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This article seeks to make the human rights case against human rights penality—that is, against the reliance upon and foregrounding of penal mechanisms in the protection of (certain) human rights. The rationale for the alliance between human rights and state penality has at least three central dimensions: effectiveness, accountability and equal protection. In particular, the mobilisation of criminal law (enforcement) and punishment is often treated as the most effective means of preventing and/or redressing human rights violations. Moreover, the criminal process and sanction are often understood as the pinnacle of accountability for serious human rights violations. Finally, the egalitarian rationale for human rights penality views it as redistributing protection to under-protected persons. While remaining committed to human rights, I unpack (some of) the ways in which human rights penality ultimately fails to uphold and even undermines the principles that it has been promoted as fulfilling within the human rights frame. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article, drawing on Third World Approaches to International Law (TWAIL) and embracing the decentring agenda in European Union (EU) external relations, discusses the substance of human rights promotion in the negotiations of the Samoa Agreement. It documents how the EU has concentrated on civil and political rights, whereas Africa has advanced an innovative approach to economic, social and cultural rights underpinned by the right to development. More importantly, going beyond the 'heaven–hell binary', which draws neat lines between the good North and the bad South, and the 'one‐way traffic paradigm', which claims that human rights flow from the North to the South, it shows that the human rights corpus may be slowly evolving from its paradigmatic western orientation towards a truly universal project: the EU and Africa have started recognising each other as being holders of diverse yet legitimate perspectives on human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Whistleblowing is an important form of radical political activism, influencing social reform by fundamentally changing the way we see our world. This article contributes to understandings of whistleblower-activism in cases of wrongdoing on the part of state institutions. Extant theorizations of organizational whistleblowing fall short in explaining such instances. In contrast, this article develops four key dynamics of state whistleblower-activism: disclosures radically outside both organization and state, extreme dependence on supporters, democratic activism through alternative loyalties, and parrhesia revealing a crisis in Western democracy. These insights are elaborated through in-depth exploration of the exemplar case of U.S. national security whistleblower Edward Snowden. We argue that the emergent concept of "exilic whistleblowing," inspired by Hannah Arendt's work on exile, offers novel insights. Contributions extend understandings of whistleblowing theory and practice highlighting critical aspects of exilic whistleblowing as activist resistance: how it can be used strategically as part of activist critique aimed at changing the status quo, and how the exiled whistleblower acts as a vanguard helping to bring about a new political consciousness concerning the state of modern democracy and its capacity to uphold constitutional and international human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the Taliban's takeover of Afghanistan in 2021, no country, including the United States (US), has yet recognised the former. The US has consistently urged the regime to comply with the Doha agreement that emphasised an inclusive government. Moreover, the Biden administration has repeatedly asked the regime to respect human rights and allow girls education and employment, but in vain. What explains the divergences in US–Afghanistan relations post-withdrawal? What is the trajectory of the US–Taliban ties in the current context? Above all, is there any possibility of the US recognition of the Taliban regime in the foreseeable future? Based on primary data, it is posited that the relations between the US and the Taliban-controlled Afghanistan are divergent and currently antagonistic due to the Taliban's non-compliance with the Doha agreement. Futuristically, the study explores three scenarios to predict US–Afghanistan relations. First, there is a likelihood of US–Afghanistan rapprochement if the Taliban do the US bidding. Second, in cases of non-compliance, the US would get tough on the regime in terms of further sanctions. However, the Taliban would consolidate (informal) ties with China, Russia and other regional countries, including Pakistan. Third, the US has the military capabilities to do regime change in Afghanistan in case of another 9/11-type incident in the US. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

How do conflicts within a country's borders affect its behavior beyond them? We argue that fighting insurgencies at home shapes a country's human rights posture at the UN Human Rights Council (UNHRC). States often suppress insurgencies using methods that violate their international human rights commitments. They are therefore hesitant to condemn other countries' alleged violations for fear of reciprocal condemnation of their own actions. This is especially true in countries with greater media freedom where the media is more likely to hold the state accountable for human rights violations, and to highlight its apparent hypocrisy internationally. Such states, we argue, are more likely to vote against or abstain from resolutions that target individual states for human rights transgressions. We test this claim with a global statistical analysis of country voting patterns at the UNHRC from 1973 to 2017. Our results yield new insights into the determinants of countries' voting behavior in multilateral human rights fora. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This document highlights the violations of sexual and reproductive health (SRH)-related human rights in Palestine, particularly in the context of the ongoing conflict in Gaza. It emphasizes the need for immediate action to restore basic services and provide humanitarian aid, as well as ensure the provision of SRH services. The text calls for increased awareness and action to protect SRHR and uphold international human rights law, while acknowledging the challenges of speaking out about these issues. It also emphasizes the relevance of SRHR impacts in other conflict settings worldwide and the importance of continued documentation and advocacy. [Extracted from the article]

