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This article discusses the relations between school culture and the innovation processes necessary for schools, inserted in a complex, globalized, plural and technological society, to continue to meet the needs of their students. It seeks to highlight the educational legacies of the twentieth century (SAVIANI, 2017), the paradigmatic transitions in education (PACHECO, 2019; VALDEMARIN, 2017) and the school rituals that constitute the culture, essential to explain the purposes of the school (not the teaching objectives, but the reason for the existence of the school), and consequently, the definition of the curriculum and the strengthening of teacher´s identity (SOUZA, 2017). From the explanation of the school's purpose, we begin to discuss the relationship that it should establish with digital culture and with innovational processes. Crises drive innovation because they create different needs for people (PACHECO, 2019; BENITO, 2017). The moment that is being lived, generating new needs, will drive innovations in educational and schools. It is important to have clarity of the school purpose of education, so that the ruptures and innovations are ethical and might meet the welfare of the students (CORNISH, 2019) and the teachers, as well as the educational needs of an ethical citizen, globally and locally.

Questions of landscape aesthetics have rarely been approached directly by those concerned with environmental values. Rather, researchers have preferred to discuss questions of preference, taste, perception, interpretation, evaluation, management and modification as more tangible surrogates or indicators of aesthetic experience. Explicit discussion of landscape aesthetics largely disappeared with the eclipse of Romanticism, though it has been kept alive throughout the 20th century by the work of a few, largely isolated individuals: notably, Vaughan Cornish in his writings on aesthetic geography, the work of Gordon Cullen and others on townscapes, and a small cadre ofhuman geographers who have contributed extensively to the journal Landscape. 1 Nevertheless, there has been a recent revival of interest in the search for correctives to positivist approaches to landscape and spatial experience, and with the preoccupation of more affluent, mobile and leisured members of the community (and thereby institutional and governmental policy-makers) with questions of environmental amenity. Evidence of this revival can be seen in a diverse body of new work which tackles questions of aesthetic experience from radically different philosophical and methodological perspectives, which have parallels, but apparently little direct contact, with developments in aesthetic theory at large.

Crime script analysis can be used to reconstruct the complete sequence of instrumental decisions and actions prior to, during, and following the criminal act, and to identify the modus operandi of crime (Cornish 1994: 151–196). This chapter uses crime script analysis based on interviews with members of the anti-narcotics police to show the different stages of drug traffickers’ operations transporting illicit drugs from Laos to Vietnam’s markets, and the ways in which they seek to avoid detection by the law-enforcement agencies of both countries.

In 1895, Western Australia was in direct competition with South Africa for the services of arguably the best hard-rock miners in the world, Cornish miners. The recruitment of Cornish miners to Western Australia began in the Mid-North of the colony in the 1850s, and by the early 1890s Cornish miners were managing many of the most profitable mines on the Eastern Goldfields. However, declining British investment in the late 1890s, saw South Africa emerge as the preferred destination for both Cornish miners and British investment. In the second part of this chapter, Nugent argues that despite the arrival of American ‘knowhow’ in the late 1890s it was lack of investment, and a clear preference for South Africa, that ended the Cornish domination of Western Australia’s mining industry.

Old Irish lobur‘weak, sick; leprous’ is cognate with Welshl lwfr‘cowardly,timid, faint-hearted; mean; idle’, Cornish lover, Middle Breton loffr, Modern Breton lovr‘weak, miserly, leprous’. The common notion linking these words semantically is ‘weak’. Because of the voca lism of the Welsh word, the Proto-Celtic reconstruction *lobro-, proposed in earlier scholarship (VGKSi 116‒17,Deshayes 2003: 477), is excluded: Proto-Celtic (PC) *oappears asoin all British-Celtic languages (SchRijveR 1995: 26), except for certain nasal contexts and before *RC‒ neither of which is applicable here ‒, where it is raised touin Welsh (SchRijveR 1995: 27‒44, 52–68); PC *u, on the other hand, is retain edasu in Welsh, but yields oin Cornish and Breton (SchRijveR 1995: 26‒7),precisely the distribution found in this etymon. Theoof OIr.loburis due to the regular lowering of PC *u>o before a non-high back vowel (McCone 1996: 110). The voiced labial fricative evidenced in the individual languages can continue Proto-Celtic *bor *φ. The former is the reflex of Indo-European *bh, *gu̯and the marginal sound *b(McCone 1996: 42‒3; Stifter 2017: 1189‒90), whereas the latter continues word-internal Indo-Euro pean *p before a liquid (McCone1996: 44; Stifter 2017: 1190)

