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L'impact du processus de mondialisation politique et économique qui se répercute également sur les sociétés africaines transforme les conceptions et l'usage qui est fait de l'ethnicité, de l'identité de groupe et de la violence. Ces transformations apparaissent dans les relations changeantes entre la société locale et l'État dans la Corne de l'Afrique, où l'on peut distinguer trois niveaux d'interaction entre le niveau local et celui de l'État. Pour traiter du premier niveau, l'auteur décrit les évolutions qui se sont produites au sein d'une société agropastorale du sud de l'Éthiopie: les Suri sont un exemple typique d'une société locale transformée par la mondialisation. A cause de leur insertion dans des interactions plus larges au niveau régional et national, la violence qui était intégrée dans la culture est redéfinie, elle n'est plus ritualisée et elle devient plus instrumentale. L'étude du deuxième et troisième niveau se concentre sur l'évolution du cadre de la violence politique de l'État en Éthiopie et en Somalie. Les violences des groupes politiques et de l'État étaient étroitement liées à l'échec du projet de la modernisation des deux pays. Cependant, ces derniers sont très différents du point de vue des bases sociales et régionales sur lesquelles ils forment leur identité et se mobilisent politiquement. En définitive, l'article montre l'importance croissante des réponses violentes en tant que force de résistance dans le cadre de la mondialisation. Bibliogr., notes, réf., rés. en français (p. 201) et en anglais (p. 205)

This article examines the social and political background of escalating violence between ethnic groups in southwestern Ethiopia who until recently had customary and ritually sanctioned ways of resolving conflict. It focuses on the Maji area, a frontier region inhabited by two indigenous groups - the Dizi and the Suri, and people from a mixed background, descendants of immigrants and recent arrivals taking up posts as soldiers, traders and government officials in the small towns. The article outlines the economic, social and cultural factors involved in the generation of intergroup violence in the area, as well as traditional Suri and Dizi reconciliation rituals. It also indicates the changing arenas of 'ethnic' self-definition and economic opportunity for local groups in post-1991 Ethiopia. An analysis of a reconciliation meeting organized in the Maji area by the new government in 1991 reveals that in the efforts of State agents to mediate emerging conflicts in conditions of increasing scarcity and identity struggle, the use of customary mediation mechanisms was formally recognized. But at the same time, efficient mediation was structurally impeded by the very nature of the exercise of authority by State agents and their failure to implement practical measures of conflict resolution. This failure was matched by the inability of the representatives of the ethnic groups concerned to redefine their relationship in a constructive manner.

Through a study of the ceremonial stick duelling among the Surma of southern Ethiopia, this article explores the sociocultural context of ritual violence in a small-scale agropastoralist society and its relation to social reproductive concerns. Surma male stick duelling ('sagine'), contained by strict rules of procedure, is a form of ritualized violence among Surma themselves, and contrasts sharply with violence against members of non-Surma neighbouring groups. 'Sagine' can be interpreted not only as the management of relations between competing territorial sections within Surma society, but also in terms of the connection between sociality and sexuality in Surma life. However, contrary to sociobiological predictions, combat success is neither valued for its own sake nor does it show itself to be reproductively advantageous in a statistical sense.

On 6 May 1998, a violent conflict erupted in the Ethiopian-Eritrean border area. This article contends that this border crisis is neither unexpected nor the result of a real border dispute. Rather, it is due to three factors: the particular history and relationship of the two insurgent movements turned national governments (the Eritrean People's Liberation Front, EPLF, and the Tigray People's Liberation Front, TPLF) in the two countries; the nature and heritage of neopatrimonial elite rule and the lack of democratic restructuring in the two countries; and the economic problems of Eritrea. The author first gives an overview of the outbreak of the conflict, its economic effects, and international mediation efforts. Then he analyses the background to the border dispute, arguing that it is a direct result of the unresolved and ambiguous political relationship between Ethiopia and Eritrea, and the national leaders' policy of making deals without securing a broad national consensus or legally clear formulas. Finally, he considers the prospects for a solution of the conflict and future relations between the two countries. Notes, ref

This article presents an account of the ideological form and practical exercise of violence among the Chai, a subgroup of the Suri (or Surma) people, agropastoralists in southern Ethiopia. In theoretical terms, the general question is addressed of how, on the elementary level of small-scale, relatively traditional society without stratification, central leadership and modern economic features, "violence" is constructed and performed, and how it partly defines the social persona and collectivity of this group, as opposed to others. The author asserts that, while the connections of the Suri with other ethno-cultural groups in a partially shared environment and contacts with State forces are not new - recent political, ecological and other developments have an important transformative impact on their patterns of violence. The past years have shown a serious crisis in the relations between the Chai and their neighbours. Both internal, thus far ritually contained Chai violence, as well as violence towards other groups, tends to break the bounds of custom and to turn into the uninhibited use of force. While it makes available new options for local people, the new violence tends to endanger the coexistence of groups as well as the peace in Chai society itself.

