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This paper revises the bellicist theory of state-making by examining the interconnection between state-making and nation-building in the Third World. It argues that nation-building mobilisations for the purposes of self-preservation and aversion of unbalanced wars are equally crucial. By focusing on the People's Republic of China's involvement in the Afro–Asian cultural cooperation in the 1950s, this paper elaborates on how internationalism plays a role in the state-driven mobilisation of the general public for the purpose of nation-building in China. It looks at the role of transnational exchanges of cultural productions and cooperation in spurring social empowerment and nation-building in the post-World War II Afro–Asian world under the framework of the Afro–Asian solidarity movement. The Afro–Asian cultural cooperation was intended to create alternative visions to the West-centric narratives of modernisation among the general public. These visions in turn inspired the general public to be involved in nation-building movements in respective Global South nations. This synchronic relationship between national independence and internationalism in China is crucial in understanding the state-making in the Global South as a process of political, economic and, more importantly, cultural decolonisation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article explores the appropriation of anticolonial language by the Basque radical newsletter and organization Jagi-Jagi (Arise-Arise). Although Jagi-Jagi initially emerged under the doctrine of the Basque Nationalist Party (PNV) in 1932, the newsletter and organization offered a more radical form of nationalism than the official party, which during the Second Spanish Republic sought the approval of a Basque Statue of Autonomy. One of the most visible features of J agi-Jagi 's radicalism was its anticolonialism, a facet that scholars have previously failed to explore. Jagi-Jagi constantly equated the situation of the Basque Country to that of other colonies and condemned both internal and international colonialism. This article explores both the national and international dimensions of Jagi-Jagi 's anticolonialism and considers the motives behind such anticolonial claims. It also analyses the set of complex and often-contradictory ideas that existed within Jagi-Jagi 's discourses on race and claims that they responded to the different uses of Basque anticolonialism. The case study of Jagi-Jagi and its racial discourse serve to elucidate the complexities of western anticolonialism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This short article is an engagement with John Clifford's book God's Greater Britain and other writings with regard to his thoughts on the British Empire. The article seeks to make a contribution to a small growing exploration of Baptists and imperialism. It concludes by asking how we view Clifford's imperialism in the context of his time and the present day. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In January 1979, a delegation of exiled Brazilian communist women activists travelled across Italy during a week-long visit organized by the Women's Section of the Italian Communist Party (Partito Comunista Italiano - PCI). The goal of the women representatives of the Brazilian Communist Party (Partido Comunista Brasileiro - PCB) was to learn from and forge links of solidarity with PCI activists in the context of mounting internal resistance and international condemnation against Brazil's civil-military dictatorship, in power since 1964. This introductory essay contextualizes a set of six written sources from the PCB women's delegation to Italy, including written reports and correspondence from both hosts and guests. The journey is a telling instance of cross-border solidarity between two sets of global communism's little-studied female subjects. Yet, the pathway leading its Brazilian protagonists to Italy was not a straightforward one. PCB delegates did not depart from their home country towards Italy, but from their places of exile across Western Europe. Moreover, most female PCB militants had only fled to Europe between 1973 and 1975, many of them from Chile, their «first» exile until the violent overthrow of Salvador Allende's Unidad Popular government. The essay briefly discusses this trajectory before providing a detailed chronicle of the visit to Italy. It then shifts focus to the peculiar transnational space created through the exchanges between Brazilian guests and Italian hosts in the trip. The documents introduced in the essay, in that regard, do not only testify to the crucial role played by the PCI - and its overlooked women activists - in the international communist movement of the late 1970s. They also shed light on a gendered practice of internationalism understood as a two-way bond of solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the idea that Beethoven had African ancestry became popular in the 1960s during the Civil Rights struggle in the United States, its conception arose during an earlier moment: the global New Negro movement of the 1920s. Appearing in newspaper columns, music journals, and essays, Black American writings on Beethoven challenged white musicians' claims to the canon of Bach, Beethoven, and Brahms. This article argues that the project of making Beethoven Black belonged to a greater and more ambitious endeavour to rewrite Western music history. Black musicologists sought to globalize the Western canon, and in so doing, critique its grand narratives. Locating Black musical idioms in eighteenth-century piano sonatas or conducting archival research on Black European figures such as George Bridgetower, their music histories challenged readers to re-examine just who, exactly, had contributed to the project of cultural modernity and on what grounds. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Imagofagia is the property of Imagofagia - AsAECA and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Antarctic research remains an enterprise in which people with certain backgrounds and identities have distinct career advantages over others. In this paper, we focus on barriers to women's participation and success in Antarctic research. Drawing on feminist social science literature on gender inequality in science, we identify two foundational, interrelated factors that have hampered progress across global Antarctic research. We propose that these barriers can be effectively addressed through intersectional approaches to change. We synthesize a broad range of multidisciplinary research on intersectionality in scientific workplaces and apply this literature to the unique institutional, historical and geographical contexts of Antarctic research. We argue that an intersectional lens improves understanding of persistent gender inequalities in Antarctic research, and we offer examples of how intersectionality can be practically applied within Antarctic institutions and communities. By embracing intersectional approaches to change, the Antarctic research community has the opportunity to lead in the advancement of equitable global scientific cultures and to fully realize Antarctica's potential as a place for peaceful, scientific collaboration by and for all humanity - not just a privileged few. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on wartime journalism and nonfiction, this article analyses how nationalist Indians made sense of the war's political and moral causes and goals, and how such understandings shaped the war's longer historical resonance in India. The article centres on the wartime publications of the writer and journalist Dosabhai Framji Karaka, juxtaposing them with those of his colleagues in the nationalist newspaper, the Bombay Chronicle. Tracing the unfolding of the war through Karaka's eyes, the article delineates the acute dilemma that the Second World War posed for nationalist Indians, between the struggle for liberation from colonial rule and the global struggle against fascism. It suggests that contemporaries perceived this dilemma as a choice between nationalism and internationalism. The war dealt a severe blow to the more fluid and capacious political imagination of interwar leftist internationalism, espoused by Jawaharlal Nehru and his followers. While substantial scholarly attention has been paid to the interwar period, this article puts a spotlight on the war, especially the pivotal year of 1942, as a distinct period that should be understood on its own historical terms—terms specific to war, with the urgency that arose from horrendous violence, unpredictable outcomes of battles on multiple fronts, and existential threats to nations and the global order. Such unprecedented pressures and constraints bifurcated the range of possibilities and forced historical actors to make difficult choices. The article shows how, during 1942, Karaka's position parted ways with that of his peers, who more steadfastly represented the Congress stance. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article retraces the local and transnational ideas and activism of Lydie Dooh-Bunya, a French novelist, journalist, and activist from Cameroon. Its objective is to understand how Dooh-Bunya's life experiences as well as the sociopolitical, intellectual, and activist contexts to which she had access contributed to the articulation and practice of a specific form of feminism at the intersection of colonialism, patriarchy, and racism, and how it evolved through her interactions both local and global. Through the tools offered by biographic and transnational approaches, this research contributes to the historiography of Black women's and people's agency and internationalism, and historicizes an intersectionality resulting from intellectual thought and lived experiences. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on new archival documents and on original interviews, this article extends recent works exploring radical and critical geographies from linguistic areas other than the Anglo-American ones. It addresses the extraordinary story of the two international meetings for the "New Geography" that took place in Salto, Uruguay, in 1973 and in Neuquén, Argentina, in 1974, still ill-known due to the military dictatorships in the Southern Cone, which forced many of their protagonists to exile or to professional reconversion. Analyzing surviving documents and reconstructing the trajectories of these gatherings' protagonists allows the development of an original point for today's critical and radical geographies. That is, the frameworks of national academies are insufficient to develop critical approaches that need first to be constructed through practices rather than mere theories, addressing societal problems in connection with activism. This business can be only accomplished though voluntarist, transnational and cosmopolitan scholars' engagement. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article uses building contracts to understand late-medieval perceptions of quality in architecture. The focus of the paper is value judgements based on existing buildings, which were to be emulated or 'bettered'. The contracts for Magdalen College, Oxford are the central case study. This paper argues that 'good' in these contracts refers to the function of the building and the specifics of its design, and that other English and continental contracts also focus on the visible particulars of a structure. Such contracts make no reference to religious or political symbolism, rhetoric or iconography. It seems that, when closely engaged in the practice of building, medieval patrons and craftspeople showed aesthetic preferences of a precision not found in other sources. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In recent years, scholars doing research on the anticommunist and social democratic tradition developed an interpretation in which socialist internationalism is portrayed not as opposed to nationalism but instead as complementary. This allowed them to move away from older perspectives and to examine the main features of international cooperation among socialists in a more positive light. Its substantial and convincing contributions notwithstanding, this literature also displays important shortcomings. Not only does it minimize the challenge that nationalism did pose to transnational solidarities; it is also too focused on Europe and therefore overlooks a more serious limit to internationalism, namely a perspective that proclaimed a principle of color‐blind solidarity among all peoples of the world but in practice built a much more limited transnational community of workers either born in Europe or of European descent. This article engages with these historiographical trends and complicates our knowledge of socialist internationalism in the 1920s by exploring a unique and underresearched event, the "World Migration Congress," held in London in 1926 and jointly organized by the International Federation of Trade Unions and the Labour and Socialist International, the main transnational networks of trade unionists and political parties of the social democratic tradition. Drawing on the idea that international organizations and meetings can be used as "observation points" for studying global history, the article uses the prolegomena to, the preparations for, and the discussions of this congress as a lens to understand the stances of socialist parties and reformist trade unions regarding the question of migration in the 1920s, explaining to what extent, and for what reason, they have changed in comparison with the prewar period. Moreover, it shows that the stances on migration were intertwined in many ways with socialist and labor perspectives on colonialism and condescending views of the "colored peoples" of the world. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Lua Nova is the property of CEDEC and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Much has been written about US efforts to solve the 'German problem' after the Second World War. Scholars have carefully studied US attempts to de-Nazify, pacify and democratise post-war Germany and have identified the creation of large-scale student exchange programmes as an integral part of that agenda. As this article shows, 1945 was not the first time in the twentieth century that US policy-makers and educators had pondered the German problem and sought to address Germany's apparently deficient democratisation and excessive militarism, as well as the alarmingly narrow horizons of its youth. Based on long-neglected or inaccessible archival materials in Europe and the United States, this article charts the development of US student exchanges with inter-war Germany and demonstrates that a fuller understanding of US re-education policies in West Germany requires paying attention to the 1920s and 1930s. The article traces the discovery of the German student as an object of US democratisation efforts in the inter-war period and shows that US re-education policy after 1945 was deeply informed by the experiences made, connections forged and convictions won (sometimes without reliable evidence) by US internationalists in the inter-war years. Facing the German problem after the First World War, the article argues, helped establish a modus operandi —and a modus cogitandi —with regard to the German student that would inform US cultural diplomacy well into the Cold War. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that since World War II, comparative education has worked in the service of two historic blocs: one focused on creating institutions and ideologies in support of internationalism and a second focused on containing the threat of communism. Both versions have supported and justified foreign intervention into domestic education systems, mirroring colonial practices and logics. Once the United States of America became politically and economically hegemonic, the field helped develop mental models and best-practices of 'efficient' education systems, justifying international development efforts of Washington and the interests of capital. As the global political economy shifts so too will the political project of comparative education. The article posits future directions for the field on the assumption that a new economic bloc will emerge as East Asia plays a larger role in the global economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses the ways in which UNESCO's ideological engagements are negotiated in the difference/diversity discourse as they are transferred from the international standard-setting level to the national and local contexts. It proposes the discursive construction of cosmopolitan internationalism as a framework for analysing the intersections of difference, located in the practicalities of internationalism, and diversity, tied to the ideals of cosmopolitanism, as they are manifested at the level of both the implementation of UNESCO's Diversity Convention and urban policy making in the city of Sydney. The analysis suggests that ruptures challenging the homogenising diversity discourse rise from the national and local policy-making level, with such discourse simultaneously becoming an instrument for international differentiation. UNESCO's normative cosmopolitan international tradition thus manifests itself as an obstacle against the emergence of transnational political spaces beyond the confines of the state, while it also carries with it a promise of facilitating such developments. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The essay explores the labor-exchange programs between postcolonial and socialist states as a form of moral economy that attempted to reconcile the notions of socialist internationalism and 'mutually beneficial' migration. Focusing on the relationship between Vietnam and Bulgaria, the article traces key logics of socialist migration and internationalism that informed, broke, and reshaped the relationships between different units of solidarity. These include links between the Party, mass organizations, and economic enterprises; between economic units, political organizations, and foreign workers; and essentially between the two countries, Vietnam and Bulgaria. The essay contends that the constant renegotiation of the meaning of internationalism between economic enterprises and ministries, on the one side, and the Central Committee of the Bulgarian Communist Party and foreign workers, on the other, produced two competing logics on whether labor-import from postcolonial states was politically valuable. To explore the clash, I concentrate on the years between 1975–1985, when some voices required the halt of labor exchange programs. This notwithstanding, in this period, the number of Vietnamese workers to arrive in Bulgaria more than tripled. The essay enters the spaces where socialist internationalist theory and the social practice of migration interacted, to make internationalism an open-ended domain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Issues of political consciousness amidst early industrial mining workers in Bolivia is discussed. Despite notable illiteracy, early Andean proletarianization reveals high engagement with modernity and the emergence of anti-imperialist activism.

The most popular theories of political strategy nowadays are still political realism and liberal internationalism. When trying to explain state aggression, over centuries, political realists have developed a message that wars are always driven by a mix of personal and state self-interest, and hence ineradicable. Liberal internationalists, on the contrary, keep trying to abolish state aggression as a continuation of state politics by evolving the framework of global institutions, common law and collective security, although not very successfully so far. Today, the former promote isolationism and appeasement, while the latter, alliances and armament. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article discusses two books: "George Padmore's Black Internationalism" by Rodney Worrell and "The Pan-African Pantheon: Prophets, Poets, Philosophers" edited by Adekeye Adebajo. The first book focuses on George Padmore, a key figure in the struggle against colonialism in Africa and the Caribbean. Worrell provides an overview of Padmore's political thought and his involvement in various organizations. The second book is a collection of biographical profiles of individuals who have contributed to Pan-Africanism. The editor aimed to create a diverse and inclusive pantheon, but the selection has been criticized for its omissions and inclusions. [Extracted from the article]

ADAM International Review was the longest-running literary journal published under a single editor in Europe in the twentieth century. Edited by Miron Grindea from 1936 until his death in 1995, the magazine promoted ‘active humanism’ and ‘comparative’ or ‘world literature’ as the grounds for cultural re-evaluation and international collaboration, following the brutalities of Nazism and faced with the existential threat posed by the Cold War. This article examines Grindea’s unique species of ‘eclectic’ editorship, using ADAM as a case study to highlight the significant role played by individual magazine editors in forging and sustaining open, capacious international literary networks. Grindea was idealistic about his editorial mission, but as the twentieth century wore on found himself increasingly out-of-step with the times, instead seeking consolation in the past. This prompts a series of questions. How effective is a magazine when the editor prioritizes archival recovery above the discovery of new work? How useful are international cultural commitments when ‘internationalism’ has been curated by an individual? And what becomes of a magazine when the personality of its editor dominates?

This study deals with the significance of antisemitism in Austria, especially in Vienna, under the changed political conditions immediately after World War I. It strives for a new perspective, focusing not solely on antisemitic images of “the Jew”, but rather on the self-perception of antisemites and, to a certain extent, on their mutual accusations of abetting “Jews”. At the same time, the antisemitic milieu is by no means viewed as a fixed völkisch entity: following the typology of sociologist Jan Weyand, the contribution emphasizes the dynamic tension between post-imperial religious and radical nationalist or racist self-images of Viennese antisemites. The analysis shows how two notorious and influential Viennese antisemites, the rightwing Catholic Anton Orel and the National Socialist Walter Riehl, fought each other between 1919 and 1921. Their disputes came to a head in the runup to the Congress of Antisemites of March 1921, which, for similar reasons, was unable to bring about an Antisemitic International.

