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• We observed the autonomic nerve plexuses in the skin of an erythermalgic patient and a normal individual using the methods of acetylcholinesterase (AChE) histochemistry, catecholamine histofluorescence, and electron microscopy. The density of both AChE-positive and catecholamine-containing nerve terminals in the periarterial and sweat glandular plexuses was greatly reduced in the erythermalgic foot skin compared with those in unaffected skin from the same patient and in the foot skin of a normal individual. Ultrastructurally, the terminal axons containing either agranular (cholinergic) or small dense-cored (adrenergic) vesicles were present in the periarterial and periglandular regions of the erythermalgic skin, but the occurrence of these nerve terminals in the involved skin appeared to be much reduced in frequency compared with uninvolved skin and the skin of a normal individual. ( Arch Dermatol 1983;119:65-71)

The efficacy of ketoconazole was evaluated in twenty patients with chronic dermatophyte infections who had failed to clear with griseofulvin therapy. Trichophyton rubrum was the causative organism in nineteen of the patients, and Trichophyton mentagrophytes in one patient. Three of twelve organisms tested showed in vitro resistance to griseofulvin. Duration of infection ranged from 2 to 28 years. Patients received 200 to 400 mg of ketoconazole daily for periods up to 8 months. In addition, patients were followed for 5 months post-therapy to monitor recurrences. Clearing was seen clinically as early as 2 weeks, and by 18 weeks all patients showed marked improvement or clinical clearing, though only six achieved complete mycologic cure. Improvement followed a predictable sequence of sites, with lesions of the trunk healing first, followed by hands, feet, and finally, nails. After 8 months, though all patients showed proximal nail clearing, onychomycosis persisted in thirteen of twenty affected sites. By 5 months post-therapy, four of six patients who had achieved clearing of skin and nails showed recurrences. No significant side effects were observed during therapy, though rare, apparently idiosyncratic cases of hepatotoxicity have been reported. Ketoconazole is an effective therapeutic agent for griseofulvin-resistant dermatophytosis. Apparent cures may subsequently recur after discontinuation of therapy.

Sections 1 μ thick of epoxy-embedded, OsO4-fixed tissues were stained with 4% aqueous basic fuchsin at 70 C for 1 min, rinsed well and destained, also at 70 C, for 1 min. A 2% aqueous methylene blue solution, alkalinized to pH 12.5 by mixing 1 N NaOH with the dye on the slide in the proportion of about 2:1, was then allowed to act for 2 min at 23-27 C. The stain was rinsed off the slide, and the preparation air dried before applying a mounting medium and cover glass. The mounting medium consisted of immersion oil sealed with epoxy household cement. Stains had not faded after 1 yr. The method is simple, rapid (total time 4-5 min), and provides sharp contrast between cellular and connective tissue components.

Previous studies have shown that the cues of [± voice] in an utterance‐final stop produced without release or vocal vibration during closure include duration of the previous vowel and presence or absence of a falling F1 transition [T. Walsh and F. Parker, J. Phonet. 12, 207–218 (1984)]. Raphael [J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 51, 1296–1303 (1972)] employed synthetic speech to measure the perceptual effect of varying vowel length while holding F1 slope constant. The present study is intended as a complement to Raphael. That is, our study measures the perceptual effect of varying F1 slope at given vowel durations. The stimuli consist of three‐formant tokens of bat/bad, synthesized without release or closure voicing for the final stop. The vowel /ae/ was chosen because of its high F1, which would allow maximum manipulation of the F1 transition. Each token is synthesized with three durations, corresponding to those in Raphael which cued, respectively, [−voice], mixed, and [+ voice] responses. For each duration tokens are...

