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Copyright of Omran for Social Sciences is the property of Arab Center for Research & Policy Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Development Studies is the property of Routledge and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Property taxation is a component of land governance policies, processes, and institutions that relies on a land administration system, efficient property market, and secure legal rights. This study assessed the fiscal implication of the Comprehensive Agrarian Reform Program (CARP) in the real property tax (RPT) collection when municipalities are grouped by income classification, size of the area, and land classification. This descriptive-comparative and correlational research used secondary data and a checklist administered to 19 treasurers of a first-class province. Using descriptive and inferential analyses, the study yielded "very great" negative fiscal implications. No significant differences were found when municipalities were grouped as to income and size but a significant difference when areas were identified by classification. There is a significant relationship between the financial implication and the size of the area covered. The respondents encountered challenges. The study recommends revenue generation strategies, legislative support, and livelihood for agrarian beneficiaries.

This article examines an under-explored dimension of agrarian reform and peasant studies in Colombia: the pro indiviso property used in the parcel system —created by Law 135 of 1961—, to allocate land to peasants under a collective scheme. Based on the experience of five large estates allocated in pro indiviso to landless peasants in La Mojana (San Marcos, Sucre), it examines the articulation of agrarian regulations with customary property practices in a community in which there are family plots, collective properties and commons. This ethnographic research combines participatory fieldwork involving peasants, interviews with experts in agrarian law and former Incora and Incoder officials, and a review of secondary sources. The study’s findings reveal the mixed results of the collective scheme in terms of achieving the economic and social objectives proposed by the State, and in the establishment of rural property. They also question the agrarian individualism by which the peasantry has been represented. This analysis provides a novel perspective to peasant studies based on a perspective grounded in property policies and practices.

Promulgation of Law Number 5 of 1960, brought its own consequences in terms of regulation of agrarian resources, including earth, water, space and natural resources contained therein. The ideals of the law in the realization of the objectives of the national agrarian law are realized in the form of the Agrarian Reform policy which is one of the ideals in the administration of President Joko Widodo. This policy was stated in the Decree of the People's Consultative Assembly of the Republic of Indonesia Number IX / MPR / 2001 concerning Agrarian Reform and Natural Resource Management and followed up with the issuance of Presidential Regulation Number 86 of 2018 concerning Agrarian Reform. The Presidential Regulation regulates the determination of assets in the legalization of agrarian reform land object certificates. However, the problem is that it is feared that disputes and agrarian conflicts will arise in the right of recognition of the existence of communal rights for indigenous and tribal peoples explicitly mentioned in Ministerial Regulation ATR / Ka.BPN Number 10 of 2016, which seems to be no longer recognized by indigenous peoples in Indonesia. This paper is a legal research that uses the method of the statutory approach and conceptual approach that examines the recognition and use of customary land by using the norms contained in legislation. The results of this paper are directed to be able to provide clarity of legalization of customary community land as well as communal rights of indigenous and tribal peoples related to the issuance of Presidential Regulation Number 86 of 2018 which does not expressly state the position of indigenous peoples as the subject of policy arrangement on Agrarian Reform assets, so that the rights owned by marga indigenous and tribal peoples can be fought for.

In this article, we contextualise, describe and analyse the last attempt at land reform in Spain—the one passed by the Autonomous Parliament of Andalusia in 1984. The Andalusians had passed their Statute of Autonomy by referendum in 1981, incorporating the mandate to carry out an agrarian reform that would boost the rural economy, generate employment and balance the agricultural structure of this region in Southern Spain, peripheral to both national and European centres of power. The Andalusian socialist government complied with this mandate, pushing the agrarian reform law through and applying a package of reform measures, which met with resistance from landowners and conservative political forces from the outset. Political, economic, legal and administrative obstacles swiftly discouraged the Andalusian socialists from persevering in the endeavour, and at the beginning of the nineties, its dismantling began. Finally, in 2011 the end of the agrarian reform was declared, and with it, the waiver of the right to consider alternative models to the liberal management of the agricultural sector. Archives and newspaper libraries, as well as administrative and legal sources, have been consulted, and the information has been examined using content analysis and cross-checked and triangulated with the specialised literature. This article hails a breakthrough in the understanding of the socio-territorial scopes of an agrarian reform little studied to date.