My focus is on using creative methods within research, which I approach as an all-encompassing term that includes artistic and arts-based work but also the broader sense of creating, making, and doing. Of course, there are academics and researchers who focus on embodied aspects of research (Chadwick, 2017), on performative and artistic creations and research as arts and arts as research (Barrett & Bolt, 2014), on research using creative methods (Mason & Davies, 2009; Nind & Vinha, 2014; Orr & Phoenix, 2015; Tarr,Gonzalez-Polledo, & Cornish, 2017) and bridging the gap between arts and sciences (Leavy, 2015). So where does my feeling of isolation stem from? Is this something that needs to be addressed at all? And if yes, then what can be done?

TIMELINE 1450 Cade's rising 1453 Loss of French territories; Henry VI's son born; Henry VI's mental breakdown 1455 Battle of St Albans; Henry VI recovers from illness 1460 York claims Crown, killed at Battle of Wakefield 1461 Yorkist victory at Towton; Henry VI flees to Scotland; Edward IV seizes Crown 1470 Edward IV flees into exile; Henry VI again proclaimed King (‘Readeption’) 1471 Edward IV defeats Queen Margaret; Henry VI killed 1483 Edward IV dies; Richard III seizes the throne 1485 Richard III killed at Bosworth; Henry VII proclaimed King 1487 Lambert Simnel defeated at Stoke 1497 Cornish rising suppressed; Perkin Warbeck surrenders to Henry VII 1502 Henry VII's son Arthur dies 1509 Henry VIII succeeds his father 1513 English defeat Scots at Flodden; James IV killed 1525 ‘Amicable Grant’ 1529 Wolsey falls from power; Reformation Parliament (1529–36) assembles 1536 Union between England and Wales; Acts against Liberties and Franchises; Statute of Uses; Pilgrimage of Grace Introduction 1450 marked one of the lowest points of the medieval English monarchy, with Cade's rebellion and the lynching of several of the King's leading servants. Henry VI was not a tyrant but his simplicity was abused by men who behaved tyrannously and by his strong-minded queen. His refusal to heed good counsel created deep divisions among the nobility, which led to civil war; the battles were often small, but followed by brutal murders of the defeated. Earlier usurpations had created uncertainty about the rightful succession, opening the way for Yorkists to claim the Crown. Civil war led to the breakdown of order in many areas and a need for stable and effective government to restore the rule of law. Yorkist rule ended with the death of Richard III, but the first two Tudors showed strong signs of dynastic insecurity. The English monarchy was underfunded compared with the great Continental powers. Henry VIII's French wars made his financial problems worse and his breach with Rome increased the danger of foreign invasion. All of this made it urgent to tackle the ‘lawless zones’: the Anglo-Scottish borderlands, Wales and the Welsh Marches and Ireland. The Scottish kings were free of dynastic uncertainties: Stewart rule was not challenged. However, royal minorities created problems and the Stewarts faced the problems of ‘lawless zones’ and the weakness of royal justice outside the major towns.

During the first field phase of this study, a number of shared and individual constructions of the Cornish landscapes were identified among actors in landscape and environmental management that I will present throughout this chapter. After expanding on the collectively shared perceptions of Cornwall’s landscapes (5.1), I introduce what I term the official policy narrative; the way in which Cornwall Council portrays the county’s landscapes and the impacts of climate change on them (section 5.2). I then present four different narratives that stand in contrast to this official policy perspective: the Cornish landscapes as (1) human-environment interaction; (2) natural systems; (3) visual beauty; and (4) functional spaces of production (section 5.3).

This study combines historic geological and mining data, modern GIS mapping, fieldwork and sample analysis to produce a model for Cornish crosscourse faulting. Several crosscourse fault zones on th...

