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Dans le cadre du projet d’édition des papyrus grecs et coptes de la jarre d’Edfou, sont publiés ici un cautionnement grec, peut-être attribuable à la période byzantine, et la lettre copte qui se trouve au verso. As part of the editing project relating to the Greek and Coptic papyri from the Edfu jar, a Greek surety, perhaps attributable to the Byzantine period, and the Coptic letter written on the back, are published here. فى إطار مشروع نشر البرديات اليونانية والقبطية التي عثر عليها داخل جرة إدفو، ننشر هنا وثيقة يونانية، ورسالة قبطية موجودة على الجهه المقابلة.

The paper contains an introduction and translation of the oldest preserved MS of the Miracles of St. Menas. The collection has 17 miracles but, since the codex is heavily deteriorated, not all of them could have been edited. The last miracles in the collection are of the special interest as they are unattested in any other Coptic MS, the 17th miracle being absent even in the Greek collections. The translation puts together three separately edited parts of the text and for the first time presents them together.

The first collections of miracles wrought by Saint Means were assembled by clergy of Saint’s sanctuary in Abu Mina. Nowadays, we have to our disposal a wide range of collections preserved in a few languages, however, the Coptic tradition faithfully preserves the narratives with the utmost veracity of the historical detail. There are three Coptic Mss containing the miracles, but the MS IFAO, although incomplete, is the only once containing undamaged text. This set of miracles present interventions of the Saint made in favour of very diverse petitioners and is particularly focused on generosity towards sanctuary.

La investigación desarrollada trata sobre las producciones cerámicas de la Antigüedad Tardía (época Bizantina) en el sur de Egipto. Concretamente se analiza un taller de fabricación de cerámicas en el monasterio copto de Qubbet el-Hawa en Asuán, y también esta contribución profundiza en todos los aspectos histórico arqueológicos de la región, las costumbres y organización de las comunidades monásticas cristianas presentes en todo el área de Asuán. Ofrece una clasificación novedosa y original de todas las producciones cerámicas durante la Antigüedad Tardía y su difusión por todo Egipto y gran parte del Mediterráneo. The research deals with Late Antiquity (Byzantine period) ceramic productions in Southern Egypt. Specifically, this investigation is based on a pottery workshop in the Coptic monastery of Qubbet el-Hawa (Aswan). Therefore, this contribution also delves into historical and archaeological aspects of the Aswan region and the Christian monastic communities' customs and organisation throughout the area. Finally, it offers a novel and original classification of all ceramic productions during Late Antiquity and their diffusion throughout Egypt and much of the Mediterranean. Tesis Univ. Jaén. Departamento de Antropología, Geografía e Historia. Leída el 17 de mayo de 2021.

