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El principal objetivo de esta tesis consiste en analizar los modos en que la primera persona se inscribe en la poesía yámbica de la Grecia arcaica y helenística, para lo cual se abordan en particular las producciones de los reconocidos yambógrafos Arquíloco de Paros (c. 660 a. C.), Hiponacte de Éfeso (c. 500 a. C.) y Calímaco de Cirene (c. 310-244 a. C.). Con este propósito, se investigan los procesos de producción, transmisión y recepción de lo que tradicionalmente se conoce como “yo lírico” o “persona poética”, es decir, una voz que se manifiesta en primera persona en una composición dada y que se interpreta como dramatización de la figura del poeta. Partiendo de implicancias teóricas y metodológicas diferentes a la perspectiva tradicional en que se acuñaron estos términos, el presente proyecto postula específicamente el concepto de persona yámbica, entendido como un determinado tipo de máscara (πρόσωπον) propia de este género, que regula la legalidad del ‘yo’ en una tonalidad que puede ir desde un anclaje intimista, expresión en clave autobiográfica, hasta un artilugio de distanciamiento mediante el cual el ‘yo’ aparece bajo el disfraz de un personaje ficticio, de una figura típica o, probablemente, de personas reales pertenecientes al entorno social del poeta. El desarrollo de la presente investigación se ha estructurado de la siguiente manera: en este capítulo introductorio (capítulo 1) se puntualizan las características del género yámbico, sobre todo en su período arcaico. Por un lado, ahondamos en lo atinente al trasfondo mítico y religioso de esta particular forma poética. En particular, nos remontamos a las relaciones que entabla en sus orígenes con los cultos eleusinos y dionisíacos, porque estos resultan fundamentales para entender los rasgos estructurales de su composición. Con este objetivo, se indaga en la figura de la mítica Ἰάμβη (Hymn. Hom. Dem. 122) como αἴτιον retrospectivo del ἴαμβος y en las asociaciones etimológicas y genéricas que el ἴαμβος mantiene con otras expresiones festivas ligadas al ámbito dionisíaco, concretamente: δυθύραμβος, θρίαμβος e ἴθυμβος. Por otro lado, se presentan las justificaciones y fundamentos del corpus seleccionado y las perspectivas teóricas y metodológicas seleccionadas para el análisis de los textos poéticos. En los tres capítulos siguientes (capítulos 2, 3 y 4) se desarrolla el estudio sistemático del corpus yambográfico. Al final de cada sección se consignan los resultados parciales sobre la escenografía enuncivo-enunciativa mediante un esquema que permite visualizar los distintos actantes y actores que intervienen en cada poema y sus relaciones de identidad. En estas secciones se realiza también una caracterización del enunciador a partir del concepto de persona yámbica, como máscara lingüística particular que posibilita la funcionalidad de este género poético. Por último, en el capítulo 5 se presentan las conclusiones finales considerando diacrónicamente las diferencias y similitudes entre las personas yámbicas de Arquíloco, Hiponacte y Calímaco, y entre las funciones particulares en el período arcaico y el helenístico., Facultad de Humanidades y Ciencias de la Educación

Cet article traite des expressions littéraires de la jeunesse et de la nouveauté chez Apollonios de Rhodes. Il examine l’usage du langage de nouveauté dans plusieurs passages des Argonautiques tout en employant des méthodes philologiques, herméneutiques et métalittéraires, afin de démontrer que le principe et le langage de nouveauté chez Apollonios expriment un nouveau regard sur le monde. This article examines literary expressions of youth and newness in Apollonius of Rhodes. It explores the use of the diction of newness in a select number of passages throughout the Argonautica, employing philological, hermeneutic and metaliterary approaches in order to demonstrate that the concept and the language of novelty in Apollonius articulate new perspectives on the world. Questo articolo esamina le espressioni letterarie di giovani e novità in Apollonio Rodio. Essa esplora l’uso della dizione di novità in un numero selezionato di passaggi in tutto Le Argonautiche, impiegando gli approcci filologici, ermeneutici e metaletterari al fine di dimostrare che il concetto e il linguaggio di novità in Apollonio articolano nuove prospettive sul mondo.

