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Transgender (trans) rights are human rights; however, human resource management (HRM) policies often do not consider implications for non-binary gender equity. Instead, trans employees often face adverse working conditions, including discrimination, harassment, and marginalization--a critical HRM issue. As the workforce diversifies, HRM professionals must increase their understanding of identity categories, such as sex and gender. Moreover, HRM professionals must be equipped to critically analyze and uphold or amend workplace policies and practices to protect the rights and address the unique challenges faced by non-gender binary employees. This teaching case study facilitates a discussion on transgender rights and the role of HRM by analyzing issues of access, fairness, safety, and inclusivity in the public sector workplace. Students are challenged to consider how different groups are affected by HRM policy (or lack thereof) and how to balance policies with the needs and safety concerns of various stakeholders.

Previous research has contributed to the literature on what constitutes school leaders' and teachers' democratic practices in both high- and low-stakes accountability contexts, but less is known about how they interpret, legitimize, and translate the democratic purpose of education in a low-stakes, 'soft-regulation' system. The current study used Norway as an example, and examined this issue via a qualitative case study design with interviews as the data collection method, while theories of policy enactment, professionalism, and democratic leadership functioned as analytical approaches. The findings suggest that interpretations and legitimizations are cross-curricular based on an internalized code of ethics; there is a large discretionary space for teachers but the schools experience -- in their dialogs with parents -- tensions between a thin democracy representing an individualist and self-centered project, and a deep democracy aiming for the public good. A main argument is that instrumental approaches to education and an increased focus on individual rights may undermine a broad interpretation and translation of the democratic purpose of education over the long term.

This paper examines the development of indicators measuring attacks on education through a case study of the Global Coalition to Protect Education from Attack (GCPEA). As GCPEA and its partners have brought the problem of attacks on education to the attention of global civil society, they have engaged in contestation to define attacks on education and construct indicators to track the relevant violations. These debates are significant in that indicators are a tool of global governance that shape policymaking and resource allocation. The discussion draws on the author's decade of experience working among groups focused on the protection of education, including direct involvement developing indicators on attacks on education, and on three sets of qualitative interviews. It analyses how resource limitations, organisational agendas, challenges of measurement and verification, and global power dynamics exert pressure towards a more narrow understanding of attacks on education. This limits the transformative potential of the protecting education agenda. The discussion illustrates that EiE actors must consider the ways that they measure their work in ongoing conversations about creating a decolonial and more equitable field of practice.

This conceptual paper aims to review some commonalities between two paradigms: Global Englishes and translanguaging. It does so by considering the postcolonial varieties of English, the challenge of native speakerism ideology and the inclusion of multiple discursive practices in classroom discourse. This paper argues that both paradigms should be recognised and incorporated into current English language education. It further asserts the need to regard the two paradigms as complementary but possibly conflated in future English language education. If the notion of Global Englishes aims to incorporate some issues in English language education, including linguistic imperialism, language policy and planning, translanguaging brings that aspiration into classroom discourse. Both policy makers and language practitioners should recognise the commonalities of Global Englishes and translanguaging to be conflated in current English language education. This paper discusses some proposals for how these two paradigms can be incorporated into English language education from the perspectives of (1) critical pedagogy in applied linguistics and (2) decolonising pedagogy for the inclusion of minority/indigenous languages in language education. This paper concludes that English language education, as well as language education in general, has the multilingual and translinguistic opportunity to promote diversity and inclusion of language use. The field of teaching English as a second/foreign/additional language should address the need for diversity and inclusion in language education from the perspective of Global Englishes and translanguaging not as lip service but by implementing these proposals into practice.

How do we ensure that all students have the tools and resources they need to succeed in today's educational context? In this article, we explore how the right to education generally and to specific educational tools and resources in California have been protected through litigation in the past; how the COVID-19 pandemic revealed technology-based educational inequities in our system that were previously unacknowledged; and, we propose strategies that educational leaders and legislators who seek to provide equality of educational opportunity may consider in the distribution of educational resources moving forward.

