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The development of children's ability to identify facial emotional expressions has long been suggested to be experience dependent, with parental caregiving as an important influencing factor. This study attempts to further this knowledge by examining disorganization of the attachment system as a potential psychological mechanism behind aberrant caregiving experiences and deviations in the ability to identify facial emotional expressions. Typically developing children (N = 105, 49.5% boys) aged 6–7 years (M = 6 years 8 months, SD = 1.8 months) completed an attachment representation task and an emotion identification task, and parents rated children's negative emotionality. The results showed a generally diminished ability in disorganized children to identify facial emotional expressions, but no response biases. Disorganized attachment was also related to higher levels of negative emotionality, but discrimination of emotional expressions did not moderate or mediate this relation. Our novel findings relate disorganized attachment to deviations in emotion identification, and therefore suggest that disorganization of the attachment system may constitute a psychological mechanism linking aberrant caregiving experiences to deviations in children's ability to identify facial emotional expressions. Our findings further suggest that deviations in emotion identification in disorganized children, in the absence of maltreatment, may manifest in a generally diminished ability to identify emotional expressions, rather than in specific response biases.

Maternal intellectual disability (ID) is regarded a risk factor in child development, but there is no scientific evidence on maternal ID in relation to children's attachment. Using a matched comparison design, a small group (n = 23) of mothers diagnosed with ID was studied to help fill this gap. Besides maternal ID, we examined the role of abuse/trauma/maltreatment (ATM) in the mothers' biographies, along with potential confounds. Comparison group mothers (n = 25) had normal variations in intelligence and matched mothers with ID on residential area, income, child age, and sex. History of maternal ATM was assessed using a semi-structured interview and was found to be significantly more likely in the ID group mothers' experience than the comparison group mothers. Children's (M age = 77 months) attachment representations were assessed with the Separation Anxiety Test. Among children of mothers with ID, a substantial minority (35%) had a secure and the vast majority (> 80%) an organized attachment representation. Mothers with ID who had suffered elevated ATM were significantly more likely to have children who were scored high on disorganization and insecurity. We discuss possible implications of our findings for societal considerations regarding parenting and child attachment in the context of parental ID status.

This study investigated the role of security in one's attachment to God in relation to both secular and religious/spiritual ways of coping with a serious illness. The main objective was to test whether attachment to God and type of disease were related to secular coping strategies, when controlling for the effects of religious/spiritual coping. Study participants (N = 105) had been diagnosed either with cancer (i.e., an acute disease) and were under chemotherapy/awaiting surgery or with renal impairment (i.e., a chronic disease) and were attending dialysis. Results showed that secure attachment to God was uniquely related to fighting spirit, whereas insecure attachment to God was uniquely linked to hopelessness, suggesting that security, unlike insecurity, in one's attachment to God may impact favourably on adjustment to the disease. The only coping strategy related to type of disease was cognitive avoidance, which was linked to chronic disease.

Using the Adult Attachment Interview, we explored differences in attachment, distress, and religiousness among groups of traditionally religious, New Age spiritual, and religiously syncretistic (high on both) participants (Ps) (N = 75). Religiously syncretistic Ps showed a preponderance of insecure attachment and were raised by non-religious parents, who were estimated as relatively insensitive. Moreover, religiously syncretistic Ps perceived a personal relationship with God and had experienced increased religiousness/spirituality during difficult life periods, but did not suffer elevated distress. New Agers often mirrored the religiously syncretistic, but had a more even secure–insecure attachment distribution, typically did not perceive a personal relationship with God, and did suffer elevated distress. Traditionally religious Ps were low on distress and raised by religious parents, estimated as relatively sensitive. We conclude that religious syncretism may often express religion/spirituality as compensation. Finally, we speculate that a perceived relationship with God may attenuate distress among those at risk.

I argue in this article that attachment theoretical considerations provide insights into why certain moderators underlie the links observed between religion and mental health. Three sets of moderators are discussed. First, contextual factors associated with heightened attachment activation (e.g., stress, unavailability of one's secular attachment figures, low social welfare) increase the strength of the links observed between religion and mental health. Second, aspects of mental health that are most notably affected by having a safe haven to turn to and a secure base to depart from are particularly reliably linked to religion. Other attachment-related aspects of mental health that religion may promote concerns attenuation of grief and reparation of internal working models following loss of and/or experiences of having been insensitively cared for by other attachment figures. Finally, aspects of religion that are most consistently linked to mental health are partially those that express attachment-components, including belief in a personal, loving God with whom one experiences a close and secure relationship.