Freedom's Journal was the first newspaper that was owned and operated by African Americans,1 launched in New York City. It should be stressed that Freedom's Journal as the first publication of its kind was dedicated to the advancement of political consciousness among the African American population. Therefore, it was the first "independent communications network among black freed men" and as such assumed a pioneering role in the evolvement of the "black press.'" While it had a relatively modest number of printed copies (roughly eight hundred), it was widely distributed among the African American population in and around New York state. Besides setting an example for other journals to dedicate themselves to the "black cause," it also inspired the evolvement of white working-class newspapers.' After the pioneering role of Freedoms Journal, about a half-dozen African American newspapers such as the North Star were published during the antebellum era.4 Freedom's Journal is important not only in terms of prewar journalism covering abolitionist causes but also as a distinctive publication that covered international subjects. One interesting aspect of Freedom's Journal was its coverage of international events such as the Greek War of Independence (1821); the Greek Uprising against the Ottoman Empire was instrumentalized by the paper for its own agenda.This article deals with a subject that has been overlooked: that the Freedoms Journal's publishers were trying to connect the race-based institution of slavery in North America with a group perceived as slaves, the Janissary Corps in the Ottoman Empire. Furthermore, in a somehow contradictory way, Freedom's Journal tried to link adversaries (Janissary soldiers and Greek insurgents) in its argument against slavery.This article attempts to identify the scope and publication history of Freedom's Journal regarding the Greek Uprising and its links to abolitionism and the Janissary Corps. Freedom's Journals relevant issues themselves have been used as primary sources while secondary literature on race and the contemporary media of the early nineteenth century have been chosen in order to support this article's thesis.Freedom's Journal was founded and edited by two free-born African Americans in March 1827: Samuel E. Cornish, who was the pastor of the First Colored Presbyterian Church in New York City, and John B. Russwurm, a graduate of Bowdoin College. In September 1827, Cornish resigned and left the editorship to Russwurm. The newspaper, which had agents in Haiti, England, and Canada, was distributed throughout the North and some parts of the South. Two years after its founding, Freedom's Journal ceased publication on March 28, 1829.5The first issue of Freedom's Journal was launched with the famous "To Our Patrons" article by Cornish and Russwurm. In this article, the main objectives of this newspaper were exposed:TO OUR PATRONSIn presenting our first number to our Patrons, we feel all the diffidence of persons entering upon a new and untried line of business. But a moment's reflection upon the noble objects, which we have in view by the publication of this Journal; the expediency of its appearance at this time, when so many schemes are in action concerning our people-encourage us to come boldly before an enlightened public. . . . We wish to plead our own cause. Too long have others spoken for us.6That article, which was published in the first African American newspaper, bears great historical significance. In that first and perhaps the Freedom's Journals most important article, the editors of the newspaper introduced their main issues of interest. Although the priority of the newspaper was the race issue, the editors expected that African Americans would (and should) be the voice of their own collective identity and problems. According to historian Jacqueline Bacon, the most important subjects that were covered in Freedom's Journal were colonization, education, selfimprovement, women's and men's ideal roles in home and family life, society, and slavery. …