The aim of this research is twofold: to examine the coverage of human trafficking in the digital press and the perceptions of media professionals and specialised entities regarding such news. The methodology employed is mixed and relies on the technique of content analysis of news stories between January 2019 and December 2020 to investigate how the phenomenon is addressed by digital newspapers. This is also combined with the semi-structured interview technique to identify the discourse of media professionals and the heads of specialised non-governmental organisations in relation to their assessment of the news production on trafficking in Spain. There is lack of information on trafficking of human beings, partly due to the lack of media resources to inform and investigate. The trafficking of human beings for the purpose of sexual exploitation continues to dominate media coverage. Addressing the trafficking of human beings from a holistic and human rights approach, including the visibility of all forms of trafficking, as well as deepening collaboration and cooperation between the media and specialised entities, are tasks of vital importance for further progress.

The debate around standardized assessments became a global agenda imposed by multilateral organizations. These tests, in the neoliberal context, impose an impoverishment of the curriculum and also strong control over the teaching work. On the other hand, it also causes resistance from social movements. This paper addresses this process of disputes for hegemony in the context of early childhood education in Brazil within the last few years. This research analyses the protagonism of the Inter-Forum Movement of Early Childhood Education in Brazil (MIEIB) in the context of the Workers' Party administrations (Lula and Dilma). During this period, the movement had an amicable relationship with the federal administrations, which opened discussions about different ways to evaluate educational quality, based on the discourse of the right to education. Currently, this democratic dialogue no longer exists and the relations between the movement and the federal administration has become antagonistic, as the Bolsonaro administration wishes extend tests to early childhood education.

The man began to live a civilized life in the study of human history; he realized the need and importance of living in a way that would not be a trouble to other living things. They were accustomed to shaping their lives because they had some understanding of the rights of others as well as their duties. The main reason for conflict to arise in any society is that human beings do not live lawfully. Humans always live by emphasizing only his rights and do not care about the duties they have to fulfill. Therefore, it is clear that there are some conflicts between individuals as well as between societies. From the school days, citizens need to understand that to live together in a community; they must live lawfully and democratically. Accordingly, the school curriculum in Sri Lanka has taken steps to provide an understanding of political concepts for the students in schools. Special attention is paid to the Civic Education Curriculum for Grades 10 and 11. It is planned to impart the required political conceptual knowledge under ten main topics. Understanding political concepts is a skill that every citizen of society should have. Thus, updating the understanding of changing political concepts can be cited as a responsibility of education. In view of all the above, it is clear that it is important for school education to give students an understanding of political concepts. It was also noted that there are problems with the current political understanding of Sri Lanka. Therefore, it can be pointed out that it is timely and essential to find out whether the students of Grades 10 and 11 in Sri Lanka have an adequate understanding of political concepts through the subject of Civic Education. The main purpose of this research is to understand the existing knowledge gap about political concepts in the system and to produce new knowledge needed to fill it. There were two specific objectives. First one is Identify key political concepts in Civic Education and second one discovers students' level of understanding on political concepts through Civic Education. This is a quantitative research that adopts questionnaires as a research instrument.18 teachers who teach Civic Education in grades 10, 11 were selected under the purposive Sample technique. Also, 110 students studying in Grade 11 were selected for the student sample subject to random sampling. Data collection and an autonomous questionnaire and interview schedule for students were used. Necessary data was obtained from the teachers through interviews. The data obtained from the questionnaire was analyzed in percentage terms and the data obtained from the interviews were presented in narration format under the qualitative results. Data analysis shows that civic education does not provide an adequate level of understanding of political concepts, as well as students have similar problems. Although it is often necessary to appoint teachers with expertise in the subject to teach Civic Education, it is not the case in many schools, and teachers point out that there are problems with the selection of students as this subject is included in the curriculum. These were the conclusion of the study. The basic political concepts that a citizen should know are included in the syllabus of Civic Education. Arrangements have been made to teach relevant political concepts to the students in the school. It is advisable to make Civic Education a core subject so that every student can study it. In order to teach Civic Education, it is necessary to provide special training to the teachers in that subject. Civic Education can be used as a primary source to help citizens in society protect their rights and to fulfill their duties and responsibilities on behalf of others.