This article examines recent development in the regulatory landscape of online harms in the UK and US through a free speech lens. In so doing, it undertakes a comparative analysis of the UK’s Online Safety Act 2023 and laws in US states that is grounded in UN guidance advising that approaches to regulating online harms be grounded in human rights. Ultimately, this examination leads to the conclusion that the Online Safety Act and similar efforts at the state level in the US do not reflect human rights based approaches to regulation in this area. While American courts are reigning in state legislation based on the expansive protection of free speech under the First Amendment, the constitutional restraints in the UK are weaker. This raises concerns regarding the adequate protection of the free speech rights of internet users, particularly in the UK. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Around 18% of the population in Chile has disabilities. Evidence shows that this population has greater healthcare needs, yet they face barriers to accessing healthcare due to health system failures. This paper aims to assess the inclusion of people with disabilities in health policy documents and to explore the perceptions of key national stakeholders regarding the policy context, policy processes, and actors involved. Methods: A policy content analysis was conducted of 12 health policy documents using the EquiFrame framework, adapted to assess disability inclusion. Documents were reviewed and rated on their quality of commitment against 21 core concepts of human rights in the framework. Key national stakeholders (n = 15) were interviewed, and data were thematically analysed under the Walt and Gilson Policy Analysis Triangle, using NVivo R1. Results: Core human rights concepts of disability were mentioned at least once in nearly all health policy documents (92%). However, 50% had poor policy commitments for disability. Across policies, Prevention of health conditions was the main human rights concept reflected, while Privacy of information was the least referenced concept. Participants described a fragmented disability movement and health policy, related to a dominant biomedical model of disability. It appeared that disability was not prioritized in the health policy agenda, due to ineffective mainstreaming of disability by the Government and the limited influence and engagement of civil society in policy processes. Moreover, the limited existing policy framework on disability inclusion is not being implemented effectively. This implementation gap was attributed to lack of financing, leadership, and human resources, coupled with low monitoring of disability inclusion. Conclusions: Improvements are needed in both the development and implementation of disability-inclusive health policies in Chile, to support the achievement of the right to healthcare for people with disabilities and ensuring that the health system truly "leaves no one behind". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While the idea of a gender-sensitive parliament is over 20 years old (Childs & Palmieri, 2023), institutional reforms in the name of gender equality have been slow to materialise around the world. Where change has occurred, it appears to have been catalysed by a limited range of--sometimes confluent--factors including the public airing of allegations of sexual misconduct in the #MeToo era, the increasing salience of gender-sensitive parliament international norms, and the role of feminists in the academy. Celis and Childs (2020) identify feminist academic critical actors as those who rather than simply researching parliamentary change, explicitly undertake institutional (re)design and (re)building work (see also Childs, 2024). In this article, we uncover the work undertaken by feminists in an Australian academic institution to support the 2021 independent inquiry of the Australian Human Rights Commission into Commonwealth parliamentary workplaces. This work--undertaken by the authors as both insiders and outsiders--informed the analysis and recommendations in the Australian Human Rights Commission's report, and since its launch, has also kept pressure on the various bodies entrusted with implementing gender-sensitive changes. We argue that feminists in the academy are uniquely positioned to navigate insider and outsider roles in support of gender-sensitive parliamentary reform. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: Despite many efforts to provide children with legal existence over the last decades, 1 in 4 children under the age of 5 (166 million) do not officially exist, with limited possibility to enjoy their human rights. In Latin America and the Caribbean, Haiti has one of the highest rates of undocumented births. This study aimed to analyze the prevalence and the determinant factors of undocumented childhood in Haiti. Methods: For analysis of undocumented childhood and related socioeconomic determinants, data from the 2016/17 Haiti demographic and health survey were used. The prevalence and the associated factors were analyzed using descriptive statistics and the binary logistic regression model. Results: The prevalence of undocumented childhood in Haiti was 23% (95% CI: 21.9–24.0) among children under-five. Among the drivers of undocumented births, mothers with no formal education (aOR = 3.88; 95% CI 2.21–6.81), children aged less than 1 year (aOR = 20.47; 95% CI 16.83–24.89), children adopted or in foster care (aOR = 2.66; 95% CI 1.67–4.24), children from the poorest regions like "Artibonite" (aOR = 2.19; 95% CI 1.63–2.94) or "Centre" (aOR = 1.51; 95% CI 1.09–2.10) or "Nord-Ouest" (aOR = 1.61; 95% CI 1.11–2.34), children from poorest households (aOR = 6.25; 95% CI 4.37–8.93), and children whose mothers were dead (aOR = 2.45; 95% CI 1.33–4.49) had higher odds to be undocumented. Conclusion: According to our findings, there is an institutional necessity to bring birth documentation to underprivileged households, particularly those in the poorest regions where socioeconomic development programs are also needed. Interventions should focus on uneducated mothers who are reknown for giving birth outside of medical facilities. Therefore, an awareness campaign should be implemented to influence the children late-registering behavior. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

While there is an ample body of literature in the anthropology of moralities there is a surprising dearth of research on conscience per se. In Malta over the last ten years there has been a proliferation of a public discourse of ‘conscience’ – its affordances, freedoms and its legal safeguards. This has been the result of debates over reforms leading to the liberalization of sexual and family life, including most recently debates over the legalization of abortion. While the language of conscience in various human rights instruments claims a universal character its meanings, inflections and significance can vary in important ways. There is a blurred boundary between conscience and religion. This paper examines the ways in which conscience is deployed and the significance of the appeals to a national conscience in a European confessional state. It looks at the specific meanings of conscience in Malta and a brief lexical and political history It then moves on to look at the ways objections of conscience are framed in contemporary Malta in light of theological debates and their ramifications in Catholic Malta. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article argues that the moral responsibility for the deaths of Palestinian non-combatants in the 2023–24 Gaza War rests with Hamas. Its argument is philosophical rather than legal, based on an analysis and discussion of the rules of just war theory and what these rules imply for the moral assessment of the use of human shields. One main conclusion will be that the moral responsibility for the killing of human shields in the context of morally legitimate attacks on military targets should be assigned to the side that tried to benefit from the presence of the shields in the first place. Questions concerning proportionality are still relevant, but have to be understood and resolved in relation to what is at stake in a particular war. The more extreme the war aims of an unjust attacker are, the greater is the need to prevent it from winning the war. Hence, whether or not the number of non-combatant deaths in Gaza is proportionate should not be determined by the significance of individual military targets alone but also by the prospects of allowing a genocidal enemy such as Hamas to remain in control of Gaza. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Non-democratic regimes have increasingly been hosting major sports events to boost their visibility and image abroad, which sparked debates about the potential for "sportswashing". Using the case of the 2022 FIFA World Cup in Qatar we examine how the framing of the tournament influenced opinions about Qatar abroad. Our pre-registered survey experiment with more than 14,000 respondents in eight European countries conducted before the tournament shows that framing it in light of human rights issues in Qatar leads to more negative attitudes towards the host of the World Cup. In contrast, frames emphasizing Qatar's organizational capacity improve respondents' attitudes. The heterogeneity of effects across countries highlights the relevance of the national information environment for the effects of major sports events on public opinion. These findings suggest that critical media coverage could potentially mitigate sportswashing efforts while uncritical coverage can increase the legitimacy of autocracies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Relatively low salaries in infectious diseases (ID) compared to other medical specialties, in a world where cost of living is skyrocketing, are an easy explanation for unmet needs of ID training programs to fill their positions. However, the interest in ID falling short of expectations may reflect that some features of the ID specialty are counter to select pervasive tendencies of modern culture, including (1) slow uptake of innovation into daily routines of ID practitioners, (2) the emphasis of clinical mastery of ID practitioners in an environment of medical corporatization and increased focus on revenue generation, and (3) the fact that ID practice takes societal interests into consideration (eg, prevention of antibiotic resistance) in a world dominated by rights of individuals, frequently at the expense of the common good. This article reflects on these possibilities to determine what steps can be taken to resurrect interest in our specialty. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, the authors take the position that human rights are not a principal discipline of American social work. Rather, within the United States, social work is a profession that makes the fulfillment of human needs its principal focus. The authors offer methods to prepare social work students for rights-based practice, a product of their work in educating social work students in global human rights over the past decade and in undertaking research. The authors consider the importance of the Capability Approach as an overarching framework guiding human rights education in social work. Using the author’s experiences, review of key documents, and two approaches to human rights practice, proactive and reactive ones, to teach relevant content, the authors offer a framework guiding human rights education in American social work. By drawing from documents pertaining to the global human rights movement, the authors examine key ideas, practices, and institutions that constitute the human rights movement internationally. The authors conclude by identifying pedagogical approaches that can assist social work students in learning about human rights practice, theoretically and experientially, with an emphasis on preventing rights violations and on responding effectively during and after these violations occur. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Despite the increasing efficacy of modern medicine in diagnosing and treating cancer, survivors often face discrimination in employment, economics, insurance, and society. Law no. 193/2023, also known as the "Oncological Oblivion Law", aims to provide an initial legislative response to discrimination against cancer survivors in Italy. After defining oncological oblivion in Article 1, the Law provides, in Articles 2, 3, and 4, directives to prevent discrimination against cancer survivors in the area of access to banking and insurance services, adoption procedures and access to or retention in employment. The aim of this work is to illustrate the content and the critical aspects of the recent Law 193/2023 in the landscape of European directives. The legislative process at the Chamber of Deputies and the Senate of the Italian Republic has been retraced through the consultation of preparatory works and bills registered on institutional databases. Law 193/2023 represents the first initiative in Italy aimed at the recognition of the right to oncological oblivion, not only in access to banking and insurance services as in other countries, but also in adoption, employment, and re-employment. Our opinion piece highlights the need for further clarification and expansion to prevent discrimination and protect the social–work–relational rights of people who have been affected by oncological diseases. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to understand more about the consequences that living for many years without a residence permit in Norway can have for asylum seekers. As a narrative inquiry study, the research puzzle is asylum seekers in Norway without a resident permit. This article focuses on one family. The data material is collected with different methods, such as field talks, interviews, pictures, and messages on Messenger. The study uses narrative position analysis, and it analyses the narrated story on three different levels. The main results shows that the parents of the family tend to position themselves differently according to whether they are talking about the time before they fled, the time while fleeing or after the fled. When talking about the decision to flee, they present themselves as active subjects with high agency. They have the ability to take active decisions and play an essential role for the family's life. The analyses reveal three different master narratives; being a parent, being a citizen of a community and being an asylum seeker. I conclude with thoughts about the waiting period as an asylum seeker, and I ask whether Norway respects and ensures human rights. Is the situation of long-term asylum seekers and the condition of the waiting period in different reception centers a form of national abuse of power? [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper investigates necessary conditions