A sculptor's diary is a relatively rare thing in art history. That compiled by the New Zealander William Thomas Trethewey (1892-1956) (fig. 1) is a unique document, chronicling his voyage to and sojourn in Great Britain, as well as visits to Germany, France and Australia, between 16 January and 22 September 1936.1 The diary runs to a remarkable 952 pages - some 110,000 words - and meticulously yet exuberantly covers every stage of his 'Great OE' ('Overseas Experience' in New Zealand parlance), from his departure from Lyttelton, New Zealand on his outward voyage to his departure from Sydney, bound for Auckland, on his return voyage.As a diarist, Trethewey is no David d'Angers and still less a Keith Vaughan. Yet he is no Pooter either: there is minimal pretension or self-importance about him. A colonial classlessness is already evident in this second-generation New Zealander. What also indubitably emerges is what today would be called a 'people person'. As much at home in a saloon bar as an interested visitor to the Royal College of Art, Trethewey is sociable, curious, quick-witted, observant and good-humoured, a listener as well as a talker. He is no intellectual: his prose provides few insights into the workings of his mind or even into the creation of sculpture. Yet he is always engaging at whatever he addresses, and is vividly, even infectiously enthusiastic in his descriptiveness. Rather like his actual sculpture, Trethewey may not be profound but he nails it.Trethewey himself is every inch the 'colonial Cornish man' of his self-description and era.2 Never does he use the phrase 'Mother Country' to describe Britain. Instead, he remains constantly and proudly a New Zealander; and it is New Zealand that is certainly his 'Home'. Yet Trethewey's love affair with his destination at times vies with that of his near-contemporary Alan Mulgan, author of the infatuatedly Anglophile Home: A Colonial's Adventure (1927), which describes afternoon tea in a Great Western Railway restaurant car as 'almost a piece of poetry'.3 Trethewey is in turn near delirious when he beholds the picturesque Devonshire village of Clovelly: 'of all the marvellous places I have seen, Clovelly is it. Marvellous. Really I say this about everything I see but everything in England to an appreciative colonial IS MARVELLOUS.'4In strictly art-historical terms, Trethewey's diary reveals relatively few 'marvellous' insights, indeed, fewer than one might expect given his position by 1940 as 'the only really successful New Zealand sculptor'.5 The explanation lies surely in his self-made status and his practical bent, as well as his cultural milieu. The son of a Cornish carpenter, Jabez Trethewey (1851-1935), who had emigrated to New Zealand in the 1870s, William had initially trained as a woodcarver and earned his later livelihood as a monumental mason. By the 1930s he enjoyed a measure of success and even prosperity, which enabled him to go on what amounted to this sabbatical.6 He had only been noted for his sculpture over the previous 10-15 years, and its status was still widely regarded in the New Zealand public mind as a secondary 'craft' rather than being comparable to painting as an 'art'.7 For a craftsman-cum-businessman like Trethewey, this was probably less of an issue than it was for his traditionally more highly regarded and high-minded counterparts, notably Margaret Butler, R. N. Field, Richard Gross and Francis Shurrock.8 Surely alone of these sculptors, Trethewey found the experience of a visit to a linoleum factory in Kirkcaldy or a steel mill in Middlesbrough as riveting as one to an artist's studio, and worthier of lengthy description.It would be anachronistic and perhaps even intellectually snobbish to expect Trethewey to have foregrounded any fraternizing with his sculptural peers or indeed to have critiqued their works. Furthermore, he wrote the diary as much for his mother, wife and three eldest children in Christchurch as he did for himself, posting them excerpts of it at various stages. …

“We are so excited to get to bring Winston to camp this year and finally meet you (previously his grandparents have been bringing him to camp). He has changed a bunch since you saw him last including becoming the winner of the SW Georgia regional Science Fair. He was able to attend the State Science Fair competition UGA and loved the experience. Winston also won the Florence Burns Science Award for “BEST SCIENCE STUDENT” for the entire Scholar's Academy School. Needless to say much of this success is due to the love of Science that is fostered there at MSU Entomology Camp.“ - Kim Cornish 2016 “It's the best week of the year for me, better even than Christmas. Before I came to bug camp, I never found anybody who understood why I like bugs so much. With the people who come here, it's just unspoken that everyone likes bugs.” - Breanna Lyle “Where have you been all of my life?” Brady Dunaway

J. Hambley Rowe issued a challenge in 1911 that concluded: ‘it is generally considered that distaff influences are the more important in the moulding of capabilities and temperament […] the history of the mother’s family is quite as attractive as that of the father’s’.1 This paper reports my attempt to construct a family archive for the Bronte siblings’ mother, Maria Carne Branwell.2 Though largely ignored in literary studies, key figures in Bronte histories rooted in West Cornwall went on to play contemporaneous roles in Bronte family lives. Their stories create a spiritual swell, or rising ground, of oral tradition and experience from which Maria and Elizabeth Branwell took sustenance, growth and memories. Aunt Branwell spoke often of her younger days in Cornwall: ‘she would be very lively and intelligent in her talk’.3 However, she was not the lone cultural carrier of south-western stories and intelligence: her home-grown Cornish family of Fennells, Morgans and Carne-Branwells surrounded the Brontes in...

The use of Cornish’s crime-scripts approach in situational crime prevention grows apace. However, we believe the conceptual foundation of cognitive scripts imported from Abelson and colleagues was rather unclear and is too narrow to support current script research. We therefore review the notion of scripts to both promote clarity and better connect it to mainstream situational prevention and criminology more generally. We also seek to broaden the approach by exploring additional cross-disciplinary links. We believe all this will support the progressively more demanding uses to which the procedural analysis of crime may be put in research and practice and—more broadly—challenge how human behaviour in crime is analysed.

The Cornish are known around the world for their mining skills. In the 19th century the migration of Cornish mining families created a diasporic community with settlements in the United States, Mexico, South Africa and Australia centred on copper, tin and gold mines. While the Cornish are generally associated with underground mining, recent research in Australia suggests that ancient methods for working surface tin deposits played an important role during the gold rush. The identification of Cornish tin-streaming as the source of alluvial mining technology in Australia sheds light on a little-documented branch of mining that has played a significant role in shaping the landscape of goldfields regions.