Purpose: This article examines the adverse impact of international economic sanctions on pedagogy. The article considers the contemporary times as a period of misinformation, false news, and untruths. Utilizing anti-hegemonic literature, international economic sanctions are viewed as neoliberalism's instrument of coercion, a Western weapon used to enforce Western values on those with different perceptions toward the free market system. Design/Approach/Methods: This article utilizes critical scholarship to unmask authoritarian neoliberalism and a scoping review of sanctioned societies. Critical analytics are deployed to interpret and make sense of the dominant educational policy framework that appears to be against diversity. Findings: Neoliberalism has caused a crisis in pedagogy. Education is under siege as academics and scientific evidence are being disregarded. The call is for pedagogues from all over the world to continue to avail evidence to power by practicing critical education. Literature is utilized to propose critical pedagogy when scientific evidence is disputed, and non-Western epistemologies are considered anachronous. Originality/Value: Linking sanctions and neoliberalism is relatively novel, as is the contribution of the same lenses to authoritarian neoliberalism. The assault on divergent epistemologies is critical, and the defense of critical scholarship is every academic's duty. The article joins conversations on the neoliberal assault on education and society.

In recent research on moral psychology, the human consciousness has been compared to a tongue, with different taste buds, which together can cause a variety of sensations. According to this theory, people in general have a preparedness to react to situations, which can provide opportunities or pose threats in a social context. Moral psychologist, Jonathan Haidt, has described these receptors as pairs, for example: care/harm, fairness/cheating, loyalty/ betrayal, authority/subversion and sanctity/degradation. Which of these foundations the individual develops a taste for depends, largely, on the social and cultural context. Hence, the choices teachers make of which issues to address and in what way can contribute to a learning environment that influences their pupils' moral outlook. The purpose of this study is to investigate which of these moral intuitions or taste preferences that teachers want to endorse and cultivate in their pedagogical practices. Against this background, a number of qualitative research interviews were conducted with experienced teachers in the non-confessional subject religious education (RE), who have a particular responsibility for moral education in the Swedish school system. The interviews were based on a modified version of the Moral Foundations Questionnaire, which was deliberately developed to determine the participants' moral taste, and the participants were asked to elaborate their answers. The results indicate that the participants tended to favour harm and fairness over loyalty, authority and sanctity. As one of the participants puts it: "many of my examples relate to the weak and vulnerable or the ones that are denied their rights in society…these pedagogical choices are based on the content of the curriculum but also mirror my own preferences". In this paper we analyse the interviews with the RE teachers and critically discuss the consequences the moral foundations theory has for moral education.

The purpose of the research was to determine the opinions of middle school students about the inclusion of controversial issues in social studies course. In this mixed methods study, an explanatory design was used, and the participants involved middle school students studying in Kirsehir, Osmaniye, and Diyarbakir provinces of Turkey during the 2020-2021 academic year. The quantitative data were collected using the "Student Questionnaire for Controversial Issues" while the qualitative data were collected through semi-structured interviews. The quantitative data were analyzed using SPSS 25 and the qualitative data were analyzed through MAXQDA 20. In the analysis of quantitative data, descriptive statistics (percentage, frequency, mean, standard deviation) and t-test and one-way analysis of variance/ANOVA were used since the data had normal distribution. Tukey test was administered to determine between which groups the difference existed. In the qualitative phase, audio-recorded interviews were converted into Word files, then analyzed and divided into meaningful codes. Four themes emerged by combining the codes in common categories. As a result of the research, it was found that the controversial topics that the students wanted to be included in the social studies course the most were human rights and violence. Whilst the subject of terrorism was determined as the subject that the students did not want to be included in the lesson in the quantitative dimension, it was determined that there were different opinions among the students regarding including the subject of terrorism in the qualitative dimension. It was also found that participants' opinions about the inclusion of controversial issues differed in terms of gender, grade level, the city they live in, and reading habits. The reason why all of the students wanted controversial topics to be included in the course was to learn about controversial issues and to raise their awareness of these issues. [This study was presented at the 8th International Eurasian Educational Research Congress.]