The monumental new commentary by Simon Hornblower on Lycophron’s “minor masterpiece,” as he calls the Alexandra, much helps our understanding of the text. Focussing rather on the historical evidence that might be alluded to in the work, however, Hornblower fails to take due care of literary interpretation. Le commentaire monumental que Simon Hornblower vient de publier sur le « chef d’œuvre mineur » de Lycophron, ainsi qu’il désigne l’Alexandra, apporte une aide importante à la compréhension du texte. Cependant, en se focalisant surtout sur la matière historique à laquelle l’œuvre peut faire allusion, Hornblower oublie de prendre suffisamment en considération l’interprétation littéraire du poème. Il nuovo commento monumentale di Simon Hornblower sul “piccolo capolavoro” di Licofrone, come chiama l’Alexandra, aiuta molto la nostra comprensione del testo. Concentrandosi in particolare sul materiale storica che potrebbero essere accennato nel lavoro, Hornblower tuttavia non tiene la dovuta cura dell'interpretazione letteraria.

L’originalité, cette nouveauté par rapport à la tradition, est un leitmotiv de la littérature hellénistique qui sera par la suite adopté par les écrivains romains. Callimaque défend notamment une esthétique qui rejette les voies poétiques habituelles. Le poète doit ainsi plutôt suivre « les chemins peu fréquentés » (Aet. 1, 27‑28 : κελεύθους | ἀτρίπτο]υς). Il ne s’agit pourtant pas d’une répudiation d’Homère ou du genre épique ; Callimaque se situe dans une longue tradition littéraire, à laqu...

In this study I evaluate Callimachus’ rhetorical presentation and characterization of local historians and their material as either “old” or “new.” The first section focuses upon the Hecale. I show that Callimachus artificially antiquates and at the same time highlights the newness of previously unattested elements that he draws from the contemporary Attic histories of Philochorus and Amelesagoras I turn to the Aetia in the second section and concentrate on four examples of the poet’s representation of local historians and historical texts. By exaggerating the antiquity of the historian, Callimachus presents himself as a participant in an ancient historical tradition, while simultaneously emphasizing the modern qualities of his own “local history” of the Ptolemaic oikoumene. Cette étude réévalue la présentation et la caractérisation des historiens régionaux comme « anciens » ou « nouveaux » chez Callimaque. Dans la première section, on se concentre sur l’Hécalé, afin de démontrer comment Callimaque rend artificiellement vétustes et à la fois nouveaux des éléments des histoires attiques de Philochore et d’Amélésagoras. Dans la deuxième section, on se tourne vers les Aitia, dont on précise quatre exemples de la représentation d’historiens régionaux. En amplifiant l’antiquité de l’historien, Callimaque se représente comme un participant à la tradition, de même qu’il met l’accent sur les aspects modernes de sa propre ‘histoire locale’ de l’oikoumene des Lagides. In questo studio esamino la presentazione retorica e la caratterizzazione degli storici locali e del loro materiale da parte di Callimaco come “antico” o “nuovo.” La prima sezione è dedicata all’Ecale. Qui mostro che Callimaco, in modo artificiale, attribuisce antichità e al tempo stesso sottolinea la novità di elementi precedentemente non attestati che attinge dalle coeve storie attiche di Filocoro e di Amelesagora. Passo poi a trattare degli Aetia nella seconda sezione e mi concentro su quattro esempi del modo in cui il poeta ritrae gli storici locali e i loro testi. Esagerando l’antichità dello storico, Callimaco presenta se stesso come partecipe di un’antica tradizione storica e, insieme, pone in rilievo le caratteristiche moderne della sua stessa “storia locale” dell’ecumene tolemaica.