In this essay, I narrate part of my experience leading second-language college writing students through an activity that introduces them to some of the basics of ideology critique and critical discourse analysis. I also describe a Language Event Analysis assignment that invites students to analyze international language-related current events. In the process, I try to show why a dialectical multilingualism must be part of any radically internationalist socialist teaching praxis.

The presence of Ho Chi Minh in Rio de Janeiro at the end of one of his early seafaring journeys is taken as an article of faith by a spectrum of opinion in Brazil today. But what is the source material that lends credence to such a view? As this article exposes, the legend originally emerged in 1968 with the publication of two pieces of writing linked with a reported encounter between Ho Chi Minh and two Communist Party of Brazil leaders in Moscow in 1924. In that year, Ho Chi Minh published a French-language typescript titled "Solidarité de Classe," relating to a violent class action in Rio de Janeiro port. Looking deeper into this obscure text – never since reprinted – the present article appraises the possibility of a Ho Chi Minh visit to Latin America as well as pointing to the deeper importance of his maritime networking, here taken as another instance of praxis in the further awakening of his socialist internationalist worldview and future direction. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the nineteenth century, Irish newspaper culture became more experimental in nature. The form of Irish nationalist newspapers as an assemblage of various registers and genres embodied the politics of Irish nationalism and anti-colonialism in the period. These media innovations, as well as the forms of writing disseminated, transformed again during the Great Famine in Ireland (1846–51). During and after the Famine, the gothic was mobilized in newspaper columns, often in service of producing critiques of empire. Examining Irish newspaper writing on famine in India and on the Morant Bay Rebellion, this essay argues that engagement with the gothic in the anti-colonialist press in Victorian Ireland allowed for the emergence of powerful and distinctly internationalist critiques of colonial capitalism and its violent apparatuses. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is an edited version of a conversation between Barbara Ransby and Derecka Purnell, two US-based key Black feminist activists on 'New lines of Black resistance in the US: undoing racial capitalism and the carceral state', which took place at the 'New Circuits of Anti-racism Conference', King's College London, October 2022 (IRR50). They discuss their own political journeys, shared by many activists today, which they describe as involving building and re-envisioning a desired future, as well as the role of Black feminism and abolition. The conversation, introduced by Chantelle Lewis of Surviving Society and Sophia Siddiqui of Race & Class, unpacks the workings of the carceral state and the specific racial and class targeting of surplus Black workers. Drawing from their experience on the practicalities of organising today, they discuss their commitment to internationalism, the challenges of building genuine coalitions and the need to connect the dots between different systems of domination and violence to understand the functioning of the carceral state, and the centrality of reproductive justice and the fight for bodily autonomy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the Institute of Race Relations (IRR) and its 50-year history of radicalism and commitment to anti-racism, internationalism, and liberation. Topics include the IRR's journey of rebuilding and comradeship, the legacy of A. Sivanandan's directorship and his impact on solidarity and internationalism, and the need for anti-racism to adapt to new circuits of imperialism and forge new paths of resistance in the face of global crises.