Oral historians have only recently begun to record the memories of communities af- fected by major oil spills. In this article we investigate how the first supertanker oil spill in 1967, the Torrey Canyon, is remembered in the coastal communities of Cornwall. Environmental disasters cause more than just environmental damage. They also challenge communities, bringing to the forefront social tensions and con- flicts. This study reveals the widespread sense of exclusion within the community as the national political, military and scientific elites took control over the clean-up op- eration. While aspects of the disaster have been successfully integrated into existing Cornish shipwreck narratives, the displacement of local hierarchies of knowledge by national elites challenged both personal and community identities revealing a subal- tern community, often economically vulnerable, whose indigenous knowledge was ignored or devalued. Connecting these dimensions of community memory is the fundamentally moral question of intent, and the resistance to imposed peripheral status enacted through processes of remembering, telling of trickster tales and black humor.

The introduction of Cornish mining methods during the Australian gold rush provides a case study for examining the role of technological innovation in the context of migration. New physical and social environments encountered as a result of migration force migrants to adapt familiar technologies to their new circumstances. Cornish migrants to Australia were able to apply their knowledge of traditional methods for working alluvial tin deposits to the exploitation of alluvial gold. These methods were heavily dependent on reliable sources of water, and in order to ensure success, the miners developed innovative technical and legal systems for managing water supplies.

In the winter of 2013-14, an unusually severe series of Atlantic storms coincided with high Spring tides that combined to produce storm surges which inundated sheltered deep-water ports such as Plymouth and Cork, and caused critical damage to several small-scale historic Cornish harbours; whilst many are now only in marginal use, these sites continue to occupy an important and historically significant place in the extended maritime setting. Although the storms were of unusual severity, the damage sustained exposed the increasing vulnerability of historic minor harbours to environmental change, and highlighted the wider question of their sustainability in the longer term. In 2015, research into subsequent repair strategies implemented at a number of Cornish sites revealed a highly sectoral approach with low levels of participation from the conservation sector, and a lack of specialist guidance. Inter-alia, it also raised wider questions about the limitations of existing conservation practice and the adequacy of the current heritage protection framework, particularly where partial or total loss of heritage assets is likely [Wyatt 2016]. This paper presents a summary of the challenges facing conservators in dealing with this specialised area, which remains largely unexplored by the conservation sector.

The concept of copyright and its emergence are trite . (See Uvieghara Egerton E., Essays on Copyright Law and Administration in Nigeria (Y- Books, Nig. Ltd, 1992); David Bainbridge, Intellectual Property (Pitman Publishing, 4th ed., 1992); Torremans Paul & Jon Holyoak, Intellectual Property Law (Butterworths, London, 1996); Jeremy J. Phillips, Robyn Durie, and Ian Karet, Whales on Copyright (London Sweet & Maxwell, 5th ed., 1997); Ilechukwu Magnus Olueze, Nigerian Copyright Law (Magnapress Ltd., 1998); J.O. Asein, The Nigerian Copyright Act with Introduction and Notes (Ibadan Sam Bookman Publishers, 1998); J.O. Asein & E.S. Nwauche (eds.), A Decade of Copyright Law in Nigeria (Nigerian Copyright Commission, 2002); Shyllon Folarin, Intellectual Property Law in Nigeria, (The Max Planck Institute for Intellectual Property, Competition and Tax Law, Munich, Vol. 21, 2003); Cornish, William, and Llewelyn, Intellectual Property: Patents, Copyright, Trade Marks and Allied Rights, (Thomas, Sweet & Maxwell, 5th Ed., 2003); F.O. Babafemi, Intellectual Property: The Law & Practice of Copyright, Trade Marks, Patent & Industrial Designs in Nigeria, (Justinian Books Limited, 1st ed., 2006).) Thus, it suffices to say that copyright law is a branch of the law that deals with rights of intellectual creators (There are also Laws in respect of Patents and Designs—CAP P2, Laws of the Federation of Nigeria (LFN) 2004; Trade Marks—CAP T13, LFN 2004; etc., all in respect of intellectual creations.); which deals with particular forms of creativity pertaining mostly, but not limited, to matters of mass communication.

