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Research on gendered political behaviour has been heavily influenced by feminist scholarship in understanding gender inequalities. Yet it has been more difficult to integrate the insights of more recent waves of feminist critics, notably among intersectional scholars. The focus has been on differences between women and men, rather than among differently situated women. This article addresses the difficulties of integrating intersections into large-n style studies of political behaviour using “situated comparisons” (Dhamoon, 2010). It then provides an analysis of gender gaps in turnout and civic engagement across ethnoracial groups in Canada using the Ethnic Diversity Survey (2002).It concludes by arguing that the study of gender and political behaviour must find a place for intersectional feminist approaches.

This chapter explores the sources of an inclusive solidarity in diverse societies, building on the intuition in liberal nationalism that solidarity is rooted in a sense of shared membership in a national community, but moving beyond the focus on the national identity of the majority population which dominates existing research. The chapter examines the public’s perceptions of the deservingness of minorities for social support. If nationhood entails an ethic of membership, the public’s judgements of deservingness will depend on whether these groups are seen as committed to the national community, as willing members of ‘us’. Empirical support is drawn from a custom-designed survey in Canada, which explored majority perceptions of immigrants and ethnic minorities. The findings confirmed that judgements of deservingness for social support reflect whether the majority thinks newcomers and minority groups identify with the national community, accept the community’s rules, and are prepared to contribute to thesharing of resources when they can. The chapter reflects on the empirical issues and normative dilemmas raised by these findings.

As the importance and prevalence of sports analytics grows, so does the inequality in sports data. In this paper we examine two main sources of such disparity - the perceived hierarchy of sports and privatization of data. We argue that such inequality hurts the sports analytics community in the short and long terms, and suggest ways for the deep-learning, AI, and sports analytics communities to help mitigate the issue. Keywords: Sports Analytics; AI; Team Sports; Diversity

Non-intrusive load monitoring (NILM) helps meet energy conservation goals by estimating individual appliance power usage from a single aggregate measurement. Deep neural networks have become increasingly popular in attempting to solve NILM problems; however, many of them are not causal which is important for real-time application. We present a causal 1-D convolutional neural network inspired by WaveNet for NILM on low-frequency data. We also study using various components of the complex power signal for NILM, and demonstrate that using all four components available in a popular NILM dataset (current, active power, reactive power, and apparent power) we achieve faster convergence and higher performance than state-of-the-art results for the same dataset., 44th International Conference on Acoustics, Speech, and Signal Processing (ICASSP 2019)

In this article, we report on the results of an experimental study to estimate the effects of delivering information about racial disparities in COVID-19-related death rates. On the one hand, we find that such information led to increased perception of risk among those Black respondents who lacked prior knowledge; and to increased support for a more concerted public health response among those White respondents who expressed favorable views towards Blacks at baseline. On the other hand, for Whites with colder views towards Blacks, the informational treatment had the opposite effect: it led to decreased risk perception and to lower levels of support for an aggressive response. Our findings highlight that well-intentioned public health campaigns spotlighting disparities might have adverse side effects and those ought to be considered as part of a broader strategy. The study contributes to a larger scholarly literature on the challenges of making and implementing social policy in racially-divided societies.

Past work suggests that support for welfare in the United States is heavily influenced by citizens' racial attitudes. Indeed, the idea that many Americans think of welfare recipients as poor Blacks (and especially as poor Black women) has been a common explanation for Americans’ lukewarm support for redistribution. This article draws on a new online survey experiment conducted with national samples in the United States, the United Kingdom and Canada, designed to extend research on how racialised portrayals of policy beneficiaries affect attitudes toward redistribution. A series of innovative survey vignettes has been designed that experimentally manipulate the ethno-racial background of beneficiaries for various redistributive programmes. The findings provide, for the first time, cross-national, cross-domain and cross-ethno-racial extensions of the American literature on the impact of racial cues on support for redistributive policy. The results also demonstrate that race clearly matters for policy support, although its impact varies by context and by the racial group under consideration.

Multicultural policy is an increasingly salient, and contested, topic in both academic and public debate about how to manage increasing ethnic diversity. In spite of the longstanding commitment to multiculturalism policy in Canada, however, we have only a partial understanding of public attitudes on this issue. Current research tends to look at general attitudes regarding diversity and accommodation–rarely at attitudes towards specific multicultural policies. We seek to (partly) fill this gap. In particular, we focus on how support for multiculturalism policy varies across benefit types (for example, financial and other) and the ethnicity/religiosity of recipient groups. Using a unique survey experiment conducted within the 2011 Canadian Election Study (CES), we examine how ethnic origin (Portuguese vs. Turkish) and religious symbols (absence and presence of the hijab) influence support for funding of ethno-religious group activities and their access to public spaces. We also explore whether citizens’ general attitudes toward cultural diversity moderate this effect. Results provide important information about the state of Canadian public opinion on multiculturalism, and more general evidence about the nature, authenticity and limits of public support for this policy.

