused theory based on two observations: Dictatorships are not ideologically neutral and are negatively evaluated by most citizens and elites after democratization. These premises lead us to expect that when the authoritarian regime is associated with the left (right), the citizens of a new democracy will display an antileft (antiright) bias in their left–right self-identification. We test this hypothesis across Latin American and European new democracies. We find significant bias, which in the case of new democracies following left-wing regimes is concealed due to intercohort heterogeneity. Although older cohorts denote a positive bias, cohorts born after Stalin's era denote negative bias against the left. Consistent with our expectations, repression exacerbates this bias whereas indoctrination mitigates it. Finally, we look at how these biases apply to party preferences. The findings have important implications for understanding authoritarian legacies and party system development in new democracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the political effects which the multidirectional activity of both the state and civil society institutions have on the voluntary movement. The state seeks to provide support with the purpose of indoctrination, whereas the aim of public organizations is civic activism. The authors of this paper confirm the hypothesis about the direct political impact of these efforts using the evidence of an empirical study of voluntary movements that was conducted in 2019 in the Khanty-Mansi Autonomous Okrug—Yugra. The authors conclude that just as state support provided to voluntary organizations does not incite the 'pro-government' discourse of their actions, so their 'civil' origin does not stir up oppositionist attitudes. Moreover, the state's efforts to indoctrinate or block political socialization can trigger the opposite response, where volunteers start to act opportunistically and non-profit public organizations, designed to be the mainstay of civil society, can easily be transformed into agents of state policy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Military Medical Science Letters / Vojenské zdravotnické Listy is the property of University of Defence, Faculty of Military Health Sciences and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Sociologia, Problemas e Práticas is the property of Centro de Investigacao e Estudos de Sociologia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)