Analysis of the relationship between inequality, agrarian reform, and corruption as well as public administration reform has not been discussed, both in terms of the formation and implementation of agrarian reform in Indonesia. This article aims to explore the concept and implementation of agrarian reform, as well as the influence of governance conditions in the management of natural resources in the implementation of agrarian reform. With the characteristics of agrarian issues in Indonesia, land administration and those related to the implementation of redistribution of benefits from the use of natural resources need to be strengthened with appropriate concepts or theories, including public information disclosure as a fulfillment of substantive and deliberative implementation of democracy. In addition, by referring to experiences in other countries, agrarian reform needs to be carried out by reducing the level of clientelism and implemented through a number of corruption prevention and prosecution programs, especially in the fields of land and other natural resources.

This paper documents the food and agricultural policy process in the context of agrarian reforms in Tajikistan. It uses the case study of Tajikistan and applies a recently developed conceptual framework for understanding the drivers of policy change. It undertakes a historical review of agrarian reforms and appraises current policy challenges within the food and agricultural sector. Using specific tools to study power relations, financing, and information flows in the policy process, it maps institutional architecture and key stakeholders in the pre- and post-soviet era. Information gathered through focused group discussions, key informant interviews, and recent field research on food and agricultural policy issues is used to analyze factors that drive different stages of the policy making process. We find that understanding the political economy and policy process interface in Tajikistan is key for designing and implementingsuccessfulpolicyinterventions. Whileprogresshasbeenmade, agrarian reforms towards improving land tenure rights, strengthening WUAs, providing crop insurance against drought, are the necessary steps in a larger policy discussion. Ensuring the effectiveness of land reforms, building agricultural extension system, and supporting agricultural research systems are examples of some key initiatives that the government should focus on. Investments in transportation, storage, credit facilities, and markets involving private sector will speed up the reform process. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

La Confederación de Campesinos del Perú (CCP) is the first and oldest peasant organization in the country. Since 1947, this organization has been crucial for the representation and the defense of peasants' interests. Even though various scholars have investigated the CCP's leading roles in the struggles for land, there are no studies about women in this organization. Through the analysis of archives and interviews, this article examines the trajectory of female peasant leaders within the CCP and outlines how their roles, agendas, and demands have contributed to changing and advancing this organization and politics itself. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present paper does not intend to be a systematic analysis of the work of José Luis Romero on the Roman Republic, whose texts are not far from celebrating a centenary since its production. Rather, it is a dialogue with some of his ideas within the framework of modern historiographical production on the subject, in the first place and, second, of my own interest in certain topics of the same. Through these pages we try to observe how historical readings have evolved around the central theme that occupies his doctoral thesis. In some cases such visions are simply contrasted, in others assessments are made and conclusions are drawn. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The work presented had as main objective to discuss the constitution of the Liberdade Camponesa Settlement Project, located in the municipality of Corguinho, state of Mato Grosso do Sul. The settlement has its origin linked to the emergence of the Peasant Movement of Struggle for Agrarian Reform (MCLRA), which constitutes a dissent from the Movement of Landless Rural Workers (MST) of the state, being, in this perspective, considered as an isolated socio-territorial movement. The methodology used in the work involved bibliographic research that provided the theoretical and methodological basis of the problem; secondary information was obtained from IBGE, INCRA and the Municipality of Corguinho; we also did empirical work at PA Liberdade Camponesa, collecting testimonies about the history of the settlement with the leaders, who were interviewed on different occasions and provided materials, such as the Minutes of the assemblies and allowed us to copy the constitution documents of the Associação Liberdade Camponesa, in addition to we interviewed several farmers and visited their plots. We also participated in several meetings of the Association and the MCLRA in the settlement. The analysis developed is, therefore, the result of the articulation between theory and practice, that is, of a praxis built along the research trajectory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In 1985, the government of José Sarney presented to rural workers, gathered at the IV National Congress of Rural Workers, in Brasília, the proposal for the elaboration of the National Plan for Agrarian Reform - PNRA. The plan triggered an intense anti-reformist reaction from the landowning sectors, terrified by the possibility of modifying the land structure in the country, contrary to the reform, which they considered leftist, confiscatory and punitive. Fear and terror were effective tools in the task of trying to interfere with the government's reformist orientation, affecting workers in the form of threats, persecutions, destruction of houses, murders. The article deals with the use of fear and terror, as well as the manufacture of enemies, as strategies of a landowning class to try to keep their privileges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