Book description: Psychological interest in religion, in terms of both theory and empirical research, has been constant since the beginning of psychology. However, since the beginning of the 21st Century, partially due to important social and political events and developments, interest in religion within personality and social psychology has increased. This volume reviews the accumulated research and theory on the major aspects of personality and social psychology as applied to religion. It provides a high quality integrative, systematic, and rigorous review of that work, with a focus on topics that are both central in personality and social psychology and have allowed for the accumulation of solid and replicated and not impressionist knowledge on religion. The contributors are renowned researchers in the field who offer an international perspective that is both illuminating, yet neutral, with respect to religion. The volume's primary audience are academics, researchers, and advanced students in social psychology, it but will also interest those in sociology, political sciences, and anthropology.

In this paper, we examine concurrent and prospective links between attachment and the Five-Factor Model (FFM) of personality from middle childhood to young adulthood (n=66). At age 8.5 years, attachment was measured with the Separation Anxiety Test and at 21 years with the Adult Attachment Interview, whereas the personality dimensions were assessed with questionnaires at both time points. The results showed that attachment and personality dimensions are meaningfully related, concurrently and longitudinally. Attachment security in middle childhood was positively related to extraversion and openness, both concurrently and prospectively. Unresolved/disorganized (U/d) attachment was negatively related to conscientiousness and positively related to openness in young adulthood. U/d attachment showed a unique contribution to openness above the observed temporal stability of openness. As attachment security was also associated with openness, the duality of this factor is discussed together with other theoretical considerations regarding attachment theory in relation to the FFM.

The current research reports that mothers' security of attachment predicts their children's sense of God's closeness. A total of 71 mother–child dyads participated (children's M age = 7.5). Mothers' attachment organization was studied with the Adult Attachment Interview (AAI; Main, Goldwyn, & Hesse, 2003) and their religiosity and attachment to God were measured with questionnaires. Children were told stories about visually represented children in attachment-activating and attachment-neutral situations, and placed a God symbol on a felt board to represent God's closeness to the fictional children. Children of secure mothers placed the God symbol closer (d = .78) than children of insecure mothers across both types of situations, suggesting that children's experiences with secure-insecure mothers generalize to their sense of God's closeness. Also, girls (but not boys) placed the God symbol closer in attachment-activating than in attachment-neutral situations, giving partial support for an attachment normative God-as-safe-haven model. Finally, mothers' religiosity and attachment to God were unrelated to child outcomes.

Widely regarded as the definitive reference, this volume comprehensively examines the psychological processes associated with religion and spirituality. Leading scholars from multiple psychological subdisciplines present developmental, cognitive, social psychological, cultural, and clinical perspectives on this core aspect of human experience. The forms and functions of religious practices and rituals, conversion experiences, and spiritual struggles are explored. Other key topics include religion as a meaning system, religious influences on prosocial and antisocial behavior, and connections to health, coping, and psychotherapy. New to This Edition * Two chapters on cross-cultural issues. * Chapters on spiritual goals, emotional values, and mindfulness. * Reflects significant theoretical and empirical developments in the field. * Many new authors and extensively revised chapters. * Robust index amplifies the volume's usefulness as a reference tool.

Handbook overview from publisher: This two-volume handbook presents the most comprehensive coverage of the current state of the psychology of religion and spirituality. It introduces a new integrative paradigm for this rapidly growing and diverse field. This paradigm sheds light on the many purposes religion serves, the rich variety of religious and spiritual beliefs and practices, and the capacity of religion and spirituality to do both good and harm. The integrative paradigm encourages psychologists to attend to the ways religion and spirituality are expressed not only in individual lives, but also in the lives of couples, families, institutions, communities, and cultures. The handbook documents how the psychology of religion and spirituality is building on its theoretical and empirical foundation to encompass practice. The chapters in this handbook provide in-depth and varied perspectives of leading scholars and practitioners on the most vital questions in the field.

In this article, the authors argue that mystical experiences are linked to disorganized attachment via a proposed mediator-the propensity to enter altered states of consciousness (absorption). Using a sample of predominantly religious/spiritual participants (N = 62), they report that disorganized attachment, as identified with the Adult Attachment Interview, predicted lifetime occurrence of mystical experiences and that this link was mediated by absorption. Alternative mediational models received less conclusive support. Also, more conventional aspects of religion (theistic beliefs and degree of general religiousness) were not related to disorganized attachment or absorption, supporting the discriminant validity of the mediational model. In the discussion, the authors argue that mystical experiences represent a nonpathological and potentially self-reparative "outcome" of disorganized attachment and the related propensity to experience alterations in consciousness. Experiences named "mystical" have played a conspicuous role at almost every level of culture; and yet, despite the vast literature devoted to them, the subject has remained.... as dark as it is fascinating.... Mysticism has suffered as much at the hands of its admirers as at the hands of its materialistic enemies. If the latter have been unable to see anything else than aberrations and abnormalities, the former have gone to the other and equally fatal extreme; no descriptive adjective short of "sublime," "infinite," "divine" has seemed to them at all sufficient.