In this article, based on a modified speech delivered as part of the 'Radical internationalism and shifts in the global order' panel at the 'New Circuits of Anti-racism Conference', King's College London, October 2022 (IRR50), an organiser both for Palestinian liberation and migrant rights scopes the potential for international solidarity in the metropole today. He contrasts a recent revival in solidarity during the 'Corbyn era' with times in the nineteenth and twentieth centuries when London was a hotbed of progressive internationalism as exiles sought refuge and freedom to think, write, organise and build links. He asks what we can learn from these experiences, and what the possibilities are of such concerted internationalism in London, and Britain more generally, today. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Examining India's official thinking on international order over the past quarter-century, this article maps the shift in the country's preference from liberal internationalism to the rules-based international order (RIO). It argues that despite Delhi's current narrative of a 'New India', the country's order conception shows continuity in being essentially reformist and mostly consistent with the pillars of the 1945 order. While its marked unease with liberalism is a consequence of the changes afoot in India's domestic politics, this development is consistent with, and contributes to, the decline of liberalism as a global force. The current Indian preference for economic protectionism also reflects the larger trend of economic deglobalization. The description of India as a resurgent civilizational state rather than a liberal democracy, while discursively arresting, does not indicate a divergence with the West on the grand strategic question of order-building. Upon reconstructing the Indian iteration of the RIO, the article finds it to be geographical—focused on Asia and the Indo-Pacific—rather than universal. Finally, it posits that India's persisting problem of inadequate power and its risk-averse responses to great power revisionism are likely to undermine its efforts to effectively partner with democracies to shape the emergent RIO. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on Chinese nationalism in Western academia have been influenced by a popular theory called 'the culturalism-to-nationalism thesis', a loosely formulated interpretive paradigm which emerged in late 1960s. The literature on this topic, however, reveals an inadequate understanding of traditional Chinese thinking and its influence on Chinese thought in modern history. An examination of the work of Li Dazhao (1889–1927) and his philosophical heritage not only will open up a valuable source for us to rethink about this thesis and its defects, but also will shed light on the complicated background and perspective that give rise to modern Chinese nationalism. Given the interest in Chinese nationalism in contemporary world, an understanding of its historical roots is particularly timely, since in order to understand China's current and future actions one must understand the origins of Chinese nationalist thinking and its transformations in time. This paper makes a contribution to that historical understanding. I argue that traditional Chinese philosophy, especially the Daoist world view and Confucian ethics played a significant role in shaping Li's patriotic and nationalist stance. It also predisposed him intellectually to accept the internationalist characteristic of Marxism. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The mainstream literature on global cities tends to explain the internationalization of cities almost exclusively from the perspective of recent developments in global capitalism, developments that have put cities at the heart of an increasingly globalized, financialized, and deregulated world economy. The internationalization of these so-called global cities is seen as a response to, and is conditioned by, external, and mainly economic, exigencies. Research on the foreign relations of city governments has followed in this tradition, with a predominant focus on the global drivers and manifestations, as well as the systemic implications of this phenomenon. Little academic attention has been given to the domestic contexts within which city governments develop and exercise their international agency. This paper is inspired by the emergence of alternative accounts in the global cities literature, which have underscored the importance of the domestic context in making sense of the contemporary internationalization of cities, to analyze the domestic sources of the City of Johannesburg's foreign relations from 2011 to 2016. While acknowledging Johannesburg's global cities ambition as a major driver of the city government's international relations during this period, we identify and analyze a set of local and national factors that equally inspired and conditioned the city's foreign engagements. These include the huge socio-economic and spatial divide that continues to define the city, the influence of the ruling African National Congress (ANC) and its doctrine of progressive internationalism, as well as the then mayor's internationalist outlook and domestic political ambitions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article focuses on the concept of "un-breathing" as a method of racial capitalism and its manifestations in policing, environmental degradation, and global struggles for liberation, drawing on examples such as the Gilets Noirs movement in Paris to illustrate how abolition unfolds as a form of internationalism in practice. Topics include the transnational articulations of policing, the environmental impact of racial capitalism, and radical tricontinental abolitionism in action.