After the First World War and the dissolution of the Austro-Hungarian Empire, Maramureș was the Romanian territory that lost most of it as a result of the peace negotiations that followed the war. Thus, almost 2/3 of its territory, located on the right bank of the Tisza River, chosen as a demarcation line in 1916, with Romania's entry into the war, was lost in favor of Czechoslovakia. The loss of the territory was not easy, the Romanian diplomacy, but especially the people of Maramureș, masterfully represented by Găvrilă Iuga, fighting until the last moment to keep as much of the historical Maramureș as possible, proposing a series of more distant borders. After the war, the political problems related to this surrender, together with the social evolution, led to great changes of mentality. Especially the poor young men participating in the First World War were infested with the Bolshevik, communist ideology, which could still be kept in check until after the Second World War, when under pressure from the Kremlin, it was imposed for several decades, finalizing the change of mentality in the world of the Romanian village that functioned for centuries in its rhythm, around the individual property and the local intellectuality, represented by teachers and priests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Ayer: Revista de Historia Contemporánea is the property of Asociacion de Historia Contemporanea and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Istraživanja: Journal of Historical Researches is the property of Faculty of Philosophy, University of Novi Sad and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Arabian Sciences Heritage is the property of Republic of Iraq Ministry of Higher Education & Scientific Research (MOHESR) and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