A process devoicing stops in word‐final position is common among languages and is evidenced in Appalachian and Black English. Attempts to explain this phenomenon, however, have been unsuccessful. For example, generative phonology, which accounts for change by rule‐addition, rule‐loss, and rule‐reordering, is purely descriptive. Likewise, natural phonology, which claims that change occurs when a child fails to master a phonetic opposition, never explains under what conditions “failure” occurs. Instead, devoicing may be explained in terms of the voicing cues for post‐vocalic stops. (1) Voicing is signalled by the manner in which the preceding vowel is terminated. (Termination is defined in terms of the period of vocal cord vibration during the transition from vowel to stop.) [F. Parker, J. Phonetics 2, 211–221 (1974).] (2) The cue for a post‐vocalic voiced stop is perceptually weaker than that for its voiceless counterpart. (Evidence comes from error detection studies and phonological change.) Thus, devoici...

Some investigators have commented on the intonational differences between restderive (RRC) and nonrestrictive relative clauses (NRRC); however, none of them provide instrumental evidence for their claims. In order to test the differences, identical utterances containing both clause types were recorded from speakers of English (Southern American dialect) and Spanish (River Plate dialect) so that lexical peculiarities would not affect the outcome. Broad and narrow band spectograms were made of each utterance. Three significant variables emerged: (I} pitch [fo] fluctuation and (2) vowel length in the word preceding the pause, and (3) the pause length preceding and following the relative clause. Variation of these parameters indicate that both clause types are accompanied by characteristic patterns of intonation and juncture in both languages, although no major differences were found between languages. RRCs typically have sustained or rising pitch; NRRCs display rising‐falling or falling‐rising pitch. RRCs have a shorter vowel and pause, while NRRCs lengthen either one or both. However, these characteristics are not always present simultaneously. In sum, intonation may well provide information for decoding relative clauses, in addition to that supplied by their syntactic and lexical structure.

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Stop release [Wang, J. Speech Hearing Res. (1959)] and the presence/absence of a falling F1 transition [Wolf, J. Phonetics (1978)] have been shown to be effective cues to the voicing distinction in final, post‐vocalic stops in English. Neither, however, are necessary. Therefore, preliminary speech production data were gathered to determine the interrelationship of these cues. Spectrographic analysis indicates (1) that release is predicted by the tenseness of the preceding vowel: stops following tense vowels are released; those following lax vowels are not. (2) Besides serving as a cue to [± voice] in stops, release functions as a segment cue. Final stops following tense vowels are not predictable by the phonology of the language, whereas those following lax vowels are. That is, stressed, tense vowels can end a word in English, but stressed, lax vowels cannot. Thus, stop release is redundant after a lax vowel, but it has a high utility after a tense vowel in that it signals the presence of a stop. (3) stop...

In many dialects of English, intervocalic /t, d/ are realized as a flap [f]. Under appropriate stress conditions, this occurs invariably within words (e.g., “water”), and sometimes between words (e.g., “hit it”). Egido and Cooper [J. Phon. (1979)] carried out studies which they claim show that sentence boundaries and syntactic deletion sites inhibit flapping. They conclude that flapping is blocked because the speaker is unable to “look ahead” across such locations. This account is inaccurate in two respects: (1) not all sentence boundaries and deletion sites block flapping; (2) “look ahead” is irrelevant since speakers must have access to information across such boundaries in order to perform other syntactic operations. Instead, we suggest flapping is blocked at sites following fronted adverbials and at deletion sites that create ambiguous surface strings. The blocking effect is explained by the presence of a final intonation contour (FIC), which can be shown to precede both of these locations. A FIC causes phrase‐final lengthening [Lieberman (1967); Klatt, J. Phon. (1975)], which in turn lengthens phrase‐final /l, d/. Lengthened /t, d/ cannot, in turn, be flapped. Thus, flapping is blocked not because of the speaker's inability to “look ahead,” but rather because the structural description of flapping is not met. The rule must specify the absence of a FIC.