for developing a participatory, rightsholder-driven approach to remedy for business-related human rights abuses by analyzing findings from a case study with the Fair Food Program. With the inclusion of human rights into discussions of business ethics and CSR, scholars and practitioners have made calls for participatory approaches to remedy to address cases of human rights abuses. However, a gap remains in our understanding of how to operationalize participatory approaches in a manner that empowers rightsholders, particularly within contexts of severe power imbalances. The paper puts forth a rightsholder-driven theoretical framework for remedy, grounded on critical dialogic accountability principles and integrated with empirical analysis from the Fair Food Program case study. This framework defines remedy as a system comprising reinforcing aspects rather than standalone mechanisms. The critical dialogic accounting and accountability framework provides a theoretical framing of engagement that enables the inclusion of multiple, divergent voices and aims toward meaningful engagement with marginalized groups. The analysis of findings from the case study identifies enforcement and education as necessary conditions for effective and empowering rightsholder-driven approaches to remedy. The paper deconstructs these conditions to develop an understanding of the program's unique approach to enforcement and education. The paper concludes by discussing the implications of rightsholder-driven remedy for Business and Human Rights and business accountability. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Motivation Purpose Approach and methods Findings Policy implications National Human Rights Action Plans (NHRAPs) turn state commitments to human rights into policy. Despite their widespread implementation internationally, they remain little studied and there is limited consensus as to their effectiveness.This article addresses this by using a political economy model to develop a framework to evaluate the success of NHRAPs. Within this framework it is argued that capacity, political structure, and political consensus are key drivers in the design and implementation of NHRAPs. We hypothesize that a country is likely to design and effectively use an NHRAP in policy‐making if at least these three requirements are met: (1) they are built on political consensus; (2) their perceived political benefits exceed their costs; and (3) governments have adequate resources to design and implement them.We evaluate this hypothesis using Chile as a case study. In 2016, Chile enacted a national law mandating NHRAPs. Since then, the country has adopted two NHRAPs: one spanning 2018–2021 and another covering 2022–2025.None of the three stipulated requirements were met in Chile. There was deep polarization rather than consensus building; the political costs of implementing an NHRAP exceeded the benefits; and key government bodies in Chile lacked the personnel and mandate to implement NHRAPs.This study advances our understanding of the nuances of designing public policies for human rights, and the complex political costs associated with them. Unless political actors are committed to investing political capital and resources, it is unlikely that these plans will succeed. Our political economy framework can be replicated across multiple national action plans, countries, and contexts. Future studies can identify contributing conditions that can mitigate political costs, increasing the likelihood of the success of these plans. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Focusing on the integration of human rights into the Ethiopian Bachelor of Social Work programme, this paper presents a study of students’ understanding of human rights by employing a mixed-methods research design. Qualitative content analysis and survey study were utilized to assess the extent of human rights infusion into the undergraduate curriculum and examine students’ understanding of human rights conventions. The qualitative content analysis revealed a non-explicit infusion of human rights content into the social work curriculum. Human rights were indirectly applied and referenced in the human rights themes, e.g. for refugees and migrants, showing a lack of explicit and direct integration of human rights in the curriculum. The survey study also showed that, of the 201 participants, a significant majority (77%) lacked awareness of the human rights documents pertinent to social work. A discernible augmentation in the familiarity with the human rights conventions was observed among students as they progressed through higher levels of study. Hence, the study posits that Ethiopian social work schools should consider revisiting their curricula and give due attention to the human rights infusion into their social work programmes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Interfaith marriages in Indonesia continue to be an issue, with ongoing social and legal discrimination, against couples who enter into such arrangement. This paper discusses the challenges faced by Undang-Undang No. 1 of 1974 on Marriage, along with its amendments in Undang-Undang No. 16 of 2019, in adhering to the principles of human rights. This study employs a literature review approach to examine how the government, through existing legal substance and structure, can ensure legal certainty, legal justice, and legal benefits for interfaith married couples. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This research aims to analyze in depth the shooting case of Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani from the perspective of law and human rights. In addition, the paper will also discuss the challenges in law enforcement in conflict areas, the social, political, and legal impacts of the shooting cases and provide policy recommendations to prevent the recurrence of state violence cases in the future. The research methods used in the legal analysis of the shooting case of Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani in a human rights perspective can include several key steps. First, the researcher will conduct a detailed case study related to the chronology of events, relevant facts, and social and political context in Papua. The social, political, and legal impact of the shooting of Pastor Jeremiah Zanambani is complex and multifaceted. From public trauma and mistrust, to rising political tensions, to major challenges in law enforcement, all of these aspects show the urgency of the need for reforms and new approaches to dealing with conflict in Papua. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies, based at Concordia University in Montreal, is Canada’s leading research institute and advocacy centre for the study of conflicts, mass atrocity, genocide, and human rights. Nowadays, its featured tasks range from mapping prejudices and hatred online, elaborating new strategies to prevent disinformation or fake news, to defending human lives and strengthening democracy in the whole world. The centre hosts several conferences and workshops every year in order to help politicians, diplomats, academics, experts, soldiers, stakeholders, and general public counter extremism in all its forms. The history of this institution is deeply rooted in the attempt to study conflicts and violence following a comparative, interdisciplinary — chiefly historical and, in some ways, socio-psycho-historical — approach which emerge from the work of the British historian Norman Rufus Colin Cohn (1915–2007) and his Centre for Research in Collective Psychopathology (1962–80). This article deals with the hitherto unexplored contribution of Cohn, his studies on antisemitism and witch hunt in the creation of the Montreal Institute for Genocide and Human Rights Studies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Allegations of serious human rights violations that occurred in Timor Leste after the 1999 Referendum became one of the black notes in Indonesia's history. At the time, Indonesia was facing serious accusations in the form of alleged Crimes Against Humanity, and an Ad Hoc Human Rights Court was established at the Central Jakarta District Court to prosecute the defendants in this case, but unfortunately the results of the trial were still far from the victims' expectations. Thus, it is important to conduct a more in-depth study of law and human rights from an academic perspective to get a complete picture of the legal construction of alleged crimes against humanity in Timor Leste. Moreover, serious human rights violations certainly require an in-depth legal analysis framework, not only the national legal framework but also the international legal framework and also precedents from previous international human rights crime tribunals. This is important, thus there are more references and analyzes that can provide an overview of human rights events that have occurred in Timor Leste, especially after the implementation of the 1999 Referendum. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing body of literature has acknowledged that a high number of populations with low Health Literacy (HL) is related to poor health outcomes, inequities in healthcare and high economic costs. Those findings have formulated the research questions of this review: (i) what ethical issues arise within the context of patients' HL and (ii) What is the relationship between HL and quality of life? This review followed the guidelines of Joanna Briggs Institute (JBI) and the Preferred Reporting Items for Scoping Reviews (PRISMA-ScR) and it was conducted in five databases: PubMed, CINAHL, MEDLINE, Scopus and Science Direct between June 2022 and December 2023. Out of the 3164 titles retrieved, 285 abstracts were eligible to proceed. Following a thorough examination of the full text of 61 papers, 45 sources were identified that met the inclusion criteria. The data analysis process was guided by the research questions, employing a thematic approach. Four themes were identified: the use of language and patient understanding, human rights, the principlism approach (justice, beneficence, non-maleficence and autonomy) and quality of life. The first theme mainly focused on the relation of HL with the notion of consent forms and national action plans. Human rights in relation to HL were discussed as a minor issue. The bioethical framework by Beauchamp and Childress (Principles of Biomedical Ethics, 6th edn. Oxford University Press, New York, NY, 2009), was addressed by several studies, with a particular focus on justice and the loss of autonomy. Quality of life indicated a positive correlation with HL by most of the authors, while few studies revealed a moderate correlation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article announces the 2024 Human Rights and Nursing Awards, highlighting the exemplary humanitarian work of P.J. Boyle, Filippo Gatti, and Emmie Malewezi in promoting human rights and healthcare.

Objective: This study was designed to explore the relationships between depression, and the likelihood of suicide among young adolescents by considering various factors. Design and Samples: It was conducted in a descriptive‐cross‐sectional format, with fieldwork spanning from November 16, 2022, to June 30, 2023. The study assessed the likelihood of depression, and suicide in young adolescents attending a university in Eastern Turkey. Measurements: Sociodemographic features survey form, Beck's Depression Inventory and Suicide Probability Scale were used to collect data. Results: The results from this investigation indicated that women, individuals with chronic illnesses, those with a history of psychiatric conditions, those expressing a constant desire to die, those with suicidal thoughts or plans, and those with a family member who had attempted suicide exhibited significantly higher mean scores for depression and suicide. There was a positive correlation between high depression scores and suicidal tendencies. However, no conclusive evidence of a link between depression, and suicide was established. Conclusions: In this study, certain demographic and psychological factors were identified as correlating with elevated levels of depression and suicidal tendencies among young adolescents. It is imperative that individuals identified as being at risk be promptly referred to appropriate units for comprehensive interventions and support. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The aim of this systematic integrative review was to review existing research on children in domestic violence shelters, and specifically to examine previous research on how shelters contribute to children's life situation after leaving a violent home. The review includes 28 scientific articles published between 1984 and 2021. These were thematically analyzed and discussed using a children's rights perspective to identify strengths and limitations in existing research and social work practice. The analysis resulted in five themes: (1) safety and security, (2) health, behavior, and support, (3) schooling, (4) spare time and shelter environment, and (5) social relationships. Safety and security is a theme of great importance, and if this aspects is lacking, it can adversely affect other areas of the children's lives. Overall, the children feel safe at the shelters, and they appreciate the playgrounds and activities offered by the shelter. They often make friends at the shelter. The children's right to be protected from violence appears to be prioritized, but the studies show the importance of also acknowledging children's rights to support, education, recreational time, and social relationships, to improve their life situation at the shelter. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After a decade of work, Brújula Intersexual has become a reference in Mexico and Latin America. However, the presence of the Latin American intersex movement in the specialised literature in English is restricted. We consider that conducting a self-reflexive review of Brújula Intersexual could contribute to understanding (1) the work strategies implemented by Brújula Intersexual; (2) the formation of the Spanish-speaking intersex community and movement in Mexico; and (3) the heterogeneous dynamics of the global intersex movement. We designed a qualitative–quantitative study involving discussion meetings with the Brújula Intersexual team, revision of the Brújula Intersexual archive, a scoping review, and a timeline. The results and discussion are focused on two axes: (1) Brújula Intersexual: structure and working strategies, in which two concepts are developed, namely, the intimate sphere and the atmosphere of trust; (2) The articulation of Brújula Intersexual within the intersex movement and its resonances in public policy. Researching Brújula Intersexual contributes to the collective memory and reveals important events that link the Spanish-speaking and global anglophone intersex movements. In particular, Brújula Intersexual was configured as a critical counter-device that manages intense flows of affection, allowing for the production of new subjectivation modes for people with intersex bodies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Islam influences Muslim societies through rules, regulations, and legislation. This paper highlights Islamic principles and legislation that protect the rights and dignity of older adults and compares them to policies and laws that have been applied and implemented in the United Arab Emirates. A comparative method was utilised to conduct this study, relying on sources that present the rights of older adults in Islamic Sharia, as well as official sources from the United Arab Emirates, where information on laws and regulations related to older adults is published. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The right to know is fundamental to a democratic society as it empowers citizens to participate in public debate and shape policy. Several countries have adopted freedom of information laws to regulate the exercise of that fundamental right. However, the right of access to information is yet to be vigorously acknowledged as a constitutional right in many countries. The article places the idea of human rights in historical perspective, determines the link between rights and information and public participation in political life. It presents arguments for including right to information (RTI) as a fundamental human right based on international and regional instruments and court decisions and examines the state of RTI in selected South Asian countries where RTI laws have been in place for a while. However, much more remains to be done to foster a culture of transparency and make RTI stand on its own as a fundamental human right. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective: To explain the new test for complying with the mental health principles under the Mental Health and Wellbeing Act 2022 (Vic). Conclusion: The principles carry over limitations from the previous Mental Health Act 2014 (Vic) while also containing new features. The 'all reasonable efforts to comply' and 'proper consideration' tests resemble the existing test under section 38(1) of the Charter of Human Rights and Responsibilities Act 2006 (Vic) that also apply to public mental health services. Taking these duties together, public mental health services, including hospital and community mental health boards, clinical directors and clinical governance processes, will need to show concrete evidence of specific rights and/or principles being deliberated in their decisions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Approaches aimed at regulating artificial intelligence (AI) include a particular form of risk regulation, i.e. a risk-based approach. The most prominent example is the European Union’s Artificial Intelligence Act (AI Act). This article addresses the challenges for adequate risk regulation that arise primarily from the specific type of risks involved, i.e. risks to the protection of fundamental rights and fundamental societal values. This is mainly due to the normative ambiguity of such rights and societal values when attempts are made to select, interpret, specify or operationalise them for the purposes of risk assessments and risk mitigation. This is exemplified by (1) human dignity, (2) informational self-determination, data protection and privacy, (3) anti-discrimination, fairness and justice, and (4) the common good. Normative ambiguities require normative choices, which are assigned to different actors under the regime of the AI Act. Particularly critical normative choices include selecting normative concepts by which to operationalise and specify risks, aggregating and quantifying risks (including the use of metrics), balancing value conflicts, setting levels of acceptable risks, and standardisation. To ensure that these normative choices do not lack democratic legitimacy and to avoid legal uncertainty, further political processes and scientific debates are suggested. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Aims: This study aims to reveal the violent experiences of nurses working in the emergency department and the meanings they attribute to them. Methods: This research was conducted as narrative inquiry and interpretive phenomenology and recruited 15 nurses. Interviews with nurses actively working in the emergency department and who had been exposed to violence by patients or their relatives were conducted with a semi‐structured interview form. The consolidated criteria for reporting qualitative research (COREQ) checklist was used. Results: In the study, three themes were determined (1) Unpredictable event, (2) Interminable effects of violence, and (3) Like a bottomless pit. With seven sub‐themes. Conclusions: This study underlined that violence applied to nurses by patients or relatives of patients in the emergency department is an unexpected situation that causes negative emotions. Violence affects all aspects of life and limits communication with the patient. Coping with a violent situation is challenging for nurses, and they demand support from the management. Summary Statement: What is already known about this topic? Violence is most commonly reported as experienced by nurses in the emergency department.Violence affects nurses deeply and causes negative effects in daily life. What this paper adds: Nurses described the violence perpetrated by patients or by patients' relatives as a situation that causes negative feelings such as anger, worthlessness, and injustice.Nurses emphasized that violence affects their clinical environment and their daily lives. The implications of this paper: The multidimensional and destructive effects of violence on nurses have shown that it is important to make the necessary arrangements quickly to reduce violence in the emergency departmentThe study provides information about the experiences of nurses who have been exposed to violence by patients or their relatives in the emergency department. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The increasing health inequity and injustice of the COVID-19 pandemic rendered visible the inadequacy of global health governance, and exposed the self-interested decision-making of states and pharmaceutical companies. This research explores the advocacy activities of humanitarian and development international non-governmental organizations (INGOs) in responding to this inequality and investigates how they framed alternatives for global health justice. It reviews 47 organizational documents and 43 media articles of five INGOs (ActionAid, Médecins Sans Frontières, Oxfam, Save the Children, and World Vision) and points to the importance of understanding advocacy frames in analyzing how these organizations prioritize agendas and advocacy strategies. The dominance of the 'human rights' frame, sometimes in combination with 'scientific evidence' and 'security' frames, reflects the identities, mandates, and histories of campaigning and collaboration of these INGOs. This paper contends that the advocacy of humanitarian and development INGOs highlights both deontological and teleological ethics, promoting the voices of people in lower-income countries, clarifying duty bearers and their accountabilities, and addressing structural barriers from a human rights perspective in a global health agenda setting. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Amid Russia's illegal invasion of Ukraine, the human rights community has understandably focused its attention on human rights violations committed by the Russian state, leaving the human rights implications of Ukraine's martial law on civilians largely unexamined. This article highlights the ways Ukraine's travel restriction on "battle-aged" civilian men has harmed three overlapping groups: civilian men, families (including women and children), and trans and nonbinary individuals. It then demonstrates that wartime policies such as this one are at odds with several areas of international human rights and humanitarian law: the right to freedom of movement, the right to conscientious objection, and the principle of respect for family life—all of which are meant to be implemented without discrimination on basis of gender. We conclude this type of gender-based law is not justified according to the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights' rules on derogation in time of national emergencies and emerging customary law and should receive greater attention by the human rights community. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When the Legislative Council of the Australian island state of Tasmania rejected gay law reform in July 1991, a group of enterprising activists took their case to the United Nations. In April 1994, the United Nations Human Rights Committee ruled in their favor. The case, Toonen v Australia , is a landmark human rights judgement that has proved highly influential in the years that have followed. Using interviews with the principal participants, this article provides a historical narrative of their activist journey. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Since the adoption of the Universal Declaration on the Rights of Indigenous Peoples by the United Nations in 2007, the implementation of these indigenous rights has presented a persistent challenge for indigenous communities. Throughout the past three decades, Taiwan's indigenous peoples have undertaken diverse endeavors aimed at realizing their self-determination and cultural rights. Through an examination of a Constitutional Court case issued in 2021 (Constitutional Court Interpretation No. 803), this article reveals several factors which contribute to bridging the implementation gap of human rights. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article asks how military ethics should respond to adversaries deliberately conducting hostilities below the threshold of war. Three options are considered: a novel, limited force paradigm; an expanded hostilities paradigm, i.e., within the law of armed conflict; and an international law enforcement paradigm derived primarily from human rights law. None is problem-free. Mindful of under-deployed classic just war reasoning arguments for discrimination between vices opposed to peace, this article argues against an expanded hostilities paradigm and shows that the retributive, 'equilibrium of justice' test used sometimes to support such an expansion is necessary but not sufficient. It explains the need for further examination of whether/how Aquinas and his interpreters can/should conceive of actions under the paradigm of war occurring against non-state actors. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 2022, the Supreme Court of the United States decided Dobbs v. Jackson Women's Health Organization and overturned Roe v. Wade, ending federal protection for the rights of people who are pregnant to obtain an abortion. Discussions of abortion in the United States are, and always have been, bound up with issues of gender, race, and ethnicity. The Dobbs decision is the latest in a long history of U.S. policies that manipulate reproduction in order to maintain white dominance. In the same logic as military service, people who can become pregnant are now being required to sacrifice themselves, not for the possible individual embryo or fetus they might carry, but rather for the nation. They are conscripted into service of a particular vision of the United States as a white nation. This universal, enforced availability for service truncates the status of women, rendering us less than fully human. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This essay draws a double parallel between two juxtaposed concepts. The first is between sections of modern Christianity, who use political power and force to deny people's rights and create suffering by restricting or removing their freedom to choose, and classes depicted in the Gospel (namely Pharisees and Romans) who use power and force as a means to create barriers and domination, both of them dependent on specific, potentially flawed readings of Scripture. The second is between people such as myself, an Episcopalian lay leader in my church and supporter of a person's right to choose an abortion, and the original followers of Jesus, who employed a ministry of action based around embracing all humanity in a drive to create a more equitable world and physically show love and acceptance to those struggling under secular domination and oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This theoretical paper describes a classification with accompanying analysis of the main forms of social conduct at the end of life that goes beyond our usual understanding of sociological characterisations of dying. A taxonomy of end-of-life conduct is presented that illustrates and categorises past and contemporary sociological studies of end-of-life conduct and experiences. The categories include embodiment-led dying, systems-led dying, criticism-led dying, endangerment, and anti-dying. Discussion of this spectrum of behaviour is compared with current research and theory in the sociology of dying resulting in critical observations about limitations and omissions in the current work of this field. The paper ends with identification of theoretical limitations before discussing implications for future theory, research, and policy development for the sociology of dying and for end-of-life studies more generally. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The author comments on banning puberty-pausing medications and how such endangers transgender adolescents. Topics covered include the prescribed treatment of gender-dysphoria in adolescents, how such types of medications are also used in a variety of other medical contexts and implication of legislation attacking the provision of puberty-pausing medications.