Par cet article nous souhaitons examiner, à travers le cas particulier de Lysippe, le processus d’élaboration de la notion de filiation artistique dans la critique d’art ancienne. Il s’agira notamment de voir comment les théoriciens du début de l’époque hellénistique ont envisagé les rapports d’imitation entre Lysippe et ses disciples, ainsi que les phénomènes de continuité ou de discontinuité stylistique entre le maître et ses successeurs. Le point de départ de cette étude est la première épigramme du cycle des andriantopoiika de Posidippe, dont nous souhaitons mettre en évidence les liens avec des théories probablement exposées dans les traités contemporains de Douris de Samos et de Xénocrate d’Athènes. Cette épigramme mentionne trois artistes « anciens » (peut-être trois générations d’artistes : maître, disciple et Enkelschüler) dont les œuvres sont caractérisées comme « rigides » et opposées à celles des nouveaux artistes qui suivent les préceptes de Lysippe, un artiste qui passait, selon certaines anecdotes, pour n’avoir été formé par aucun maître, mais par la nature elle-même. Les autres épigrammes que Posidippe consacre aux bronziers montrent que les principes de Lysippe ont pu inspirer des œuvres aussi différentes que le portrait très précis du vieux poète Philitas par le bronzier Hécataios ou la représentation auguste et colossale du dieu Hélios par Charès de Lindos. Un passage plinien lui aussi inspiré de ces premiers traités d’histoire de l’art, la description des qualités stylistiques de l’œuvre d’Euthycrate, disciple de Lysippe, fait état d’une conception de la transmission de l’enseignement artistique, des qualités stylistiques et du savoir technique entre le maître et son disciple qui rejoint les présupposés théoriques de Posidippe. Le vocabulaire stylistique employé dans ce passage de Pline nous permet de deviner la complexité de l’appareil théorique élaboré, au début de l’époque hellénistique, par Xénocrate et Douris. This paper examines the notion of “artistic filiation” in Early Hellenistic theories of art. We wish to highlight the links between the first epigram of Posidippus’ andriantopoiika cycle and the theories of art probably illustrated in the contemporary treatises of Duris of Samos and Xenocrates of Athens. In his epigram, Posidippus establishes a contrast between “ancient” and “modern” art. Ancient art was possibly represented by the mention of three artists belonging to three successive generations (an ancient master, his pupil and his Enkelschüler). Their works share a characteristic rigidity, apparently passed from one generation to the next. On the contrary, “new” works should now imitate the works of Lysippus, an artist believed to have had no other master than nature herself. Other epigrams by Posidippus express ideas on the stylistic qualities of ancient and new works of art and suggest that Lysippan principals were the source of inspiration of works as different as Hecataios’ slender and subtle portrait of the poet Philitas and of Chares of Lindos’ gigantic and noble representation of Helios, the Sun god. Pliny’s presentation of Euthykrates (one of Lysippus’ pupils), which probably derives from Xenocrates, expresses a similar conception of the transmission of artistic education, stylistic qualities and technical knowledge between master and pupil. The stylistic vocabulary that Pliny uses to characterize the works of Lysippus’ pupil allow us a tantalizing glimpse into Early Hellenistic theories of art. Attraverso questo articolo ci proponiamo di esaminare, tramite il caso particolare di Lisippo, il processo di elaborazione della nozione di filiazione artistica nella critica dell’arte antica. Vedremo soprattutto in che modo i teorici dell’arte vissuti all’inizio dell’età ellenistica concepirono sia i rapporti imitativi tra Lisippo ed i suoi discepoli che i fenomeni di continuità o di discontinuità stilistica fra il maestro ed i suoi successori. Il punto di partenza di questo studio è il primo epigramma del ciclo degli andriantopoiika di Posidippo, di cui desideriamo mettere in evidenza i legami con le teorie esposte, probabilmente, nei trattati coevi di Duride di Samo e di Senòcrate di Atene. Questo epigramma menziona tre artisti “antichi” (forse tre generazioni di artisti: maestro, discepolo ed Enkelschüler) le cui opere sono connotate come “rigide” e contrapposte a quelle dei nuovi artisti che seguono i precetti di Lisippo, il quale, stando a certi aneddoti, era noto per non aver avuto altri che la natura come maestro. Gli altri epigrammi che Posidippo dedica ai bronzisti mostrano che i principi di Lisippo hanno potuto ispirare opere diverse, come l’accuratissimo ritratto del vecchio poeta Filita realizzato dal bronzista Ecateo oppure la rappresentazione maestosa e colossale del dio Helios di Carete di Lindo. Un passaggio di Plinio — anch’egli ispirato da questi primi trattati di storia dell’arte — la descrizione delle qualità stilistiche dell’opera di Eutìcrate discepolo di Lisippo, attesta una concezione della trasmissione dal maestro al discepolo dell’insegnamento artistico, delle qualità stilistiche e del sapere tecnico che incontra i presupposti teorici di Posidippo. Il lessico stilistico utilizzato in questo passo pliniano permette di dedurre la complessità dell’apparato teorico elaborato, agli inizi dell’età ellenistica, da Senòcrate e da Duride.

