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Il saggio è una conseguenza del prestigioso incarico ricevuto dalla Commissione Nazionale delle Opere di Galileo Galilei di integrare il corpus curato da Antonio Favaro con i testi non compresi nella sua pur magistrale edizione, di cui non fanno parte le postille a Petrarca. Dopo avere decifrato e trascritto tutte le 1385 postille vergate da Galileo nell’edizione delle Rime di Petrarca del 1582 commentate da Castelvetro, il saggio illustra le ragioni della loro attribuzione a Galileo, ricava il periodo a cui esse risalgono attraverso gli anni delle edizioni degli autori citati dal chiosatore e ne mostra le caratteristiche esegetiche, notando le preferenze di Galileo per le forme epigrammatiche e le sue censure dei passi ritenuti troppo enfatici o eccessivi nelle metafore. Petrarca è anche criticato con giudizi morali e religiosi per le parti in cui allude alla sua esperienza amorosa e per quelle in cui si fanno paragoni tra la condizione umana e quella dei beati. Infine si analizzano le postille al commento di Castelvetro, di cui Galileo non ammette che per i versi profani di Petrarca si possano fare rimandi alla Bibbia.

Il contributo vuole offire un profilo biografico di Francesco Petrarca, con una particolare attenzione alla vocazione europea della sua attività di intellettuale e promotore degli "studia humanitatis"

E' la lettura di una canzone di Dante generalmente attribuita alla giovinezza del poeta e che l'autore del saggio crede invece di dimostrare risalente agli anni dell'esilio, attraverso prove interne, storiche e stilistiche, filologicamente riscontrate. La close reading adibisce anche una scomposizione metrico-formale e richiami intertestuali che da Petrarca, via Tasso, giungono fino a Montale.

A sojourn on Lake Garda in Spring 2009, with a visit to the Villa Guarienti di Brenzone at Punta San Vigilio, enabled the author to make the entirely chance discovery in the garden and small boat harbour of the three principal elements – with twelve life-size figures of saints – of the marble altar commissioned in 1498 from Giovanni Dalmata by the Scuola Grande di San Marco in Venice. The work had been refused by that confraternity in 1500 when it was well on its way to completion, and therefore until now it was believed that there was no concrete figurative evidence of this episode, which is known thanks to the original documents published in the late nineteenth century. A more thorough investigation of the archives confirms that the three sculptural groups passed in 1549 from the Scuola di San Marco to Agostino Brenzoni, the founder of the villa at San Vigilio and the person responsible for the display that remains admired to this day. This is a significant discovery above all for an understanding of the vicissitudes of Venetian sculpture between the fifteenth and sixteenth centuries, especially as regards the relationship between Giovanni Dalmata and the three members of the Lombardo family (Pietro, Tullio, Antonio). Everything suggests that in order to secure the commission, Giovanni did all he could to undertake a genre – large-scale sacred narrative in a perspectival setting – that, while far from customary for him, was becoming the main field of success for Pietro da Carona’s two sons, as would soon be demonstrated in the Chapel of the Arca di Sant’Antonio in Padua. Moreover, the identification of the marbles from the Scuola di San Marco in the unexpected context of Punta San Vigilio obliges us to completely review how this celebrated humanist garden, which has come down to us in a commendable state of preservation, was interpreted by scholars from the Lake Garda area, both native and adoptive (outstanding among the latter was Henry Thode, 1909). Neither Giovanni Dalmata’s marble figures, nor the other early modern sculptures at San Vigilio, are the work of Veronese artists who were contemporaries of Agostino Brenzoni and actively involved in a conscious programme of his; rather, they are Quattrocento ‘leftovers’ purchased by him on the Venetian art market, and ingeniously repurposed in his gardens. In adapting the mostly sacred figures to secular and even pagan ends, Brenzoni could not ask his stonecutters to rework them, so he sought to assign all the thematic reinterpretation to inscriptions dictated by him in the manner of captions, one or more for each image. He appears to have succeeded perfectly in this enterprise, since not one of the erudite visitors has ever noticed the deception until now, letting themselves be guided by texts and not the visual experience.