Recent work suggests that cultural transmission can lead to the emergence of linguistic structure as speakers’ weak individual biases become amplified through iterated learning. However, to date no published study has demonstrated a similar emergence of linguistic structure in children. The lack of evidence from child learners constitutes a problematic gap in the literature: if such learning biases impact the emergence of linguistic structure, they should also be found in children, who are the primary learners in real-life language transmission. However, children may differ from adults in their biases given age-related differences in general cognitive skills. Moreover, adults’ performance on iterated learning tasks may reflect existing (and explicit) linguistic biases, partially undermining the generality of the results. Examining children’s performance can also help evaluate contrasting predictions about their role in emerging languages: do children play a larger or smaller role than adults in the creation of structure? Here, we report a series of four iterated artificial language learning studies (based on Kirby, Cornish & Smith, 2008) with both children and adults, using a novel child-friendly paradigm. Our results show that linguistic structure does not emerge more readily in children compared to adults, and that adults are overall better in both language learning and in creating linguistic structure. When languages could become underspecified (by allowing homonyms), children and adults were similar in developing consistent mappings between meanings and signals in the form of structured ambiguities. However, when homonimity was not allowed, only adults created compositional structure. This study is a first step in using iterated language learning paradigms to explore child-adult differences. It provides the first demonstration that cultural transmission has a different effect on the languages produced by children and adults: While children were able to develop systematicity, their languages did not show compositionality. We focus on the relation between learning and structure creation as a possible explanation for our findings and discuss implications for children’s role in the emergence of linguistic structure.

Via examples of recent experimental animation works, including that of Chris Cornish, Ryoichi Kurokawa and Alex Jukes, this essay posits that space within a 3D CGI world can form the material basis when working within this mode of production. Also, drawing from Heidegger’s discourse on space, this chapter outlines a combined theoretical and a practical exploration into space as material where emptiness and the void are offered as methods for an investigation into experimental 3D CGI animation practice. This chapter represents a study of materiality within the production and presentation of 3D CGI animation, arguing that the familiar, imagined, infinite space presented and realised within a 3D CGI world acts as its basis and status as material.

In the current chapter, we explore the social meaning of onomasiological variation of the concept lunch box among males in the Cornish town of Redruth. Collected data point us towards the relevance of the Anglo-Cornish dialect forms crib box and croust tin in projecting speakers’ regional identity. Speakers with a stronger sense of Cornish identity recognise, and ultimately use, local dialect lexis more than those with a weaker sense of Cornish identity. Also, declining local dialect terms occur more frequently in careful speech styles of older speakers. We argue that this unexpected pattern occurs because, when speakers are highly aware that their vocabulary is being observed, they ‘perform’ their Cornish identity through Anglo-Cornish dialect lexis. This study also showcases a new methodological framework for collecting data which allows us to analyse socio-semantic variation.

This chapter considers why English nationalism has been absent for so long, achieved by taking an historical approach to consider how English national identity has been constructed, and the role it played alongside a cosmopolitan British identity. It examines the development of an English political identity in the 1990s, and how this has shaped British politics in the decades since. It makes the case that the conflation of English and British identities contributed to the absence of English nationalism, and whilst no political party has fully embraced English nationalism yet, there is clear evidence that the Conservatives have played on English political grievances to great effect. It also examines nationalist terrorists who have committed acts of violence in England (such as David Copeland and Thomas Mair) but makes the case that they conceive of their nation as Britain rather than England. The chapter finishes with a discussion of Cornish nationalism and the limited terrorist violence that was witnessed in Cornwall. As with Scotland and Wales, it is shown that a handful of actors have gained publicity far beyond others in the national movement for carrying out low-level act of violence.

Beginning with what the leaders of its three largest economies described in 2010/2011 as the ‘failure of multiculturalism’, this chapter explores issues of identity, race, and belonging in British and French science fiction, with case studies of urban dystopias in Paris and London, both European economic powerhouses in addition to being two of the most ethnically diverse cities in the EU. Exploring how the dystopian Shank (Mo Ali 2010) and alien invasion narrative Attack the Block (Joe Cornish 2011) respond to a succession of failed social policies in the UK, the chapter then focuses upon a trio of French banlieue sf films, which, for all that they strive to critique social inequality, inadvertently conspire to reinforce pre-existing, racially informed power structures.