This article offers a new interpretation of Stesichorus’ influence on the portrayal of the Cyclops in Theocritus’ Idylls 6 and 11. Stesichorus’ sympathetic treatment of Geryon provides a model for the reinvention of Polyphemus, although the characterization of the latter is more complex and informed by more genres, modes, and perspectives. In what follows I examine the relation between material archives and the rise of new literary forms before considering how tropes and allusions connected with youth, desire, blindness, and vulnerability generate a “neomorphic Cyclops” who, like other Hellenistic etiological constructs, internalizes the archive through the renewal of traditional poetics. Ce texte propose une nouvelle interprétation de l’influence de Stésichore sur le portrait du cyclope dans les 6e et 11e Idylles de Théocrite. Le portrait favorable de Géryon chez Stésichore fournit un modèle pour la réinvention de Polyphème, bien que le portrait de celui-ci soit complexe et influencé par plusieurs genres, modes et perspectives. Par la suite, on explore les rapports entre les archives et de nouvelles formes littéraires. On analyse comment les motifs liés à la jeunesse, le désir, la cécité et la vulnérabilité engendrent un cyclope ‘néomorphique’ qui, comme d’autres constructions étymologiques, assimile l’archive par le renouvellement de la poétique traditionnelle. Questo articolo propone una nuova interpretazione dell’influsso di Stesicoro sul ritratto del Ciclope negli Idilli 6 e 11 di Teocrito. Il trattamento simpatetico di Gerione offre un modello per la reinvenzione di Polifemo, benché la caratterizzazione di quest’ultimo è più complessa e costruita a partire da un numero maggiore di generi, modi e prospettive. Nelle pagine che seguono analizzerò la relazione tra gli archivi materiali e l’ascesa di nuove forme letterarie prima di passare a considerare il modo in cui i tropi e le allusioni associate con la giovinezza, il desiderio, la cecità e la vulnerabilità generino un “Ciclope neomorfico” che, come altre costruzioni eziologiche ellenistiche, interiorizza l’archivio tramite il rinnovamento della poetica tradizionale.

This paper investigates how Suetonius uses his representation of the literary taste of the emperor Tiberius to characterize him. Tiberius allegedly loved and imitated Hellenistic poets (Euphorion, Rhianus and Parthenius). How does this characterize him? Another question is whether this taste is modern or old-fashioned in comparison with the tastes of his contemporaries, in particular his predecessor Augustus. Finally I ask whether the fact that a similar literary taste (partly for the same authors) is attributed in the biographical tradition to Hadrian can be connected to Suetonius’ account of Tiberius’ literary interests. Cette étude examine la présentation des goûts littéraires de l’empereur Tibère chez Suétone. L’empereur était prétendûment passionné de littérature hellénistique et imita des poètes de l’époque, dont Euphorion, Rhianos et Parthénios. Comment cela contribue-t‑il à la caractérisation de Tibère ? Les goûts de Tibère sont-ils modernes ou démodés par rapport à ceux des autres empereurs romains, en particulier son prédécesseur Auguste ? Une telle passion littéraire est attribuée aussi à l’empereur Hadrien dans la tradition biographique, un cas que l’on peut associer au portrait de Tibère chez Suétone. Questo articolo esamina il modo in cui Svetonio utilizza la sua rappresentazione del gusto letterario dell’imperatore Tiberio per caratterizzarlo. A quanto sembra, Tiberio amava e imitava i poeti ellenistici (Euforione, Riano e Partenio). In che modo ciò lo caratterizza? Un’altra questione è se questo gusto sia moderno oppure antiquato al confronto con i gusti dei suoi contemporanei, in particolare il suo predecessore Augusto. Infine, mi domando se il fatto che un simile gusto letterario (in parte per gli stessi autori) sia attribuito ad Adriano nella tradizione biografica possa essere connesso al resoconto svetoniano degli interessi letterari di Tiberio.

This paper presents issues for the philosophy of books. Bibliophilia and bibliophobia are both virtues and vices. Constructing a library is also a philosophical tasks, for books are philosophical objects.

Review of Stephens, S. A. Callimachus: the Hymns. Oxford/New York, Oxford University Press, 2015. xiv, 324 pp. Pr. £19.49 (pb). ISBN 9780199783045.