Bu çalışma, Bursa Uludağ Üniversitesi Sosyal Bilimler Enstitüsünde Muhammet Tarakçı'in danışmanlığında Ekrem Sert tarafından yazılan “Mısır Kıpti Kilisesi ve Günümüzdeki Durumu" adlı yüksek lisans tezine dayanılarak hazırlanmıştır. Mısır Ortodoks Kıptî Kilisesi Arap milliyetçiliğini esas alan 1952 Temmuz Devrimi’ne başlangıçta destek vermiştir. Ancak devrim sonrası hiçbir Kıptînin Devrim Konseyi içinde temsil edilmemesi Kıptîleri seçime dayalı siyasetten yavaş yavaş uzaklaştırıp Kilise’yi merkeze alan bir siyaset arayışına götürmüştür. Enver Sedat döneminde (1971-1981) Devlet-Kilise ilişkileri iyiden iyiye gerilmiştir. Kıptî Kilisesi Patriği III. Şunnûde (1971-2012) ortaya koyduğu tavırları, aldığı kararları ve devlete muhalif davranışları ile bu gerilimi zirveye taşımıştır. Kıptî Kilisesi’nin asırlardır devam eden din-devlet ayırımı anlayışı bu süreçte tartışma konusu olmuştur. Hüsnü Mübarek dönemi (1981-2011) ile Kıptîler büyük bir rahatlama sürecine girmişlerdir. Ancak Kıptîler, Mübarek döneminin halk ayaklanmaları ile son bulmasıyla birlikte kendilerini sahipsiz hissetmişlerdir. Kıptî Kilisesi, “Arap Baharı” olarak bilinen süreçte başlatılan halk ayaklanmalarına kurum olarak karşı çıkmıştır. Mısır halkının özgürlük arayışı ise bir başka bahara kalmış gibi görünmektedir.İki bin yıllık köklü bir geçmişi bulunan Kıptîlerin ve Kıptî Kilisesi’nin bütün tarihini ele almak bir makalenin sınırlarını aşacağından bu makalede, askeri bir darbe ile başlayan yaklaşık son yetmiş yıllık dönem ele alınmıştır. The Egyptian Orthodox Coptic Church initially supported the July Revolution of 1952, based on Arab nationalism. However, the lack of representation of Copticswithin the Revolutionary Council in the post-revolutionary period has slowly moved the Copts away from elective politics and took them to a policy that puts the Church at the center. In the period of Anwar Sadat (1971-1981), state-church relations progressively deteriorated. The tension between the regime and the Church increased with the anti-governmental attitudes and decisions of Shenouda III, the patriarch of the Coptic Church (1971-2012). The understanding of religion-state separation of the Coptic Church, which has continued for centuries, has been discussed in this process. With Hosni Mubarak's (1981-2011) period, the Coptic Christians' condition relatively improved. However, after the end of Mubarak's period due to the popular uprisings, the Copts felt unprotected and abandoned. As an institution, the Coptic Church opposed the uprisings during the protests known as the "Arab Spring." The Egyptian people's quest for freedom seems to be delayed to another spring.It will exceed the limits of an article to cover the entire two thousand years of the Copts and the Coptic Church's long history. Hence, the article deals only with the last seventy-year period that started with a military coup.

Aujourd’hui, le corpus des textes magiques coptes compte 314 manuscrits publiés et plusieurs dizaines de textes toujours inédits, datés pour la plupart entre le 5e et le 12e siècle de notre ère. Parmi ceux-ci, un petit groupe composé de vingt-trois manuscrits magiques comprend des charmes qui présentent des invocations à des divinités grecques ou égyptiennes (p. ex. Artémis, Isis, Horus, Seth, Petbe) ou de courts récits mythologiques (historiolae) les mettant en scène. L’existence même de ces charmes soulève plusieurs questions :comment des références à des divinités traditionnelles se sont-elles retrouvées dans des textes « chrétiens » datés des 5e–12e siècles, et surtout, quels mécanismes ont été utilisés par les experts en rituels de l’Égypte tardo-antique et médiévale pour intégrer ces références dans leurs charmes ?Afin de répondre à ces questions, cette étude propose le premier examen exhaustif de l’ensemble de ces vingt-trois textes magiques coptes. Dans les trois premiers chapitres, nous étudions chacun des vingt-trois textes coptes en détail—les types de textes, les objectifs des charmes, les éléments traditionnels et chrétiens utilisés, les différentes façons dont ceux-ci ont été combinés—en plus de les comparer avec des textes magiques datés des périodes pharaonique (en moyen égyptien) et gréco-romaine (en démotique et en grec). Dans le dernier chapitre, nous offrons un examen plus général du groupe de vingt-trois textes en discutant entre autres de la datation et de la provenance des manuscrits, ainsi que des expressions récurrentes utilisées, ce qui nous permet également de les replacer dans le contexte plus large de l’ensemble du corpus des textes magiques coptes. Cette étude montre, d’une part, que nos vingt-trois textes magiques coptes témoignent d’une grande continuité dans les pratiques magiques en Égypte, puisque les éléments traditionnels utilisés (références aux divinités grecques et égyptiennes, historiolae, formules et expressions) ont été transmis, par l’intermédiaire de manuscrits magiques, depuis l’époque pharaonique jusqu’à l’époque médiévale. D’autre part, ces textes témoignent également de changements, et plus particulièrement, de nombreux processus syncrétiques, puisque les éléments traditionnels ont été réinterprétés, puis juxtaposés ou fusionnés à des éléments chrétiens. Ainsi, notre examen révèle comment les experts en rituels de l’Égypte tardo-antique et médiévale, en s’inspirant de manuscrits magiques plus anciens et en combinant des éléments de différentes traditions religieuses dans leurs charmes, sont devenus des agents du syncrétisme religieux et, de façon plus générale, de la transformation religieuse., Doctorat en Langues, lettres et traductologie, info:eu-repo/semantics/nonPublished