Cormorants (Phalacrocoracidae) depend on their hind limbs (legs) to pursue prey underwater, rendering these structures critical for their survival. Assemblages of three or more species can be found in a variety of regions including the coasts of western USA (California), central Chile, and western South Africa. Cormorants all hunt via pursuit diving underwater while remaining close to shore, yet are able to coexist; an occurrence that is not well understood. Variation in feeding ecology within cormorant assemblages was expected to be reflected in the legs. Leg structure was examined by measurement of five leg bone characteristics from skeletal specimens of 10 species from assemblages within the aforementioned regions. Principle component analysis identified the femur and tarsometatarsus as having the highest degrees of variation. The femur was found to have the shortest length, relative to total leg length, in putative shoaling fish specialists. The tarsometatarsus was found to have the shortest...

Using data collected in Canada, the United States, and the United Kingdom, this article examines the determinants of attitudes toward immigrants. In particular, we draw on the literature in social psychology to explore the role of locus of control in promoting more ethnocentric and restrictive attitudes towards immigration. We conceptualize control at three levels: (1) perceptions of individual locus of control (i.e., feeling that one can control one’s own circumstances), (2) perceptions of societal control (i.e., feeling that one’s country has control over immigration), and (3) perceptions of an outgroup’s locus of control (i.e., feeling that an outgroup’s social circumstances are attributable to dispositional rather than external factors). Results show that all three measures of control are important predictors of negative attitudes toward immigrants: Those who feel in control (personally or as a society) are less hostile towards immigrants, while those who attribute negative outcomes to immigrants’ predispositions are also more hostile. Results also suggest that measures of control are related to, but distinct from, both partisanship and racial prejudice.

Employing a comparative experimental design drawing on over 18,000 interviews across eleven countries on four continents, this article revisits the discussion about the economic and cultural drivers of attitudes towards immigrants in advanced democracies. Experiments manipulate the occupational status, skin tone and national origin of immigrants in short vignettes. The results are most consistent with a Sociotropic Economic Threat thesis: In all countries, higher-skilled immigrants are preferred to their lower-skilled counterparts at all levels of native socio-economic status (SES). There is little support for the Labor Market Competition hypothesis, since respondents are not more opposed to immigrants in their own SES stratum. While skin tone itself has little effect in any country, immigrants from Muslim-majority countries do elicit significantly lower levels of support, and racial animus remains a powerful force.

L'élection du 4 septembre 2012 est à plusieurs points de vue exceptionnelle. Le Parti québécois signe sa cinquième victoire, sous la direction d'une femme - la première à occuper la plus haute fonction de la province - et dans un contexte marqué par des allégations de corruption à l'égard du gouvernement libéral sortant. La soirée des élections elle-même tourne au drame : un homme est tué et un autre blessé par un tireur qui cherchait à abattre la nouvelle première ministre pendant son discours devant les militants. Les meilleurs spécialistes des phénomènes électoraux au Québec se sont réunis autour de cette élection extraordinaire pour tenter d'en comprendre les dynamiques. Ils présentent ici le portrait le plus complet à ce jour des différents protagonistes : les partis, les médias et les citoyens. Ce livre, appelé à servir de référence, intéressera non seulement les chercheurs et les étudiants en science politique et en sciences sociales, mais aussi tous les observateurs de la scène politique québécoise.

Contrairement à la plupart des démocraties occidentales, le Québec est une province où l’électorat n’est pas divisé principalement selon la traditionnelle ligne de fracture gauche-droite. Le choix est plutôt motivé par le clivage fédéraliste-souverainiste, tant aux élections provinciales que fédérales. À cet égard, l’écart moderne entre les sexes – un concept selon lequel les femmes sont plus susceptibles que les hommes de voter pour des partis qui tendent vers la gauche et vice-versa pour de...

Since the development of modern survey methods, political scientists have identified gender-based differences in the political behavior of men and women. Early research found women to be less politically engaged than men and to be more likely to vote for right-wing parties (Lipset 1963). Beginning in the 1980s, however, these differences in political participation dissipated, and the gender-based pattern in vote choice was reversed (DeVaus and McAllister 1989; Inglehart and Norris 2000). These gender differences in political behavior, and the many others that could be added here, are commonly referred to as “gender gaps.”

Eve M. Troutt Powell Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 2012. Pp. xiv + 246, bibliography, index, maps, 10 illustrations. £26.00/$40.00 (hardback) ISBN 9-780-80478-2-333 Powell's book focuses...