The image of the hunter going after the escaping prey and scorning that one caught, in an amatory context (the lover is the hunter going after the escaping beloved, leaving the woman he has already conquered), starts from Callimachus and goes to Cervantes, who probably should take it not from classical sources, but from Ariosto’s Orlando Furioso. The image offers different applications, depending on the authors who employ it. La imagen del cazador que persigue la presa que huye y deja la que atrapa, dentro de un contexto amatorio (el enamorado es el cazador que persigue a la amada huidiza, abandonando a la que ya ha conseguido), se inicia con Calímaco y llega hasta Cervantes, quien la tomaría no de las fuentes clásicas, sino del Orlando Furioso de Ariosto. La imagen adquiere diversas aplicaciones, según los autores que la utilizan.

Este trabajo trata de hacer un análisis del Baño de Atenea partiendo de las secuencias, series de secuencias y grupos de dísticos elegíacos para trazar una estructura que opera en varios niveles de percepción. This paper attempts to analyze the «Bath of Athena» starting by sequences, series of sequences and elegiac groups to draw a pattern that operates on multiple levels of perception.

This paper attempts to analyze the «Bath of Athena» starting by sequences, series of sequences and elegiac groups to draw a pattern that operates on multiple levels of perception. Este trabajo trata de hacer un análisis del Baño de Atenea partiendo de las secuencias, series de secuencias y grupos de dísticos elegíacos para trazar una estructura que opera en varios niveles de percepción.

Cet article s'attache à mettre en évidence les principales modalités de la dédicace dans la poésie hellénistique, en particulier dans les productions du IIIe siècle av. J.-C. Certains poèmes hellénistiques incluent, dans leurs premières lignes, la mention d'un destinataire privilégié auquel le poète s'adresse au vocatif (ainsi pour Nicias, dans les Idylles de Théocrite). D'autres œuvres ont pour éponyme un haut personnage dont le poète a cherché l'appui (ainsi pour Hippomédon chez Euphorion) ; les savants alexandrins comme Hermésianax se plaisent d'ailleurs à reconstituer, y compris pour des œuvres archaïques, des destinataires privilégiés dont ils peuvent retrouver le nom soit dans le titre de l'œuvre soit crypté dans une formule employée par l'auteur (on songe au cas d'Èoiè destinataire supposée du Catalogue des femmes d'Hésiode). Mais c'est surtout au cas des Aitia de Callimaque et aux nouvelles épigrammes de Posidippe que s'intéresse le présent article : l'architecture d'ensemble du recueil callimachéen est soigneusement réglée de manière à mettre en valeur les figures de rang royal qui fournissent le sujet des élégies cadres du recueil (Victoria et Coma Berenices notamment). Dans ces pièces, Callimaque représente à plusieurs reprises des gestes d'offrande votive qui permettent de suggérer que la dédicace religieuse d'un objet préfigure la dédicace du poème callimachéen à l'une des figures mi-divines et mi-royales que sont les premières reines d'Alexandrie. Un procédé similaire est à l'œuvre dans les anathematika de Posidippe, épigrammes votives où le poète célèbre l'offrande à Aphrodite-Arsinoé d'objets qui sont susceptibles d'être interprétées comme des métaphores du poème (étoffe, lyre d'Arion, coupe).

Ovaj je rad posvećen intertekstualnom pristupu ličnosti Kiklopa Polifema kroz pjesnička djela starogrčkih i latinskih književnika. Budući da komparativna metoda sačinjava vjerodostojni uvjet za svaki kognitivni proces, bar u mjeri u kojoj je ljudska misao u mogućnosti uskladiti novo znanje s već postojećim sustavom prikaza i termina, razjašnjava se zasebna fizionomija pjesničkog nadahnuća, ali se istovremeno ilustriraju strukturalne sličnosti i temeljne razlike vezane za tu čuvenu mitsku ličnost. Smatrajući kao polaznu točku Homerovu »Odiseju« i Polifemu pripisanu surovost i neljudskost, doživljavamo postepeno ublažavanje negativnih obilježja njegovog karaktera, neočekivano postajemo svjedoci emocionalno ranjenog, romantičnog, čak i nježnog, nemoćnog bića. Na taj način održava se impresivno premošćenje religijskih aksioma i društveno-političkih parametara koji se uspješno i kreativno utjelovljuju u pjesničkim djelima., This paper is devoted to an intertextual approach to the personality of the Cyclops Polyphemus through poetic works of ancient Greek and Latin authors. Since the comparative method constitutes a reliable condition for every cognitive process, at least so far as the human thought is able to comply with the new knowledge to the existing notions and terms, the distinct physiognomy of poetic inspiration is clarified, but also the structural similarities and fundamental differences related to this famous mythical person are illustrated. Having as a reference point the Homeric “Odyssey” and the cruelty and inhumanity attributed to Polyphemus, we experience the gradual alleviation of the negative features of his character and unexpectedly witness an emotionally wounded, romantic, even gentle and helpless creature. In this way an impressive bridging is held between religion axioms and sociopolitical parameters that are effectively and creatively embodied in poetic works.