The purpose of this paper is to expose an insider view of Modern Egypt in the fifties and sixties by the Egyptian writer Waguih Ghali’s Beer in the Snooker Club (1964) which is a semi-autobiographical novel written in English and an outsider view of Egypt written three decades after Ghali in Amitav Ghosh’s In an Antique Land (1992). Shedding a light to the struggles of the Francophone, British educated Egyptian Coptic figures with their conflicting allegiances to the Egyptian revolution that both opposed colonialism and practiced repressive domestic policies and their allegiances to the British culture that imposed colonialism, Beer in the Snooker Club seeks a cosmopolitan identity by rejecting the binaries of post-coloniality. On the other side, in In An Antique Land the Indian writer Amitav Ghosh presents two different narratives one of which is an anthropological one based on his visits made to two villages in the Nile Delta, while the other narrative is based on the process of writing his doctoral dissertation (in the years 1980-81 and 1988) with the aim to reconstruct the history of a 12-century Jewish merchant, Abraham Ben Yiju and his slaves by using some documents from the Cairo Genizah., Bu çalışmanın amacı, İngilizce yazılmış yarı otobiyografik bir roman olan Mısırlı yazar Waguih Ghali’nin Snooker Club’ta Bira (1964) adlı eserinde Modern Mısır’a ellili ve atmışlı yıllarda içeriden bir bakış ve Ghali’den 30 yıl sonra yazılmış Amitav Ghosh’un Antik Bir Ülke’de (1992) adlı kitabında da Mısır’a dışarıdan bir bakış sunduğunu göstermektir. Frankofon, İngiliz, Mısırlı Kıpti karakterlerin, hem sömürgeciliğe karşı çıkan Mısır devrimine bağlılıklarıyla hem de baskıcı iç politikalar uygulayan ve sömürgeciliği dayatan İngiliz kültürüne olan bağlılıklarıyla çatışan mücadelelerine ışık tutan, Snooker Club’da Bira adlı eser, sömürgecilik sonrası ikilileri reddederek kozmopolit bir kimlik arayışı içerisindedir. Öte yandan, Hintli yazar Amitav Ghosh Antik Bir Ülke’de adlı eserinde, biri Nil Deltası’ndaki iki köye yapılan ziyaretlerine dayanan ve antropolojik olan, diğeri ise yazarın Kahire Genizah’ın bazı belgelerini kullanarak 12. yüzyıldan kalma bir Yahudi tüccar olan Abraham Ben Yiju ve kölelerinin tarihini yeniden inşa etmek amacıyla, doktora tezini (1980-81 ve 1988 yıllarında) yazma sürecine dayanan iki farklı anlatı sunmaktadır.Anahtar Kelimeler: Modern Mısır, Waguih Ghali, Amitav Ghosh, Kıpti, İngilizler, içeriden görünüm, dışarıdan görünüm, Geniza

We present here our methodological approach applied to the study of Egyptian inks in Late Antiquity. It is based on an interdisciplinary strategy, bringing together a variety of disciplines from humanities and natural sciences, and it aims at systematically collecting a statistically relevant amount of data regarding the composition of the inks. The application of a well-established, non-invasive protocol that includes near-infrared imaging and X-ray fluorescence spectroscopy for in situ measurements enables the identification and characterisation of inks dating from the end of Late Antiquity onwards. However, sometimes this method limits our understanding when characterising more ancient inks. Trying to overcome these limitations, the potential of a new device for the characterisation of organic compounds is here explored by conducting preliminary tests on mock samples. In this work, we present the results from 77 codicological units that include some of the earliest manuscripts of our corpus that presently lists 159 units.