This paper revisits and reanalyses data from a study carried out in the further education and training sector in the Republic of Ireland to investigate (1) how adults access and participate in numeracy courses and (2) how adult numeracy provision might support active citizenship. We analysed 45 interviews with adult education providers, adult numeracy tutors, and adult learners to identify themes that connect adult numeracy with a human rights conception of citizenship as access to and participation in economic, social, and community life. This analysis found that the most common barriers to accessing adult numeracy courses arose from dispositional factors relating to fear, anxiety and lack of confidence with mathematics, largely due to negative experiences in formal schooling. To overcome these barriers, adults' participation in numeracy courses was encouraged by integrating numeracy learning activities into real world contexts in a non-threatening learning environment. The interview analysis also illustrated ways in which adult numeracy education supported active citizenship in the economic, social, and community spheres, by (i) enhancing financial literacy and preparing adults for employment; (ii) fostering individual empowerment, family learning and social inclusion; and (iii) enabling civic engagement. Policies for promoting adult education typically aim to develop active citizenship, but without specifying how this is to be achieved. Our study is valuable because it illuminates potential connections between citizenship and numeracy as a dimension of adult education that is separate from literacy. The findings lead to recommendations for translating national and international policy frameworks into research-informed adult education programs.

Access to youth-friendly services is critical to ensuring Sexual and Reproductive Health and Rights (SRHR) and the psychological well-being of adolescents. This qualitative study explored the innovative teaching approaches to adolescents' sexual and reproductive health and rights education during the COVID-19 pandemic in the Oluno circuit. A sample of 10 Life Skills teachers was purposively selected and individual face to face interviews were conducted. Data was analysed using a thematic approach. The findings revealed that the radio, WhatsApp, recorded audios and handouts were used to engage learners on sexual reproductive health information when schools were closed. It is further established that WhatsApp and the radio were the mainly used methods because they were appropriate and user friendly. The findings also indicate contradictions in the Life Skills teachers' experiences on the use of social media approaches due to poor internet connectivity in remote areas. The study suggested the provision of free data to learners and teachers to enable the timely teaching and learning of the right and age-appropriate Sexual Reproductive Health and Rights information (SRHR). That underscores the urgent need for schools to adopt modern learning to be proactive in training of both teachers and learners on the use of various technological devices in case another pandemic hits the country in the future.

Discussions of diversity in relation to children's education are often characterized by binaries of same/different, mainstream/margins, inclusion/exclusion, self/Other. Curriculum remains a contested site in educational debate, with differing views about curriculum as reinforcing social norms, beliefs, and values, as addressing the learning and social needs of learners from a variety of backgrounds and worldviews, or as a hybrid of these. Policy and curriculum designed or intended to address diversity tend to rest on assumptions of majority or dominant cultures as homogenous and distinct from the cultures of minority Other/s. Inequality is often multidimensional, intersecting with, perpetuating, and reinforcing other inequalities and human rights violations affecting children and families. Understanding culture in terms of heterogenous practices of everyday life shifts the focus of discussion and debate toward more nuanced understandings of Otherness, difference and diversity as operating within, as well as between, cultures.