The opposition between Apollo and Dionysus, as Nietzsche fixed it, could seem to be confirmed in Rome through the « war of images » between Octavianus and Marcus Antonius. However, texts and images from Augustean period tend to show that Dionysus is not rejected, but easily integrated into the new esthetic and religious design of the Principate. This paper highlights this phenomenon by studying the décor of the so-called auditorium of Mecenate, compared with contemporaneous frescoes from Rome, Latium and Campania.

International audience; The opposition between Apollo and Dionysus, as Nietzsche fixed it, could seem to be confirmed in Rome through the « war of images » between Octavianus and Marcus Antonius. However, texts and images from Augustean period tend to show that Dionysus is not rejected, but easily integrated into the new esthetic and religious design of the Principate. This paper highlights this phenomenon by studying the décor of the so-called auditorium of Mecenate, compared with contemporaneous frescoes from Rome, Latium and Campania.

Submitted by Ana Maria dos Santos Lóio (analoio@campus.ul.pt) on 2016-10-11T14:59:15Z No. of bitstreams: 1 Commemorating events the VS in Statius, Silvae 4.3 pre.print.pdf: 294654 bytes, checksum: de4a511b8b67cb9084136480cc02bbef (MD5) Made available in DSpace on 2016-10-12T15:32:30Z (GMT). No. of bitstreams: 1 Commemorating events the VS in Statius, Silvae 4.3 pre.print.pdf: 294654 bytes, checksum: de4a511b8b67cb9084136480cc02bbef (MD5) Previous issue date: 2012