En komparativ analyse av seksuelle metaforer hos to klosterledere, Shenute av Atripe og Teresa av Avila.

L’articolo presente la prima traduzione di un testo apologetico cristiano in arabo. L’apologia è conservata in un unico copto-arabo manoscritto, Vat. ar. 126, 239r-241r, e contiene testo composito riguardante la difesa della dottrina della Trinità e dell’incarnazione contro le accuse dei muslumani. La parte trinitaria è una versione della confessione di fede di Elia di Nisibi (975-1046). Il paragone della parte cristologica del testo con la liturgia copta di san Basilio mostra che il testo perde il suo carattere apologetico e assume un tono più declarativo e confessionale. Il testo è stato attribuito al monaco copto Buṭrus alSadamantī che ha vissuto nella seconda meta del XIII secolo, però la composizione del testo mette in dubbio la sua autenticità. The article presents the first translation of a Christian apologetic text in Arabic. The apology is conserved in a single copto-arabic manuscript, Vat. ar. 126, 239r-241r, and contains a composite text concerning the defense of the doctrine of the Trinity and of the incarnation against the accusations of Muslims. The Trinitarian part is a version of the confession of faith of Elias of Nisibis (975-1046). However, the comparison of the Christological part of the text with the Coptic liturgy of St. Basil shows that the text loses its clear apologetic character and assumes a declarative and confessional tone. The text was attributed to the Coptic monk Buṭrus al-Sadamantī who lived in the second half of the thirteenth century but the composition of the text casts doubts on its authenticity.

International audience; In our research for the critical edition of the Sahidic variants of the Gospel of Mark, the manuscript sa 123 stands out as a very special example: it is likely to be a fragmentary witness of philological work in the Fayyum well after the Arabic conquest. The manuscript features extensive corrections performed by a second hand and based on a different type of text than the first copy. In this article we present the edition of one of its pages with the purpose of exploring the process and philological activity attested by it.

This paper provides a critical edition and philological analysis of Isa 42:1–44:5, which were worked out on the basis of the Coptic manuscript sa 52.2 and other available manuscripts of the Sahidic dialect. The first part presents general information on the fragment of codex sa 52 (M 568) that includes the discussed text. The next part gives a list and brief characteristics of the other manuscripts containing at least some verses of Isa 42:1–44:5. The focal section of the paper is a presentation of the Sahidic text and its translation into English. The differences between the Sahidic text and the Septuagint, on which the Coptic translation is based, have been presented in tables. They include additions and omissions in the Coptic translation, lexical changes and semantic differences. Finally, the paper examines difficult philological questions observed in the Coptic text. Of special attention are the verses of Isa 42:1–44:5, which occur only in manuscript sa 52.2, and so far have not been published.

Scholars of Luke–Acts have struggled to define the apostles’ proclamations of judgment on those who threatened the early Christian community. Ananias and Sapphira (Acts 4.32–5.11), Simon magus (8.4-25) and Bar-Jesus (13.4-12) all fall victim to the apostles’ words of power, yet scholars have typically shied away from categorizing their speeches as curses. Close analysis of the structure, style, phonaesthetic and dramatic aspects of the Greek texts suggests, however, that Luke indeed intends the apostles’ speeches to be heard as curses whilst simultaneously presenting them as legitimate acts of power. A comparison with Greek and Coptic ‘magical’ texts helps to place the curses of Acts in the context of cursing traditions in the wider ancient Mediterranean world.