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Only few studies consider characterizing the coopetition formation stage, especially from the perspective of cultural institutions. A review of the literature, as well as observation of the functioning of cultural institutions in economic practice, allows us to notice the dichotomy of coopetition strategies, expressed in the simultaneous establishment of coopetition relationships by a given institution in both an emerging and intentional way. This article focuses on mechanisms of setting the intentional and emergent coopetition strategy on the example of cultural institutions (the coopetition strategy is considered here at the interorganizational level). Mechanisms are understood in this paper as causal pathways to the emergence of motivation to coopetition. The article is conceptual in nature and is based on a narrative approach to the literature review within strategic management. As its main contribution, this paper offers conceptualization of the mechanisms of setting the intentional and emergent coopetition strategy on the example of cultural institutions, which are examples of public and non-profit organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Throughout modern history, internationalism has been one of the most powerful forces that drives global political changes. While existing research focuses exceptionally on liberal internationalism, studies devoted to internationalism beyond its liberal and Western forms remain relatively scant. Building on a conception that perceives internationalism as a form of human practices, this article explores the evolution of the concept of internationalism in the Global South through a series of political practices from the drafting of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights in 1948 and the 1955 Asian-African Conference in Bandung to the proposal of the New International Economic Order in 1974 and the BRICS's contestation over NATO's Libyan intervention in 2011. It is argued that the normative core of internationalism in the Global South is constituted of three major components - pluralism, solidarism, and developmentalism, each in its particular form. Taken together, it envisions an international order rooted in the solidarity of the post-colonial peoples based on their shared colonial past, underpinned by a pluralistic outlook of political life, and places emphasis on redistributive justice in structuring the international economic order. Though some argue that with the rise of the BRICS countries, there will be a revival of Global South internationalism, this article concludes that this is not likely to happen at present. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The humanities naturally bridge between scholars, disciplines, and cultures, and intercultural exchanges provide important insights which push us to recognise truths not evident through monocultural exploration. Inviting conversation between Indian, Chinese, and US-based scholars with a focus on real-world application of literary investigation through a socioenvironmental lens, this paper explores a Harmonious Discourse Analysis, a China-originated rhetorical tool, to a new audience using exploration of the ancient text, "Jiangcun" by Chinese sage and poet, Du Fu. The primary application is a call to humanities scholars to be relevant to our students, to our nations, and to our world be that through ecology or another avenue. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Using the negotiations of the 1979 Convention on Long-Rage Transboundary Air Pollution as a case, this article examines the characteristics of Nordic environmental diplomacy. Through a Nordic perspective, it investigates the practices, dynamics, and motives of Nordic cooperation on atmospheric pollution within an international context. It argues that Nordic environmental diplomacy was anchored in regional Nordic cooperation, facilitating a fluid and multi-layered collaboration at the international scene. By revealing this complexity of Nordic environmental diplomacy, the article nuances the diplomatic accounts focusing on single countries, emphasizing the multi-ownership of ideas and achievements. Furthermore, by exploring the motivational, organization, and practical traits of Nordic environmental diplomacy, it proposes to characterize Nordic environmental diplomacy as green internationalism, a self-interested international environmentalism resting upon a shared sense of Nordic solidarity and institutional cooperation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Communication plays a vital role in diplomacy, especially in multilateral settings. Historians of World War II diplomacy have long neglected the potential of the foreign-language print media originating with the Allied European exiles. Publicity helped the Norwegian government retain two assets of supreme importance to every exile representation – credibility and agency. Norwegian efforts in this realm manifest resourcefulness: several formats have been employed to generate visibility, reciprocity, and reputation, or to transmit positions on the international order in the making. Moreover, content analysis elucidates the transformation of Norwegian internationalism from inter-war liberal propositions towards a more "realist" understanding. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article adds to the growing research literature on Fascist trans- and internationalism, not least in regard to the relationships between foreign intellectuals and National Socialist cultural policy. It revolves around three interlinked German cultural relations institutions featuring significant involvement from Nordic writers: the Nordic Society, the German-Nordic Writers' House, and the European Writers' Union. Covering a period from 1931 to 1942, the article explores institutional links between these institutions and the versions of Nordic-German cultural diplomacy practiced and developed within their auspices. It argues that National Socialist Germany's northbound cultural diplomatic efforts contained continuities with pre-1933 practices and conceptions, yet also came with significant inner tensions that ultimately impeded them. Navigating institutional, state, and diplomatic interest, as well as differing visions for cultural relations and cultural internationalist legitimacy abroad proved a difficult balancing act for the German cultural diplomatic actors involved. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]