Consonants in clusters are abbreviated by as much as 30% [Haggard, J. Phon. (1973), Klatt, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 59, 1208–1221 (1976)]./s/ and /k/, e.g., are shorter in mask than in mass or Mac. Although previous studies have attempted to explain this phenomenon in terms of phonetic context, they leave one basic question unanswered: is shortening an active process? (Earlier investigators considered only two‐segment clusters within a single morpheme, which may be frozen forms functioning as single consonants.) In order to address this question, a production experiment was devised in which single consonant morphemes (/t, d, s, z/) were affixed to monosyllables ending in two‐segment clusters. The results indicate that the addition of a final segment has the effect of shortening a non‐contiguous segment (e.g., the /s/ in masked is shorter than the /s/ in mask). This illustrates two points: (1) shortening is an active process; and (2) it is not simply a function of immediate phonetic context; rather it is controlled on a higher level of organization as a condition on the temporal structure of syllables. There seems to be a tendency to maintain the final consonant portion of a syllable at a fixed ratio to the total duration of the syllable [Port, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 69, 262 (1981)]. Other processes affecting clusters (e.g., cluster reduction) can also be explained by this principle.

This use of anymore is fairly widespread. Eitner studied its geographical distribution, as revealed by citations from Wentworth (1944) and Dunlap (1945), and stated that "affirmative anymore appears most often in these eight states, in the order of frequency: West Virginia, Pennsylvania, Delaware, New York, Ohio, Kentucky, Indiana, and South Carolina" (1949, p. 313). Ferguson (1931) had reported the usage in Ontario and Michigan, Carter (1931) had observed it in Illinois, and Dunlap (1945) added to those areas Arizona, California, Iowa, Maryland, Minnesota, Missouri, Nebraska, New Jersey, Oklahoma, Texas, Virginia, Washington, and others. Tucker (1944) suggested a Welsh origin, and Mencken (1948, p. 198) a German one, but Dunlap and Eitner believed the usage was introduced by the Scotch-Irish in the eighteenth century. The geographical source and distribution of affirmative anymore tell us nothing, however, about the mechanism by which it came into use. Various explanations for the phenomenon have been proposed. Malone stated that "we often use any more in the sense 'now,' but in standard speech this use of the locution always goes with a negative.... [In nonstandard speech] this rather artificial rule has been chucked, and any more is used as freely in affirmative as in negative sentences." Ferguson believed that "any more indicates a change from what the speaker regards as the proper or established order of things, and is substituted for the common 'now"' (p. 234). Carter stated that "the words any more introduce a clause which contrasts with a preceding clause, expressed or implied ... [but] any more is not used quite synonymously with now, in that any more gives a greater degree of finality to

Indo-European verbs inflected in the middle voice have taken on passive meaning; explanations for this have been proposed, but each presents difficulties. Here an alternative paradigm of language change is set forth to explain the process. This paradigm is, among other things, dependent on the fact that more than one structural description may be assigned to a given sentence. If the hearer assigns a different structural description to a sentence than the speaker does, and if a rule based on this 'deviant' structural description spreads, then the language exhibits change. Under certain circumstances, then, agentless OV constructions may be mis-assigned the constituent structure of a passive SV construction-where the object of the active, transitive sentence is interpreted as the subject of its passive, intransitive counterpart.

HIS PAPER DEALS WITH THE FOLLOWING two phenomena found in coordinate constructions in English. First, ordinary rules of case assignment seem to be suspended when noun phrases (NP's) occur in coordinate structures. In particular, objective case pronouns never appear as the subject of a tensed clause unless they appear in a coordinate construction. For example, even in nonstandard dialects of English, we hear Me and him got fired but never *Me got fired or *Him got fired. Second, pronouns in coordinate structures are limited in terms of the order in which they can occur. For example, we hear He and I got fired but never *I and he got fired. In the following discussion, we argue that the suspension of case assignment rules in coordinate constructions is essentially STRUCTURAL in nature and that the ordering of pronouns in coordinate constructions is essentially PRAGMATIC in nature. More specifically, we argue that the suspension of case assignment follows quite naturally from Chomsky's (1981) theories of GOVERNMENT and BARRIERS.' According to these theories, the dominating NP in a coordinate structure serves as a barrier to government (and hence to case assignment) for each individual NP in the coordinate construction. In our pragmatic account of ordering, we argue that the linear order of NP's in coordinate constructions follows from Kuno's (1987) concept of EMPATHY: the degree of the speaker's identification with the referents of the NP's in a sentence. In particular, we propose that ordering is sensitive to the relative empathy value assigned to each NP in a coordinate structure.