The Fayoum region is a very interesting and important place not only for papyrologists but also for archaeologists. In fact, the archaeological studies in Fayoum have broad dimensions in time and space. However, a decade ago, Gawdat Gabra, provided the recent and comprehensive book on Fayoumic Coptic studies (including history, language and archaeology etc.). Fayoum was regarded as a fertile archaeological region that promised to bring to light hitherto unknown antiquities. Consequently, the new discoveries and finds provide a great deal of information and details about Fayoum in Coptic era. Thanks to the dry climate, this preserved huge number of archaeological sites and finds. . One can say ‘No volume about the history of Christianity and Monasticism in Egypt would be complete without a chapter about Fayoum region’. There is a strong reason to believe that Christianity found its way to the Fayoum region if not simultaneously with, then shortly after, its entrance into the Delta. Actually, there is a very little information about Deir St. Macarius of Alexandria in Wadi el-Rayan. However, it was already mentioned in a few published works as that of Ahmed Fakhry (1905-1973), an Egyptian archaeologist, visited the area of Deir St. Marcarius of Alexandria in Wadi el-Rayan in pursuit of his archaeological concerns, which is considered the only archaeological investigation carried out at this the site. A few more details were recorded by traveling scholars who saw the monastery and the hills in vicinity.12 For instance, Otto Meinardus had examined and described the caves and the church. The monastery locates in the south of the depression of Wadi el-Rayan “Ain Al-Rayan al-Bahriya”. The monastery, repopulated since 1960s, is situated in the south eastern region of the Fayoum province in Egypt, at the foot of a ridge of desert hills that belong to the mountain on Wadi el-Rayan. It lies about 170 km southwest of Cairo, and 35 km southeast of the recent city of Fayoum, the capital of the province, the closest urban area is Gharaq al-Sultani in the southern part of the Fayoum oasis. Traditionally, The origins of the monastic community in Deir St. Macarius of Alexandria is known as anchoritic life from the time of its establishment, it goes back to the fourth century, when the first hermitages were cut in the slopes of the desert mountain, and modern times thereafter as well. Whereas Abouna Matta al-Maskin and his group of anchoritic disciples, who since 1960 have established themselves in the area of Deir St. Macarius of Alexandria in Wadi el-Rayan.

Jennifer A. Cromwell, Recording Village Life: A Coptic Scribe in Early Islamic Egypt. New Texts from Ancient Cultures 8 (Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press, 2017), xxiv + 287 pp. ISBN 978-0-472-13048-1. Price: $90.00 (cloth)., Al-ʿUsur al-Wusta, Vol. 27 No. 1 (2019): Al-ʿUṣūr al-Wusṭā

The project NOTAE: NOT A writtEn word but graphic symbols. An evidence-based reconstruction of another written world in pragmatic literacy from Late Antiquity to early medieval Europe is an ERC Advanced Grant (2018–2023), which represents the first attempt to investigate the presence of graphic symbols in documentary records as a historical phenomenon from Late Antiquity to early medieval Europe.

Bien que très parcellaire, la boiserie constitue néanmoins un élément majeur, meuble, de l’église nord de Baouît. Elle révèle l’existence d’écrans dans les églises égyptiennes, seul exemple rescapé du viii e s., entre les simples traces laissées à l’époque byzantine et la multiplicité des cloisons qui segmenteront tout l’espace intérieur à partir du Moyen Âge. Sa hauteur totale connue, 2,33 m, la désignait comme possible cloison séparant le vaisseau du khurus, séparation par ailleurs attestée par les éléments photographiés en place en 1902. C’est pourquoi l’analyse de son organisation structurelle a été le fondement de l’étude minutieuse des pièces existantes (dix-huit montants, traverses et panneaux, et quatre petits balustres, conservés au musée du Louvre). Elle a ainsi permis d’évaluer et de tenter d’identifier certains éléments orphelins parmi le matériel disponible mis au jour lors des différentes campagnes de fouilles. L’emplacement de la boiserie dans le monument n’a finalement pas pu être précisé mais cette observation donne à lire une page du répertoire du savoir-faire artisanal employé pour son élaboration. This piece of woodwork, while very fragmentary, nonetheless formed a major element of the furnishings of the north church in Bawit. The only item to survive from the 8th century, its known total height was 2.33 m, indicating that it was possibly a partition separating the nave from the khurus; this function is also attested by the items photographed in place in 1902. Consequently, analysis of its construction has been fundamental to a detailed study of the surviving parts (eighteen uprights, rails and panels, and four small balusters, now in the Louvre). Through this analysis in turn we have been able to evaluate and try to identify the function of some unidentified elements among the materials discovered during various ex- cavation campaigns. In the end the exact position of this element in the church has not been determined, but studying it has taught us more about the repertoire of craft skills used to build it.