In the recent past, psychologists of religion frequently complained that their discipline was not sufficiently respected in mainstream academic psychology while acknowledging—at least in some cases—that one reason for this lack of respect was that their discipline did not really deserve it (e.g., Batson, 1997; Batson, Schoenrade, & Ventis, 1993). Why this discipline would not deserve respect might at first seem puzzling. After all, in its many different manifestations, religion is on the verge of being a historical and anthropological universal (e.g., Brown, 1991). Also, whereas members of other animal species keep themselves busy with the world of their senses, “man is [perhaps] by constitution a religious animal” (Burke, 1790/1909, p. 239). Relatedly, religion typically, and curiously, centers around the existence of unobservable others (i.e., gods and spirits). Finally, as illustrated by the opening quote from a “Christian-era” Bob Dylan song, these unobservable others become especially important as people struggle with utter despair and turmoil; that's when their dyin' voices are especially prone to reach out, somewhere. The song continues, “Sometimes I turn, there's someone there, other times it's only me” (Dylan, 1981). Thus, why would mainstream psychologists not view the topic of religion as worthy of their scientific attention and interest, and why would some psychologists of religion themselves attest that their discipline doesn't really deserve respect?

In this attachment-theoretical chapter, I highlight relations between attachment and religious development in adolescence, while taking cultural implications into account. I argue that adolescence is a sensitive phase of development related to both attachment and religiosity. h is period is ot en associated with transfer of attachment functions from parents to age-mates. In the religious realm, this period may be linked to either increased religiosity (e.g., conversion) or to disengagement from religion. During adolescence, an attachment-like relationship with God may also develop. Furthermore, on the basis of empirical studies, I discuss the implications of individual dif erences in attachment security for religious development in adolescence. I distinguish between two notable developmental pathways: secure attachment to religious caregivers as a basis for religious stability (“correspondence pathway”) and insecure attachment to caregivers as a basis of distress regulation through religion (“compensation pathway”). In the i rst case, believers are more likely to experience well-being; in the latter case, religion may serve as a protective factor in development. I also take into account possible negative ef ects of religion on adjustment. Finally, I discuss the cultural generalizability versus specii city of each of the central arguments in the chapter.

Book description: From prehistoric caves to current raves and virtual reality technology, humanity has always sought to alter its consciousness. Altered states of consciousness can be achieved through dreaming, drumming, dancing, meditation, hypnosis, fasting, sex, and a number of other human activities. These strategies affect consciousness by mimicking the natural responses of our nervous system.

The authors review findings from the psychology of religion showing that believers' perceived relationships with God meet the definitional criteria for attachment relationships. They also review evidence for associations between aspects of religion and individual differences in interpersonal attachment security and insecurity. They focus on two developmental pathways to religion. The first is a "compensation" pathway involving distress regulation in the context of insecure attachment and past experiences of insensitive caregiving. Research suggests that religion as compensation might set in motion an "earned security" process for individuals who are insecure with respect to attachment. The second is a "correspondence" pathway based on secure attachment and past experiences with sensitive caregivers who were religious. The authors also discuss conceptual limitations of a narrow religion-as-attachment model and propose a more inclusive framework that accommodates concepts such as mindfulness and "nonattachment" from nontheistic religions such as Buddhism and New Age spirituality.

In this presentation, I delineate five refinements that I and my associates have introduced during the last decade to the literature on religion and spirituality from an attachment-theory perspective. First, I describe the principle of social correspondence as an addition to the idea that religiousness reflects generalizing working models of attachment. Second, I focus on what we have learned from studying implicit processes and utilizing experimental designs in religion-as-attachment research. Third, I describe results from research projects that have used developmentally validated attachment assessments, such as the Adult Attachment Interview. Fourth, I emphasize the need for engaging a wider developmental range in religion-as-attachment research and sum up what we have found using non-adult samples. Finally, I argue for employing a wider research perspective on the attachment-religion/spirituality connection than the central parameters of an attachment framework would suggest, by considering possible mediators between attachment and religious or spiritual outcomes., The author would like to thank the following collaborators, whose contributions were vital for the research presented here: Dr. Andreas Birgegård, Prof. Anders Broberg, Prof. Rosalinda Cassibba and her research group, Prof. Jane Dickie, Prof. Berit Hagekull, Dr. Tord Ivarsson, Dr. Nancy Kaplan, Prof. Lee Kirkpatrick, Prof. Mary Main, Prof. Mario Mikulincer, Prof. Phillip Shaver, and the many thesis students who, over the years, helped with the data collection. I am also indebted to the following organizations for essential financial support: The Bank of Sweden Tercentenary Foundation, the Swedish Research Council, and the Sasakawa Young Leaders’ Fellowship Fund. Finally, thanks to David Wulff for helpful suggestions in preparing this manuscript.