The access to university and the continuation of education for people in refugee situation are investigated herein as from four initial questions: how did COVID-19 find society and this is cause displacement cases?; what is a refugee's situation in the process of the world interruption of face-to-face education?; what are the conditions for refugees to migrate to virtual education?; and what are the actions and responsibilities of international organizations (IOs) concerned with education? The qualitative research of descriptive and exploratory character, with a theoretical approach, made use of a literature survey and of IOs reports in the ambit of education to systematize and to analyze the orientations and their implications in distance learning initiatives for refugees. The importance of university actions and of refugees' participation is verified in decision-making in the context of government public policies, at different levels, bound to agreements and covenants. The emancipatory perspective of education, open to (im)migration, besides palliative policies, is made essential for their access and social integration in the digital educational governance complex.

This article presents and analyzes general and specific data from a survey carried out in four news media on the subject of human rights (HD). The investigation was guided by qualitative principles and content analysis in the documents found in the journalistic platforms: Brasil de Fato, O Dia, Folha de S. Paulo and Veja. In total, 112 news items were tabulated over seven weeks and organized into 12 topics and grouped into two axes: equality and difference. As a result, the study showed that the human rights agenda is not explicitly addressed on news platforms; the Brasil de Fato platform was the only one with a specific tab for the theme; there is a need to understand media education as one of the fundamental "arms" of human rights education.

This study aims at comparatively identifying the constitutional provisions for right to education, their implementation and impact on education in India and Nepal. This is an analytical descriptive study based on document analysis. By the mid of 2011, 81% constitutions of the world guaranteed or aspired to protect the right to primary education. Nepal and India both have clear constitutional provisions for right to free and compulsory basic education but are unable to fulfil the international and national educational commi tments and goals. India and Nepal fall in 2nd and 48th rank respectively based on population in the world in 2018. However, educational indicators indicate that both the countries could not ensure the educational access to all the children. In the year 2014-15, 22.131 million children were either not enrolled or did not complete primary education in India. This number was 270 958 in Nepal in the same year. Results show that there is a wide gap between the educational policies and their actual implementation in India and Nepal.

Both education for democratic citizenship and human rights education tend to emphasise political and legal learning. In both human rights education and moral education in Japan, however, there has been a tendency to give particular attention to interpersonal elements of learning such as kindness and sympathy. This article draws on feminist thinking and on Nel Noddings' concept of the ethics of care to propose a learning framework that combines emotional and socio-political elements, arguing that since motivation is an important element in acting for social justice, learning for social justice must be cognisant of emotional learning. The authors then present the case of a university teacher in a gender studies classroom to consider how these two elements, the emotional and the political, might be combined to enhance students' commitment to social justice when the topic under consideration is LGTBQ+ rights.

The hierarchy in our educational institutions and services often mirror societal attitudes towards power and whose voices are privileged or ignored. Historically, those with power feel uncomfortable when marginalised voices are heard. There is a lot at stake when power is threatened and new voices demand changes within society. This discussion paper explores various instances of where that has happened and the backlash faced by those who are given a chance for their opinions to be heard or those who assist them to voice their narrative through research and reporting. Using publicly available data and our own experiences, we examine incidences where society has listened to children, the victims of sexual abuse in institutions and Indigenous Australians. For people to reach their potential, their voices need to be heard in matters that affect them, according to the United Nations Human Rights Declaration (United Nations, 1948). Using discourse and narrative analysis, the authors discuss the cost of exercising those rights within a neoliberal context and examine how this influences peoples' agency as they face media backlash, online trolling and death threats. Despite this, when marginalised people are bold enough and are allowed to tell their stories, societies, educational institutions, and services have the chance to adapt and improve. This will interest those who educate and research with marginalised people or who study social and institutionalised power.