It is well established that while folk festivals appear to illustrate an ancient, bucolic past, they are contemporary markers of history and belonging. Cornish folk festivals can provide a valuable illustration of this. The Padstow May Day celebration, the Obby Oss, epitomises this sense of timelessness and spontaneous celebration. It attracts numerous tourists keen to join the spectacle of dancing and singing, and is seen by the Cornish tourist industry as the stellar event of the festival year. In contrast, Padstow's mid-winter Mummers celebration is downplayed by county officials. This event sees participants dance, drum and sing around the town, wearing black face-paint, with a repertoire that includes Minstrel ditties, while critical questions have been asked at regional and national levels. Both raise questions about the ways in which belonging is negotiated as a critical element in the Cornish festival landscape.

It has been observed that language-shift varieties of English tend to be relatively close to Standard English (Trudgill and Chambers 1991: 2–3). An often-used explanation for this is that Standard English was acquired in schools by the shifting population (Filppula 2006: 516). In this paper, I discuss three cases of language shift in the Early Modern period: in Cornwall, the Isle of Man, and Shetland. I offer evidence that the role of Standard English education was, in fact, fairly limited, and suggest that the standard-likeness of Cornish English, Manx English and Shetland Scots is most likely due to the particular sociolinguistic circumstances of language shift, where not only language contact, but also dialect contact contributed to a loss of non-standard-like features and the acquisition of a standard-like target variety. This atelic and non-hierarchical process is termedapparent standardisation.

In a recent article on the eeriness of the English countryside, Robert Macfarlane juxtaposes an official version of English culture, which emphasizes heritage, progress and national unity, with the unofficial versions of ‘Englishness’ being offered by writers, artists, musicians and filmmakers that emphasize local differences, dispossessed peoples or communities, and historical decay or regression. These themes, according to Macfarlane, are mediated through preoccupations with violence, ruins and the uncanny – the revival of interest in Weird fiction writers, such as M. R. James, being exemplary. This article takes up but also expands upon Macfarlane’s argument by focussing on a recent text: Lucy Wood’s 2012 collection, Diving Belles. Of interest here is Wood’s use of the Cornish landscape that she invests not only with literal spirits and ghosts but also with a Weird-like sense of what China Mieville has termed the ‘abcanny’, such that her stories hover somewhere between the traditional ghost story, mundane realism and a peculiarly English variant of magical realism. Although there is little overt political content in Wood’s stories, this article argues that the abcanny form of her stories, whilst also contesting heritage-based representations of Cornwall, mediates the ambiguous relationship of Cornwall towards the English political heartlands. In this sense, then, Macfarlane’s argument can be helpfully developed since, whilst haunted versions of the English countryside can become assimilated into an official model of national heritage, the abcanny landscape remains estranged from such cultural and political appropriation.

This paper looks at the cross-linguistically rare phenomenon of number suppletion in adjectives. I consider how such suppletion arises by looking at six known examples with a special focus on the Brittonic languages (Breton, Cornish and Welsh), which are discussed as an extended case study. Three generalisations are suggested on the basis of the typological study. First, adjectives denoting size (“small” and “big”) are at the centre of this phenomenon. Second, where the etymology of the adjectives is known, the plural member of the suppletive pair for “small” develops from a lexeme denoting something having been divided into or consisting of small parts. These lexemes can also be used with some singular nouns and in such cases they denote the component structure of the referent. Finally, adjectives with number suppletion tend to mark plural number consistently in environments in which plural marking is otherwise optional or rare.

Previous research by Kirby, Cornish & Smith (2008) has found that strikingly compositional language systems can be developed in the laboratory via iterated learning of an artificial language. However, our reanalysis of the data indicates that while iterated learning prompts an increase in language compositionality, the increase is followed by an apparent decrease. This decrease in compositionality is inexplicable, and seems to arise from chance events in a small dataset (4 transmission chains). The current study thus investigates the iterated emergence of language structure on a larger scale using Amazon Mechanical Turk, encompassing 24 independent chains of learners over 10 generations. This richer dataset provides further evidence that iterated learning causes languages to become more compositional, although the trend levels off before the 10th generation. Moreover, analysis of the data (and reanalysis of Kirby, Cornish & Smith, 2008) reveals that systematic units arise along some meaning dimensions before others, giving insight into the biases of learners.

To the Editor: We thank Dr Cornish[1][1] for his interest and comments on our manuscript.[2][2] The letter states that the results of our cadaveric study of Erector Spinae Plane (ESP) block are in contrast to those of other clinical and anatomical studies. There has been enormous enthusiasm for ESP