Two questions arising from the ongoing debate between “physicalists” and “mentalists,” with Carol Fowler and Robert Hammarberg, respectively, representing the protagonists, are discussed in this paper. (1) Are coarticulation and phonological assimilation distinct processes? (2) Are phones and phonological segments physically definable entities? We conclude that the first question is still open, and we outline the type of evidence that would bear on it. However, we suggest that the opposition between coarticulation and phonological assimilation is best recast as an opposition between effects with “mental cause” and those with “physical cause.” Moreover, we argue that the burden of proof falls on those who want to argue for a distinct class of assimilation which has “physical cause.” We find that the second question falls within the domain of theory evaluation. We argue that Hammarberg's view (segments are solely mental) is preferable to Fowler's (segments are both mental and physical) on three counts. (1) ...

ALTHOUGH THE COMPETENCE-PERFORMANCE DISTINCTION posited by X Chomsky (1965) is by now a familiar concept, it is by no means a uniformly agreed-upon one. Newmeyer (1983), in reviewing the controversy that has surrounded this distinction, discusses several reasons that some theorists have been dissatisfied with the dichotomy. He observes, for one thing, that "for any given linguistic phenomenon, no hard-andfast criterion exists to decide which aspects should fall under competence" (37). Furthermore, the fact that competence can be hypothesized only indirectly, that is by means of observations about performance, has led some theorists to abandon the distinction altogether, or at least to expand the notion of competence "to the point where it all but equals performance" (36). In short, two types of disagreement have arisen. At the extreme, one might argue that the competence-performance distinction is itself an invalid one. Alternatively, one might maintain the validity of the distinction but remain uncertain about which domain a particular phenomenon should be assigned to. We bring up these issues not in the hopes of resolving them but rather because they bear on the data to be discussed in this paper. We accept the basic validity of the competence-performance distinction but realize that the phenomena that we will discuss do not fit neatly into either domain. However, we have taken heart in Newmeyer's observation that "many borderline cases ... pose an exciting challenge to researchers-a challenge whose resolution might well involve redrawing the boundaries of linguistic competence" (37).

The hypothesis that vowel‐termination characteristics signal the voicing distinction of post‐vocalic stops in English [F. Parker, J. Phonet. 2, 211–221 (1974)] was investigated by recording CVC(C) monosyllables produced by six speakers and analyzing the utterances spectrographically. Although the vowel terminations before voiced stops were asystematic, the voiceless stops typically displayed a coarticulated glottal stop (evidenced by vocal fry). More importantly, the glottal stop appeared only with labial and alveolar voiceless stops, thus accounting for two phenomena noticed (but not explained) in the literature. (1) Vowel durations preceding voiced/voiceless nonvelar stops overlap, whereas those preceding velars do not [L. Raphael, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 51, 1296–1303 (1972)]. (Vocal fry is not available as a voicing cue in velars, thus making vowel‐length crucial.) (2) Final voiced/voiceless velar stops are confused more often than voiced/voiceless labials and alveolars [M. Wang and R. Bilger, J. Acoust. Soc. Am. 54, 1248–1266 (1973)]. (The latter had vocal fry as a secondary cue, thus enhancing their perceptibility.) In short, a glottal stop coarticulated with a following nonvelar voiceless stop produces vocal fry, which not only serves as a secondary cue for voicelessness, but also helps explain the differences in vowel length and perceptibility exhibited by velar and nonvelar postvocalic stops.