What is the diagnosis of the main problems of the Latin American and Caribbean region, including the corporate capture of food systems? How did the regional counter-mobilization against the UN Food Systems Summit arise? What were the positions of the Latin American governments and regional organizations on the Summit? What is the common vision for overcoming corporate food systems? These are some of the questions that are discussed in this thought-provoking conversation with Sofía Monsalve and Saúl Vicente, in which they share their insights and experiences on the challenges of the Latin American region and the outcomes of the regional counter-mobilization against the UN Food Systems Summit. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The governments that preceded the presidency of Jorge Alessandri Rodríguez, implemented a series of industrialist policies that, deliberately or not, signified energetic steps forward in the direction of developmentalism preached by ECLAC in its collaborative action with the Alliance for Progress (ALPRO) promoted by the Democratic government of JF Kennedy. At the national level, Chile's developmental strategy, supported by ALPRO, not only required technical and financial support measures for the development of the industry, but also a far-reaching historical change, committed to national development and regional integration such as had been proposed by ECLAC on a Latin American scale. ALPRO was implicitly accepting that commitment. However, this great social experiment was demolished with blood and fire by the assassination of the Kennedy brothers and the subsequent installation of military dictatorships in South America. Keywords: Alliance for Progress, Latin America, John. F. Kennedy, agrarian reform, industrialization, Latin American Integration [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Canadian Journal of Latin American & Caribbean Studies (Taylor & Francis Ltd) is the property of Taylor & Francis Ltd and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Studies of projected agro-climatic variability on the productivity of smallholding farming livelihoods have been evaluated by indirect methods using simulation models on country or regional basis but few have been done at the community level. This study explores direct observation of the impact of soil and climate factors on crop and livestock livelihood systems in the three major agro-ecological zones of the Eastern Cape Province of South Africa. It also analyzed their influence on small farmers' choices of agrarian livelihood activities and the lessons learned for the suitability of agro-ecologically integrated agriculture as part of agrarian and food security reforms needed among small farming households in rural communities of South Africa. The impact of soil and rainfall on the crop and livestock livelihood choices of smallholders in the three major agro-ecological zones were explored. A cross-sectional survey was carried out among 223 smallholding farming households during the harvesting period of rain-fed farming season. Data on household livelihood activities were processed in monetary terms and subjected to gross margin and cost/benefit analysis. Geographic information system (GIS) mapping and statistical analysis were used to determine the association of smallholder maize revenue with agro-climatic variation. The results indicated that crop-based activities performed better in the Grassland zone, while livestock activities performed better in the Savanna zone. Small farms in the Karoo can only productively engage in livestock production. The results also showed that farming activities that combined more vegetable crops yielded greater profits than other field crops. Furthermore, the results indicate that the mixed cropping method remains one of the strategies for breaking-even and risk-bearing effort used by the smallholder farmers considering its cost-sharing benefits. Geographical information system (GIS) mapping further indicates that smallholders' farming activity was not only affected by soilclimatic factors but by their management skills as well. We recommend agroecologically adapted policies and incentives for agriculture-based livelihood activities and intensified mixing of cropping systems among the smallholder farming households in the study area. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Between the years 1960 and 1964 the State of Goiás experienced major political and social events at the local and national level. With the victory of Mauro Borges for the state government in 1961, the State of Goiás would come to experience a new model of agrarian reform, based on the agricultural communities of Israel's kibbutzim. The project was named by Mauro Borges de Combinado Agro - Urbano, it would be carried out on public lands and in a family cooperative model. Concomitantly to this, at an average distance of 100 km, more specifically in the municipality of Dianópolis and in its village Rio da Conceição, the implantation of a revolutionary guerrilla training nucleus of the Peasant Leagues, coming from Pernambuco and under the guidance of Francisco Julião and Clodomir Santos de Moraes. The main objective of the research is to know if there was any direct or indirect relationship between these two simultaneous events and if the Peasant Leagues were attracted by the agro-urban project of Mauro Borges or if the agro-urban project was implemented to calm the exalted spirits of the peasants of that region. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Geography tries to comprehensively understand the concept of Territory, approaching it in its entirety. In this work, the conflicts between the agribusiness territories and the peasant territories, in the Microregion, where there is a domination of agribusiness territories in relation to the peasant territory is increasing. Among the methodological procedures used, the following stand out: a) bibliographic review; b) collection of secondary data, and; c) field trip. Natural pastures and geographical location, as well as historical factors, contributed to the consolidation of the latifundium in this micro-region. We understand that agribusiness and peasantry make up a constant process, where individuals lose their territories, that is, they are deterritorialized, so that other individuals are territorialized in that space. It is up to the deterritorialized individuals, the search for new territory. The MST acts as a social movement capable of promoting the re-territorialization of social agents. According to INCRA data, the Microregion currently has thirteen Settlements, totaling 528 families, in an area of 12,696 ha. Conflicts in the Western Campaign are just beginning, but it is known that it is possible to build a rural "other". [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article exposes the various international influences that --between 1960-1970-- operated in order to stimulate peasant migration towards the Ecuadorian Amazonian frontier. During that period poor farmer organizations in several Latin American countries were demanding access to land held by traditional latifundia. In order to defuse the revolutionary potential of these claims, the Organization of American States (OAS) came up with a plan that would have the peasants migrate as colonists towards jungle areas, such as Amazonia. A central topic of the present text is the study of the several international connections between this organization and United States diplomacy in their efforts to boost colonization policies in the Ecuadorian Amazonian frontier. In a first stage, Ecuador received loans from foreign financial organizations, which were targeted for the construction of roads that would facilitate access to the rainforest areas. This was a major component of early efforts to promote the occupation of the tropical woodlands. Additionally, strong pressure by US diplomacy forced Ecuador to pass legislation facilitating colonization, while, at the same time, the Inter American Institute of Agrarian Sciences (IICA), trained government officials in the skills necessary to implement and enforce these policies. The article uses diplomatic, legal and bureaucratic reports in order to disclose the administrative transnational strategies that were active in promoting the migration of landless peasants towards the Amazonian wilderness, as part of an effort to neutralize the risk of communist political revolutions. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos is the property of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos is the property of Revista Retratos de Assentamentos and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Signing the Agreement on the Establishment of Friendly Diplomatic Relations between the Republic of Turkey and the Kingdom of Serbs, Croats, and Slovenes (the Kingdom of Yugoslavia since 1929) on November 28, 1925, provided bases for mutual economic connecting. Concerning the fact that economies of both countries had dominantly agrarian character, they were often rivals to one another in the world markets. Because of that, Yugoslav government aimed at gathering data on the development and modernization of Turkish agriculture by means of its diplomatic representative bodies. In this paper, on the basis of unpublished archival sources, newspapers articles and relevant literature, the following issues will be presented: the state and characteristics of the Turkish agrarian issues during Ataturks's era: the capacity of agricultural production (agriculture, cattle breeding), measures and efforts for its improvement (introducing new kinds and breeds, land-improvement and irrigation projects, the use of modern agro-technical measures, preventing cattle infectious diseases, agrarian reforms, etc.), and the export of agrarian products.

An attempt to solve the agrarian question at the beginning of the 20th century has been analyzed. The interaction and confrontation of two ministries – the Ministry of Finance and the Ministry of the Interior and local authorities: local committees of the Special Meeting on the needs of the agricultural industry and provincial committees of the Editorial Commission of the Ministry of the Interior, their attempts to discuss and resolve the peasant issue at the beginning of the 20th century, – have been examined. It has been substantiated, that at the beginning of the 20th century the state authorities did not develop a unified course in resolving the peasant issue and only the events of the 1905 revolution forced the government to take emergency measures in the development of agricultural legislation.