Šv. Brunono Bonifaco „kamalduliškoji“ pažinimo tradicija XIV-XVI a. formavosi remiantis Petro Damianio „Šv. Romualdo gyvenimu“ (apie 1042 m.) ir šv. Bonifacas galėjo būti pažintas per šv. Romualdą. Todėl XIV-XVI a. šv. Bonifaco gyvenimo ir kankinystės istorija yra įkomponuojama į jo mokytojo šv. Romualdo gyvenimą. Nežinant šv. Bonifaco mirties datos, XIV-XVI a. susiformavo tradicija, kuri oficialiai įtvirtinta 1583 m. Romos martirologe, šv. Romualdo mirties dieną laikyti šv. Bonifaco minėjimo data. Pirmuoju rankraštiniu šv. Bonifaco gyvenimo ir kankinystės istorijos pateikėju reikia laikyti XIV a. septintojo-aštuntojo dešimtmečių sandūroje Petro Natalio (ca. 1330-ca. 1400) sudarytą šventųjų gyvenimų katalogą (Catalogus sanctorum), o pirmasis išspausdintas šio šventojo gyvenimas yra 1484 m. Niurnberge išėjusiame Antonino iš Florencijos veikale „Summa historialis, sive Chronicon“. Bene pirmasis šv. Brunono Bonifaco pavaizdavimas yra 1514 m. Lione išleistame minėtame Petro Natalio šventųjų gyvenimų kataloge. Šv. Bonifaco gyvenimo pateikėjai Petro Damianio „Šv. Romualdo gyvenimą" perpasakodavo savais žodžiais, sutrumpindavo, perinterpretuodavo. Todėl natūraliai atsirado šio šventojo paskutinės misijos „geografinių“ interpretacijų, kurių svarbiausia – atskirų Damianio „geografinių taškų“ sujungimas į vieną – Rusijos / rusų – „tašką“, eliminavus šv. Adalberto siužetą, o „atsivertusius slavus“ padarius rusais ar Rusija. The Camaldolese tradition of the cognition of Saint Boniface in the I4th-16th centuries was formed on the basis of The Life of Saint Romuald by Peter Damián (about 1042), whereas Saint Boniface could be known through Saint Romuald. Therefore, the history of life and martyrdom of Saint Boniface in the 14th-16th centuries is embedded in the life of his teacher Saint Romuald. The absence of the date of death of Saint Boniface gave rise to the tradition of the 14th-16th centuries, which was officially established in the 1583 edition of the Roman martyrology, to consider the date of death of Saint Romuald as the commemoration date of Saint Boniface. Petrus de Natalibus (ca. 1330 - ca. 1400) is considered the first presenter of the history of life and martyrdom of Saint Boniface in the form of a manuscript. He added the life of Saint Romuald's pupil Saint Boniface to the records of June in the Catalogue of Saints (Catalogus Sanctorum) compiled by him at the turning point between the 1360s and the 1370s. Moreover, the first printed version of the saint's life appeared in the treatise Summa historialis, sive Chronicon by Anthony of Florence (1389-1459) published in Nuremberg in 1484. Probably the first visual presentation of Saint Boniface dates back to the aforementioned "Catalogue of Saints" by Petrus de Natalibus, published in Lyon in 1514. The presenters of the life of Saint Boniface used to present "The Life of Saint Romuald" by Peter Damian by retelling it in their own words, shortening and reinterpreting it. Naturally, this gave rise to the "geographic" interpretations of the final mission of the saint, the most important of which is the joining of individual "geographic points" described by Damián into a single - Russia's / Russian - "point" by eliminating the story line of Saint Adalbert and turning the "converting Slavs" into Russians or Russia.

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Petrarkin Secretum, u kojemu se vodi fingirani razgovor između Francesca kao Petrarkine autofikcije figure i sv. Augustina, Ujevića je iznimno zaokupio, svakako preko granica „akademskoga“ zanimanja, o čemu svjedoči njegov važan esej "Pjesnik Laure i sveti Moničin sin". Gdje su tragovi augustinskoga modela ispovijesti u "mnoštvenome" Ujeviću, posebice u njegovu Ispitu savjesti, tema je ovoga eseja. Trajni egzil Ujevićeva Ja nosi augustinski trag "nemirna srca", ali njegovo Ja, nikada cjelovito i nikada na jednom mjestu, ostaje "nasukano" do pred kraj VIII. knjige Augustinovih Ispovijesti, rastegnuto u napetosti Augustinova „još ne“ ili barem " još malo ne još".