This article's objective is to analyse the birth and development of the People with Physical Disabilities Movement in late Francoist Spain and the democratic transition. To that end, this work is based on qualitative research, based on 12 in-depth interviews, carried out with people with innate or acquired physical disabilities, from different regions of Spain, and born between 1938 and 1960. The participants selected for this work have been especially involved in the People with Physical Disabilities Movement in Spain since the sixties and seventies until today, from a total of 26 informants sources. These testimonies, always used anonymously, will be completed with reference works on the issues discussed, as well as other primary sources. This article analyses the birth of the Movement of People with Physical Disabilities in Spain during the late Francoism and the transition to democracy, from the 1960s to the early 1980s. This article delves into the life stories of 26 individuals with physical disabilities born between 1938 and 1960. Together with other social movements, people with physical disabilities were able to coordinate themselves in the late Francoism in order to create a new social movement to improve their living conditions. By giving voice to its protagonists and their experiences, the research seeks to understand more profoundly the basis and the -development of the Movement of People with Physical Disabilities in Spain. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The impact of the coronavirus pandemic on persons with disabilities has laid bare the link between health and economic outcomes. This article reviews the legal and policy framework impacting economic outcomes for persons with disabilities in India against the backdrop of the Sustainable Development Goals (SDGs) on poverty, economic growth, and productive employment. It offers a policy framework for realizing the human rights of persons with disabilities by advancing their inclusion in India's economic development. People with disabilities have not benefited as much from India's economic development as non-disabled persons. The UN disability rights treaty may oblige India to ensure that people with disabilities are included in its economic development. Historically, India's laws and public policies addressing people with disabilities have not always supported them as intended. For India to achieve the Sustainable Development Goals, a set of global goals for UN member states, it will need to protect the human rights of people with disabilities by creating policies to address their intersectional needs. Policy creating economic participation opportunities, recourse from unfairness and discrimination, and effective safety nets may improve outcomes for people with disabilities in India. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article examines Arabs with disabilities living in Israel. Centring their experiences and voices, it argues that the group's marginalisation is predominantly shaped by the ongoing political conflict. Arabs in Israel suffer deep social and institutional marginalisation on the basis of their ethnic identity and perceived threat and opposition to the state. Arabs with disabilities are neither exempted nor alleviated from this discriminatory framework. Therefore, those services, rights, and policies which are in place are not always fully granted, revealing the deficiency of a rights-based model for advancing their cause. Strikingly, however, it is the barriers and limiting normative beliefs within the community of Arabs in Israel where discrimination is most acutely felt. Being seen only through their disability means a battle for acceptance, integration, and participation in Arab society. Again, without a significant shift in social awareness and underlying normative perceptions, a rights-based model will only go so far. This article is about Palestinian Arabs living in Israel with disabilities. Despite their disabilities, they face ethnic discrimination from the wider Israeli society. Being disabled does not alleviate any of their challenges as they are still viewed in the framework of the ongoing political conflict and seen as a threat. Within their own Arab communities, they also face challenges. Arab communities limit their aspirations either due to low expectations or a lack of implementation of available disability rights/services. The overarching finding of this study is that ethnic discrimination and a lack of disability awareness significantly limit the effectiveness of disability rights and policies. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between 1972 and 1980, Israel and authoritarian Uruguay developed a political partnership based on their shared self-perception as misunderstood Western bastions fighting terrorism and the proxies of communist expansion, as well as shared concerns about détente and Western human rights discourse. While Uruguay remained the most consequential anti-PLO South American regime, Israel helped the Uruguayan dictatorship manipulate public opinion and cover up antisemitism and Nazi sympathies within its repressive apparatus. When dealing with the effects of Uruguayan repression of leftist Jews, Israeli diplomats tended to prioritise their alliance with the regime over their ethnic-ideological commitment to Jewish solidarity. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The concept of energy justice has been of much scholarly interest in applying justice principles to energy policy, energy production and systems, energy consumption, political economy of energy and climate change, among other areas. However, legal remedies for energy injustice have not been seriously examined; nor has the topic been considered from the perspective of the Global South. Therefore, this article seeks to examine legal remedies for energy injustice in the ECOWAS sub-region and the role that the Economic Community of West African States Court of Justice, otherwise known as ECOWAS Court, can play in granting these remedies. It finds that the concept of energy justice is an evolving one and that at its current level of evolution, the concept has somewhat incorporated the idea of distributional justice, recognition-based justice and procedural justice. Against the backdrop of these findings, the article argues that energy justice in a distributional, recognition-based and procedural sense can be couched in terms of human rights law under the African Charter on Human and Peoples' Rights and can be actualised before the ECOWAS Court. It concludes that energy justice, in its present state of evolution, can be substantially actualised in terms of human rights law before the ECOWAS Court. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]