This study purposed to investigate the lived experiences of out of school teenage mothers during pregnancy, and post-delivery in Rusororo Sector, Gasabo district, Kigali City. It is a qualitative study that used case study design to investigate the school teenage mothers (participants) on their perceived school experience with fellow students, teachers and school leaders, study courses, and parents; the psychological and socio economic effects, and their future education perceptions. Purposive sampling was used to select the sample size participants and the area of study. Convenience sampling and snowball sampling were used to reach the available participants. Semi-structured interviews were used to collect data. Thus, using interviews, data was collected through note taking and voice/audio-recording. In data analysis, data was analyzed through manual comparative and thematic analyses. Results showed that teenage mothers view of further education is attainable through vocational training; pregnancy had psychological effects of depression, loneliness, self-denial on them; pregnancy had social effects of parental denial and expulsion and economic effects of hard living and doing manual work for survival; its educational effects include dropout and study retardation; teenage mothers lived a sorrowful experience of single living without support and most attempt suicide while pregnant. Solutions to curb pregnancy among teenage girls include forum discussions, sex temptation identification, parent-daughter discussion, counseling services and offender punishment. It was concluded that teenage mothers lived a sorrowful and unsupported life that make them academic dropouts. The study provided broad insights and a framework on the teenage mothers' lived experience and their education.

This paper targets the principle of full inclusion as articulated by Article 24 of the Convention on the Rights of Persons with Disabilities and General Comment #4 through an analysis of the CRPD Committee's Concluding Observations for Poland, Germany, and Australia. We find inherent tensions and dialectical contradictions between the ideals of full inclusion embodied in Article 24 and the reluctance of the State Parties to meet the targets. To date, the obligations entailed by Article 24 have failed to retrofit education systems.

This article seeks to develop the argument that it is time for a national roundtable negotiation among Indigenous peoples, the two English and French settler nations, the BIPOC communities and the various immigrant groups to consider the merits of cosmopolitanism as a moral and cultural framework of our interrelated relationships and intercultural encounters in Canada. In an interdependent globalized world that is becoming "superdiverse," I argue that it is time to shift from the language of "tolerance" of the "Other" to the language of "engagement" with "fellow human beings" guided by the moral and cultural cosmopolitanism for social and global justice, equality and equity, and inclusion through the fulfillment of human rights. The purpose of this public discussion is to urge the Canadian Council of Ministers of Education as well as the federal government to put this question on their agenda for consideration as a new framework for Canada's educational, social, economic and political policies. This argumentative paper has the potential to benefit policymakers, curriculum designers, educators, and ministries of education across Canada and beyond to consolidate moral and cultural cosmopolitanism as a national and international approach to harmonious human coexistence.

Environmental education (EE) is an integrated component of the South African Curriculum and Assessment Policy Statement (CAPS) document. Pro-EE civil society organisations are actively involved in the implementation of EE policies in schools. The roles played by civil society organisations contribute to the trajectory of practical environmental programmes. This study adopted an interpretive paradigm, a qualitative approach, and a phenomenological design anchored on Bronfenbrenner's philosophical view of human development. One Pro-EE civil society organisation and two respondents were purposefully sampled. Semi-structured interviews and documents were tools employed to collect qualitative data and results were analysed thematically. The study revealed that Pro-EE civil society organisations play a pivotal role which includes; equipping learners to live sustainably, teachers' professional development, and policy formulation. The study recommended that the South School Act be amended to make EE policy mandatory. The department of basic education (DBE) should provide sufficient resources to Pro-EE civil society organisations to expand Eco-Schools project-based initiatives in schools regardless of the geographical location.

This study aimed at formulating the relevance and urgency of social media content with civics education learning material. This study used the qualitative research method. The instruments used were interview guidelines, observation guidelines and documentation study guidelines. Strategic issues on social media related to citizenship skills were Pancasila ideology, law enforcement, black campaign, politics of identity, conflict of diversity, national disintegration, terrorism, intolerance, spreading of hatred and hoaxes. These social media content deserve to be the problems that are examined in the process of civics education instruction because they are contextual, challenging, value-based, meaningful and fun for the students. Studies on social media content were very important because all students used social media and made it as a source of learning; the contents of social media were related to citizenship skills; social media content that was not analysed comprehensively created misconceptions; the content on social media was contextual; social media content was more attractive for the students to be studied in lectures; and studying the citizenship issues that existed on social media familiarised the students to a critical and democratic thinking. Social media has become an essential means of communication in global life with increasingly sophisticated technological means.