In this paper, we present a theoretical model and an empirical review linking disorganized attachment with New Age spiritual beliefs and activities via a proposed mediator; the propensity to enter altered states of consciousness (absorption/dissociation). Utilizing a prospective longitudinal design (N = 62), an empirical test of the mediational model is also provided for illustrational purposes. More specifically, we tested if unresolved/disorganized (U/d) attachment scores, as identified via the Adult Attachment Interview at the first assessment point, predicted New Age spirituality 3 years later, and whether this link was mediated by absorption. Results supported the mediational model, although the bivariate relation between U/d attachment and New Age spirituality was of modest strength. The discussion focuses on the general implications, clinical as well as non-clinical, of the proposed model. Finally, we argue that time is now ripe for attachment researchers to address additional non-pathological sequelae of disorganized attachment and the related propensity to experience altered states of consciousness.

Based on the idea that believers' perceived relationships with God develop from their attachment-related experiences with primary caregivers, the authors explored the quality of such experiences and their representations among individuals who differed in likelihood of experiencing a principal attachment to God. Using the Adult Attachment Interview (AAI), they compared attachment-related experiences and representations in a group of 30 Catholic priests and religious with a matched group of lay Catholics and with the worldwide normal distribution of AAI classifications. They found an overrepresentation of secure-autonomous states regarding attachment among those more likely to experience a principal attachment to God (i.e., the priests and religious) compared with the other groups and an underrepresentation of unresolved-disorganized states in the two groups of Catholics compared with the worldwide normal distribution. Key findings also included links between secure-autonomous states regarding attachment and estimated experiences with loving or nonrejecting parents on the one hand and loving God imagery on the other. These results extend the literature on religion from an attachment perspective and support the idea that generalized working models derived from attachment experiences with parents are reflected in believers' perceptions of God.

God's perceived closeness (GC) is greater when the attachment system is activated. This conclusion is based primarily on adult studies, but some findings suggest its validity also in childhood. Adult studies have shown GC to vary in relation to security of attachment, but child studies have been few and methodologically limited. In this study, we tested differences between securely and insecurely attached children on GC in attachment activating and neutral conditions, as well as whether parental religiousness acted as a moderator. Participants were forty 5-7-year-olds, from non-religious and Christian homes. The adapted Separation Anxiety Test was used to assess attachment. Participating children were told brief stories about visually represented children in different situations, and placed a God symbol on a felt board to represent GC to the fictional child. Results showed that GC was greater in attachment activating situations, particularly for secure children, supporting a hypothesis of internal working model correspondence between models of Self/Others and God. Although a religious type of home emerged as predictive of GC, no support was found for a moderating role of parental religiousness.

This study was the first to examine relations between attachment and religion-spirituality in adults using a developmentally validated attachment assessment, the Adult Attachment Interview. Security of attachment was expected to be linked to a religiosity-spirituality that is socially based on the parental relationships and reflects extrapolation of attachment experiences with sensitive parents to perceived relationships with a loving God. Insecurity of attachment was expected to be related to religiosity-spirituality via emotional compensation for states of insecurity. Participants (N=84; 40% men; mean age=29 years) were drawn from religious-spiritual groups. Religiousness-spirituality was assessed with questionnaires. Results generally supported the hypotheses (ps<.05). Estimates of parental loving were linked to socially based religiosity, loving God images, and gradual religious changes occurring at early ages and in life contexts indicating a positive influence of close relationships. Estimates of parental rejection and role reversal were related to New Age spirituality and sudden-intense religious changes occurring in life contexts of turmoil. Current attachment state of mind was generally unrelated to traditional religiosity, but current preoccupation, unresolved-disorganized, and cannot classify states were associated with New Age spirituality.

This prospective longitudinal study investigated whether and in what way different functions of attachment relationships are transferred from parents to reciprocal relationship partners in adolescence. Furthermore, the impact of nationality, romantic relationship status, and individual differences in perceived attachment history and current attachment orientation on the timing and extent of transfer was examined. Adolescents from Sweden and Germany were studied over a 12- to 15-month time span. As predicted, the transfer generally unfolded in a step-by-step process in cross-sectional analyses. However, the predicted direction of transfer from parents to peers could not be confirmed in the prospective analyses. Adolescents who had formed a romantic relationship between assessments showed a stronger transfer from parents to peers compared to those who had not. German adolescents had transferred to a larger extent at Time Point 1, but Swedish adolescents caught up by Time Point 2. Finally, the combination of an insecure history with mother and high current anxiety was linked to a particularly high degree of prospective attachment transfer, whereas an insecure history with mother combined with high current avoidance predicted a particularly low degree of prospective transfer.