An Erotic Epigram on a Rhodian Ostracon. During excavations on a plot in the central cemetery of Rhodes a deep filling of black earth with evidence of burning was explored. It contained disintegrated skeleton remains, clay urns, pottery fragments, stamped amphora handles, many small artifacts and a large number of inscribed potsherds. All seem to be transferred there from elsewhere to settle the area probably after a natural disaster. As far as the contents of the inscribed texts are concerned, apart from one literary ostracon, which is edited in this article, all the other ostraca are documentary and their edition is under preparation. Based on the palaeographical details the ostracon can be dated to the end of the third and the first half of the second century B.C. The scribe does not write breathings, accents and other diacritics. Some phonological interchanges are justified as local linguistic characteristics. Lines 1-10 preserve two elegiac distichs and lines 11-14 contain one pentameter and one incomplete hexameter. Two hypotheses can be advanced: (a) The epigram consisted of (at least) four elegiac distichs. The hexameter of the third elegiac couplet and the pentameter of the fourth elegiac couplet have been omitted, either deliberately or by mistake. (b) The epigram consisted of three elegiac distichs and the scribe wrote the pentameter of the last distich before the hexameter. The content of the epigram(s) is that Glykera, perhaps a Samian hetaira, managed to be freed from her eros by vowing to dedicate a painting of a pannychis that had taken place on some occasion. Now a deity is asked that a thiasos already offered should also function as a lysis from eros for Papylides. However, the kind of the thiasos and the way it is dedicated are not clear. Also, there are some questions concerning the corresponding elements between the two stories of Glykera and Papylides. Since there are missing verses or the verses are reversed, as said above, it is uncertain whether the text constitutes one or two different epigrams. In the first scenario, it is most likely that the epigram belongs to the category of erotic ones, in which the poet refers to a past event and now asks the deity to act likewise in a parallel situation. However, it is not certain whether Glykera and Papylides were involved in the past. The name Glykera is characteristic for hetairae, while the name Papylides, which derives from Papylos, is attested only in a Byzantine inscription in Bithynia. The deity involved in this story may be Dionysus (because of the thiasos) or Adonis (because of the pannychis). The verses preserved on the Rhodian ostracon are not included in the Anthologia Graeca. It would be tempting to assume that the surface of the ostracon was used for writing down a hasty and incomplete draft of a poet’s original creation. However, it seems more likely that we are dealing with the copy of an already existing text. The style and content of the Rhodian erotic epigram, which is written in the Ionic dialect, do not offer internal evidence concerning the poet’s identity. The phrase τὴν τότε παννυχίδα is found in Posidippus, the phrase ἀνέθηκεν ὁρᾶσθαι τοῖς φιλέρωσιν finds a good parallel in the Callimachean ἀνέθηκεν ἐπεσσομένοισιν ὁρᾶσθαι, the word φίλερως was used by Meleager, and the phrase καὶ σὺ δέχου is found in two Byzantine epigrams (Julian and Agathias). But these phrases alone could not indicate Posidippus or Callimachus as the potential composer of our epigram. Besides, the metric sequence dddsd in the third verse, where a spondee occurs before the bucolic diaeresis (Naeke’s law), is almost prohibitive in the Hellenistic epigram, with the exception of one verse of Asclepiades of Samos, one verse of Posidippus and another of Leonides. Moreover, a word-break after the first short syllable of the fourth foot is rare. Therefore, it is more likely that the composer of our epigram is either a poet of the third century B.C., from whom Posidippus borrowed the phrase τὴν τότε παννυχίδα, or a poet of the third or the early second century B.C., who borrowed that phrase from Posidippus. We might be entitled to conclude that the reference to a Samian hetaira could indicate a Samian epigrammatist, such as Asclepiades or Hedylus. First, Asclepiades influenced Posidippus, Hedylus and Callimachus. The metrical sins in l. 1 and 3 present a strong counter argument to our hypothesis that Asclepiades could be the poet in question, even though the violation of Naeke’s law occurs once in Asclepiades’ poems. However, there exist some other evidence that fits Asclepiades’ vocabulary, style and themes: he had composed another erotic epigram on Samian hetairai (AP 5.207), he had used phrases that refer to Homer (cf. for instance the Homeric ἐν πίνακι on the Rhodian ostracon), and to other lyric poets (cf. the phrase ἀποτίθεμαι ἔρωτα, which refers to Theognis, the adjective ἡδύπικρος and the participle θέλουσα, which refer to the Sapphic γλυκύπικρος and κωὐκ θέλοισα respectively). Moreover, Asclepiades includes technical terms that have a poetic dimension (such as the legal phrase τάσσω λύσιν in the Rhodian epigram) and creates new words by changing one component of an already existing known poetic word (for example the word ἡδυπίκρους instead of γλυκυπίκρους). Finally, some words of our epigram are placed in the same metrical position as in other epigrams of Asclepiades. More precisely, in the AP 5.207, αἱ Σάμιαι are cited in the beginning of the epigram at the start of the first verse, just like ἡ Σαμίη in the Rhodian epigram. In the case of AP 5.202, 6, attributed to Asclepiades or Posidippus, the pronoun τήνδε occurs in the same position in the pentameter of the third elegiac couplet. The composer of our epigram creates an alliteration of Δ καὶ σὺ δέχου θίασον τῆς ση… τάξας Π̣απυλίδῃ τήνδε λύσιν δακρύων (which becomes stronger if we restore Ἄδωνι or Διόνυσε in the missing part). Alliteration is a characteristic feature of Asclepiades, such as the alliteration of Λ in the epigram AP 5.164, 3 and the alliteration of X in the epigram AP 5.162, 2-3. Moreover, the way Asclepiades treats love can be traced in the Rhodian epigram: there is no sign of erotic lust, heterosexual love dominates the epigram and the intense erotic feelings are ridiculed. Finally, the composition of short epigrams (usually of two distichs, but also some of three distichs) is characteristic in Asclepiades. In addition, the adjective ἡδυπίκρους combined with the name Παπ-υλ-ίδης might suggest a word play with the name Hedylus. This could support the hypothesis that either Hedylus, also from Samos, was the composer of the epigram, if we accept that he made a word play with his name, or one of his circle and friends (e.g. Asclepiades) played with his name. All these observations do not exclude the assumption that the epigram on the ostracon was a composition which imitated well known Hellenistic themes (e.g. of hetaira) and styles (e.g. of Asclepiades, Hedylus or Posidippus). Finally, the archaeological context of the ostracon is not indicative of its use and purpose and cannot explain why and how a Samian woman could be of interest in Rhodes.