Contrastive rhetoric (CR) has made great contributions to our understanding of L2 writing. Nevertheless, CR has endured countless criticisms over the years, resulting in "reimagined" forms attempting to address many of these criticisms. In doing so, these forms have shaped CR into a collection of complex ideologies that have unnecessarily complicated CR and impeded its efficacy in both research and the classroom. Therefore, to make it more practicable, it must be decluttered and brought back to its fundamentals. To accomplish this, I look at CR within the theoretical framework of Clark's (1996) Common Ground (CG) theory, which affixes it to something much more universal and heterogeneous--communication. Essentially, what I postulate here is that when CR is considered in tandem with CG theory, it is shifted from an ideological theory that fails to take into consideration socially and politically conscructed notions of L2 writing to an approach concerned with basic communication principles. When this shift occurs, many of its criticisms can then be assuaged and CR can once again become more practical for researchers and an effective tool for teachers to help their students achieve their writing goals.

The purpose of this research is to analyze the right to education of people in the context of confinement within the framework of the National Constitution of Paraguay. Education is a fundamental right of every person, guaranteed and recognized in national and international instruments. The problem is generated with the vulnerable social sector, such as people in confinement who are more prone to exclusion. It is based on the premise of the constitutional principle of the right to education, without discrimination, although it is the State that must regulate and protect compliance with this principle, since one of the main objectives of the sentence is the readaptation of the convicted person, and what better way to do this than through education. The present research was of a bibliographic, qualitative type that integrated relevant theoretical events with the purpose of knowing and analyzing the perception and the social reality studied, through exhaustive reading in diverse sources and compilation of official materials of the different institutions in charge, yielding the following results: The distribution of the population, according to the judicial district, indicates that most of the persons deprived of liberty settle their cases in the Central Department, 31%; and in the Capital, 24.2%. Out of a total of 11,852 valid cases obtained for this variable, 70.8% of the population studied is in pretrial detention, and 29.2% is under sentence. A total of 86.8% of the population studied belonged to the young (18 to 29 years) and young adult (30 to 45 years) age groups. The most frequent crimes attributed to men were: aggravated robbery (23.50%); intentional homicide (16.05%); violation of the drug law (15.52%) and aggravated robbery (9.36). Also noteworthy are: sexual abuse of children (7.11%); and domestic violence (6.72%). Persons deprived of liberty beneficiaries of the reinsertion programs period 2016 -2019 amount to 4,152 (four thousand one hundred and fifty-two), which represents approximately 26.4% of 15,739 as of May 2019, i.e., it is a tiny amount compared to the total population. Then it can be concluded that evidently the state policies of education for persons deprived of liberty are insufficient and limited, there is a failure to comply with the law. Although progress has been made in the area of education in prisons, it is necessary to consider the reconstruction of a comprehensive program that can cover all levels through partnerships between public and private institutions in order to effectively achieve accessibility to education for people in prison.

Basing school and university science education on an understanding of science education as a human right has been advocated by numerous authors. Broadly, the right to science education derives from the fundamental rights included in the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, namely the right to education and the right to science. The aim of the present study was to characterize the right to science education in greater detail and specify its conditions and barriers. To meet this aim, we conducted a systematic literature review entailing a bibliographic database search of the Web of Science and ProQuest and an article screening followed by a qualitative content analysis of the included publications. In doing so, we synthesized the findings of eight publications addressing the right to science education in various contexts. In this paper, we present the design and results of our analysis. The implications of our findings for future science education research are outlined at the end of this paper.