The purpose of this study was to (1) analyze the implementation of the licensing change of use of agricultural land to non-agricultural; (2) analyze the obstacles encountered by the Land Office and the citizens in the transition function of agricultural land into non-agricultural. This research is empirical juridical law with analytical descriptive research. Source of research data derived from primary and secondary data. The technique of collecting data using interviews (Land Office employees and citizens Pemalang) and documentation then analyzed descriptively qualitative. Results of this study are (1) The licensing change of use of agricultural land to non-agricultural can be done by private masyarat citizens or by the developer / investor, which process comprises: (a) the applicant making the request; (b) the payment of administrative costs, (c) review of the field consisting of the research process, data processing and manufacturing considerations technique, (d) the delivery of judgment technique to the Regent in the minutes of the Assembly Examination Committee for consideration, (e) decision of the application is accepted or denied, and (f) submission of the decision for a permit to the applicant. (2) The constraints encountered by the Land Office is the difference in the deliberations of the Technical Advisory Team Land when reviewing the location, and the public / applicant had been doing construction on agricultural land that has not been transformed to enable.

The purpose of holding land registration by the Government is to guarantee legal certainty. For this reason, there is a need for legal rules that can be used by the State of Indonesia in regulating the order of life in society. Land registration is held keeping in mind the state and community conditions. The approach method used in this study is a normative approach method, the research specifications used are descriptive. Constraints on the implementation of land registration for the community at the Karawang District Agrarian and Spatial Office were caused by the implementation of the transfer of land rights. Constraints are caused by internal factors and external factors. Completion of the obstacles to the implementation of land registration at the Karawang District Agrarian and Spatial Office first began with strengthening the performance of transparent accountability and conducting supervision.

As Salvador Allende and his supporters forged a democratic path towards socialism, the task of building a more sovereign and egalitarian national economy became one of the Popular Unity (UP) revolution’s first priorities. To that end, Allende’s coalition promoted a massive downward redistribution of income during its first months in office while also extending state control over many of the country’s most essential industries. Chile’s food economy, including its agricultural sector, received special attention during this early period as both purchasing power and domestic production soared. However, when a combination of economic, ecological and political factors caused consumer production to stagnate, acute shortages for a wide range of goods raised questions about the viability of the UP’s plans for a more just consumer economy. The emergence of a powerful opposition movement also raised questions about the government’s reluctance to pursue substantive political changes at the same time that it implemented major economic reforms. By examining the political economy of the UP experiment in the context of Chile’s 2019–20 uprising against inequality and political exclusion, this article reconsiders the consequences of the UP’s inability to link economic transformations with changes in how political power was exercised in mid-century Chile.