Polyphony in Callimachus is often a strategy of persuasion: adopting a plurality of points of view in the presentation of an argument makes that argument more authoritative—especially when the authority of at least some of these points of view can be taken for granted. This paper investigates a few examples of the frequent overlapping of the authorial voice of Callimachus with different Callimachean voices impersonating or allusively evoking a series of more or less peremptory figures—a literary critic in defense of his poetics, the vox populi, the director of a ritual for a god, the god himself, or a series of saviors of the past. The paper concludes with an argument that the editor of Callimachus’ Hymns (Callimachus himself?) may have hidden behind the authority of Callimachus the “theologian”.

In Aetia fr. 1.3–5 Pfeiffer Callimachus complains that his adversaries, the Telchines, accuse him of not writing “one continuous poem in many thousands of verses,” celebrating “kings and heroes.” Callimachus did choose to celebrate kings and heroes, but in poetry that is subtle, brief, allusive, learned, and ironic. Contemporary kings occur particularly in the hymns to Zeus, Apollo, and Delos, while queens are more prominent in the Aetia. Hesiod is Callimachus’ most important Greek model in constructing an image of the just king from whom wealth, prosperity and peace flow. A number of scholars have also argued that Egyptian models of kingship may be in play as well, though filtered through Greek texts.

Article accessible en ligne http://bmcr.brynmawr.edu/; Compte rendu de l'ouvrage de Sabine de Müller qui porte sur les sources littéraires et iconographiques éclairant les stratégies matrimoniales des premiers Ptolémées.

The paper discusses the fable-like form of Callimachus’ Epigram 1 Pfeiffer and of Sotades’ fragmentary Invective against Ptolemy, and suggests that the former poem may contain an allusion to the latter. In the light of this reading, both poems are to be viewed as playfully encouraging the Ptolemies’ incestuous marriage. The present discussion develops Roberto Pretagostini’s proposal of reconstructing Sotades’ invective against Ptolemy as beginning with fr. 16 and ending with fr. 1 Powell, and his suggestion that Callimachus, fr. 75.4–5 Pfeiffer contains an allusion to Sotades’ poem. An examination of Callimachus’ Epigram 1 shows on the one hand that it can be read as a jocular comment on the Ptolemies’ marriage, and on the other that its form is conventional and typical of the early Greek fable. Since Sotades’ invective appears to share these characteristics, it is argued that Epigram 1 is another instance of when Callimachus alludes to Sotades.

El Yambo XIII de Calímaco (fr. 203 Pf.) es conocido, junto con el Yambo I, por su naturaleza programática y por su tono polémico: el poeta disputa con sus detractores, quienes lo acusan por la "variedad formal" (polieídeia) de sus obras. Entre las críticas que recibe, se cuenta la de "no haber viajado a Efeso", patria de Hiponacte, yambógrafo de fines del VI siglo a. C., a quien se atribuye la invención del metro coliámbico que Calímaco adopta en la composición de su poema. Esa imagen, la de una travesía no emprendida, habrá de ser vinculada con el mencionado concepto de polieídeia y con los alcances que la metáfora del viaje adquiere, tanto en la tradición de los poetas precedentes como en otras obras del propio alejandrino Callimachus' Iambus XIII (fr. 203 Pf.) is known, like Iambus I, for its programmatic nature and polemic tone: the poet disputes with those who severely criticise the "formal variety" (polieídeia) of his works. Among other things, Callimachus is criticised for "not having been to Ephesus", the birth place of Hipponax, an iambic poet of the late 6th century BC, to whom the choliambic metre adopted by Callimachus in his poem is attributed. We will aim to relate the image of the non-existent journey to the above mentioned concept of polieídeia and to the extensive use of the metaphor of the journey in the Alexandrian poet as well as in the tradition of poets preceding him