In the history of Brazil, a country that became entangled with the latifundium, land is synonymous with power. The struggle for land in the present time carries tensions and marks of na unfinished history, in which present/past and past/present are mixed and re-signified, however, the historical concentration of lands remains. Agrarian reform in the state Mato Grosso do Sul (MS) and in Brazil takes place, in particular, based on the struggles undertaken by rural social movements and the contradictions of the national agricultural policy. The creation of rural settlements is the main instrument of the agrarian reform policy. In this sense, the article reflects on the creation of rural settlements in the state of MS, between the years 1984 and 2013. In addition to the bibliographies on the topic, data from the National Institute of Colonization and Agrarian Reform (INCRA) was used, through the Information System for Land Reform Projects (SIPRA). The research adds to other investments in understanding the complexity of the paths and deviations of the struggle for land and in the creation of rural settlements in Brazil, starting from the state of MS. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper aims to understand the concept of “kadagaan” in the context of Ilocano migration to the town of Ilagan, Isabela in 1881 when they were recruited by Tabacalera administrators to work in the tobacco plantations of Hacienda Sta. Isabel and San Antonio. Despite experiencing harsh conditions, the tenants held on to the promise that the lands would be given to them on 1981 - Tabacalera’s 100th year in the Philippines. The narrative of promise was passed on from generation to generation but was not fulfilled. In 1980, instead of distributing the lands to the tenants, Tabacalera sold the haciendas to ANCA corporation owned by Eduardo Cojuangco, Jr. In the face of losing what they and their ancestors worked for for a century, the farmers would realize the potential of “kadagaan” in fighting for land and labor. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Anuario de Estudios Americanos is the property of Consejo Superior de Investigaciones Cientificas and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Historia (07169108) is the property of Universidad de Concepcion and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Nicolae Bălcescu (1819-1852) was a politician, a historian, and a patriot who was in favor of economic and political emancipation for the Romanian people. Even though historical issues were of the utmost interest for him, he paid attention to sociology and economics as well. While analyzing the specific social structures in the Romania, he emphasized their causes, as well as the need for change towards the revolution seen as a historic necessity on the way towards progress. In this paper we present Bălcescu's analytical approach of the economic issues, starting from two assumptions. The first one: economic backwardness by comparison to other countries. Bălcescu looked into the causes and issued political economy recommendations to insure economic development. The second one: at the core of the Romanian economic problem was the agrarian situation. Bălcescu studied the origins and the evolution of agricultural land ownership, as well as the status of peasantry. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Textual is the property of Universidad Autonoma Chapingo and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Zimbabwe's agrarian reform ('Third Chimurenga') narrative continues to cast more insights into the fate of farm workers, many of whom, as descendants of black Africans in the former British and Portuguese central African colonies of what are today Malawi, Zambia and Mozambique, were not seen as 'Zimbabwean enough' to benefit from the exercise. While many of these workers were adversely affected, a few, particularly the senior farm supervisors/foremen, showed agency in exploiting the miniscule avenues offered by the reform to position themselves, and eventually access land. Some became intermediaries between the state, the new black settler farmers and former white owners, sowing mutual trust and ambience within a volatile and potentially explosive situation. Using ethnographic data from an A1-designated case study farm (Billdore/Riverside) in the Trelawney/Banket commercial farming area in Zimbabwe's Mashonaland West province, the article suggests that such micro-level positionalities and functions proved critical in the ensuing politics of land appropriation that was predicated on partisan citizenship and belonging rhetoric. Despite their state of unbelonging, some of these previously landless migrant workers have emerged from the shadows of the Third Chimurenga and become their own masters, forging mutual relations and land-labour arrangements amidst the uncertainties of the ever-changing Zimbabwean land tenure system and political environment. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Configurações is the property of Centro de Investigacao em Ciencias Sociais and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Evidence suggests that smallholders are fast becoming one of the largest micro-credit recipient groups in Bangladesh. However, the literature on the effects of micro-credit use among smallholders is surprisingly deficient. This article seeks to rectify this gap by highlighting the ramifications of micro-credit's foray into the subsistence agriculture sector. It analyses the ostensibly disparate processes of mounting smallholder indebtedness and the phenomenal rise of micro-finance institutions in Bangladesh in light of the country's broader context of agricultural commoditisation, input subsidy reduction and a systematic lessening of the subsidised agricultural credit system. The article uses the concept of "accumulation by dispossession/encroachment" to argue that persistent borrowing from micro-finance institutions (MFIs) exposes smallholders to the risks and volatilities of the market. Using qualitative insights from a case study of three villages, it demonstrates how the capital accumulation model of Bangladeshi MFIs marginalises smallholders and ensnares them in a perpetual cycle of debts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background. The key process of agrarian reform in the 1990s was the reorganization of collective and state farms, which led to the granting of agricultural workers the rights of owners of land shares. The relevance of the study of changes in their legal status is due to the need to study the social aspects of the formation of land ownership in Russia in the 1990s – 2000s. The purpose of the study is to study the features of the legal status of agricultural workers of the Central Chernozem economic district by analyzing the demand for different rights of owners of land shares. Materials and methods. Reports of the committees of land resources of the Central Chernozem regions from the funds of the State Archive of the Russian Federation are used as sources of research. A special place among the sources is occupied by normative legal acts, as well as materials of interviews and sociological surveys of rural residents. The methodological basis of the study was historicalgenetic and systemic methods, which allowed to consider the process of changing the legal status of agricultural workers during the agrarian reform of the 1990s. Results. The reasons why in the first half of the 1990s the development of property relations in rural areas was held with great difficulties are formulated. On the basis of normative-legal acts the order of formation of the rights of owners of land shares is considered. The process of registration and issuance of documents on the right of ownership to employees of agricultural enterprises was studied. The level of demand for different rights of owners of land shares is analyzed, which allowed to identify the features of the legal status of employees of agricultural enterprises of the Central Chernozem economic region. It was found that from the broad list of rights of owners of land shares granted by the state, the most common among employees of agricultural enterprises was the leasing of land shares and its use for the formation of a farm. Other rights were practically not claimed. Conclusions. The legal status of qualified and unskilled employees of agricultural enterprises in the years of agrarian reform can be designated as the status of pseudo-owners. Formally possessing the right of ownership of land, in fact, they did not have the possibility of its full implementation (some soon lost it altogether).