Despite its ancient history in Ethiopia, Islam has always been a secondary status religion in the country. It emerged in the shadow of Christianity and has often suffered from suppression and discrimination. This has had an impact on the social opportunities, religious and civil rights, and the pattern of self-organization of Ethiopian Muslims. During the last decade, new issues of religious identity and communal political identity among Muslims in Ethiopia have emerged in the wake of political and economic reform processes, and as a result of the process of cultural globalization. This article gives a historical overview of the emergence and development of Islam in Ethiopia, its position in the pre-1974 empire and its relationship with Christianity, and changes under the Mengistu regime (1974-1991), which actively discouraged religion in all its forms. Finally, it discusses developments since 1991, paying special attention to questions of identity and the 'ethnic' dimensions of Islam. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum

According to the policy of the government of the Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front (EPRDF), ethnic identity is the ideological basis of Ethiopia's political organization and administration and as such has been enshrined in the Federal Constitution of December 1994. Yet the Constitution's explicit reinstatement of ethnicity in law coincides with a politico-economic situation which has made ethnoregional groups more interdependent than ever before, and where the central State has come to play an essential role as a resource and a mechanism of redistribution. The author looks at the way in which ethnicity is translated in the clauses on nationality rights, noting the originality of the Constitution, on the one hand, and the difficulties and ambiguities surrounding the structures of implementation of the ethnicization formula, on the other. The impression arises that "self-determination" has been granted for rhetorical and ideological purposes, and that the central federal government has no intention of relinquishing real power. There is, furthermore, no possibility of judicial review by the courts of State executive and legislative powers. Nor has the Constitution solved the problem of reconciling the various generations of rights. Moreover, the failure to define or design the Ethiopian polity as an arena of compromise or issue politics creates problems for the realization of a country-wide democratic polity. Notes, ref., sum. (p. i)

In deze bijdrage wordt in enkele algemene lijnen geponeerd dat de noodzaak tot staatsomvorming in Afrika voor het komende decennium prioriteit nummer één is. De rol van buitenlandse mogendheden en organisaties kan daarbij belangrijk zijn, maar moet niet worden overschat. Tendensen in de relatief autonome wereldeconomie, waarvan de nadelige effecten door de nationale staten te weinig worden beheerst, zijn van groter belang. De schuld van Afrika's probemen leggen bij het mondiale kapitalisme is een oude tactiek, die gedeeltelijk gerechtvaardigd is: sinds het einde van de 18e eeuw is Afrika van alle continenten het meest gemarginaliseerd in de wereldeconomie. Maar een kritische evaluatie van de falende elite-regimes in Afrika blijft hierbij nodig, evenals van een internationale politiek die hen om pragmatische redenen blijft steunen. Bij uitblijven van democratisering en hervorming van autocratische regimes in situaties van economische stagnatie zal de wal het schip blijven keren en zal geweld de optie blijven die benadeelde groepen zullen kiezen om staatsomvorming te bewerkstelligen.

This paper focuses on problems and dilemmas of changing alcohol use among the Surma, a group of lowland agropastoralists in Maji, southern Ethiopia. The area under discussion is inhabited by indigenous agriculturalists, descendants of northern immigrants of mixed origin, and Surma and Me'en agropastoralists. The paper reveals the existence of a pattern of 'alcoholic hegemonism' in the area. The culturally dominant villagers want to have the best of both worlds. Their types of alcoholic drinks are 'the best' and they think they know how to use and not abuse them. The local people (the Surma, Dizi and Me'en) are 'still caught' in their traditional drinking habits involving the consumption of their local 'bord‚' beer. They are also subjected to the harsh reign of 'katikala', a strong and dangeous beverage, which they cannot handle and which thus tends to create trouble. That they themselves (the villagers and State-connected people) have introduced 'katikala' does not make them feel in any way responsible for such trouble. Bibliogr., notes, ref

The relation of pastoral societies with the 'outside world' has proved to be one of structural deterioration. This poses questions as to the political space remaining for these societies within the State arenas to which they nominally belong and the nature of their ethnoreligious identities. The pastoral societies of East Africa, while varied in nature and social organization, still show some common characteristics with regard to religion and political system. The author argues that the principles of clan segmentation, age-group structure, the ritual-cyclical ordering of community life, and decentralized, regionally exercised power will remain more important organizing elements for pastoral societies than purely ideological-religious factors. This is a result of certain macroconditions such as their necessary confinement to marginal areas, their geographical mobility, and their lack of integration into the wider State society in terms of literacy, economic surplus extraction, social mobility, or political representation. The author looks at the 'strategies' of various agropastoral groups in terms of religious response and political action within these macroconditions. He uses the examples of the Boran in Ethiopia and Kenya, the Nuer in Sudan and Ethiopia, and the Surma of southern Ethiopia.

This article examines recent developments of local authority and 'leadership' among the Surma of southern Ethiopia, where the author carried out field research over the years 1990-1995. The intention is to analyse the nature of 'authority' in a non-State social formation, in which 'chiefs' in the proper sense of the word are absent. The author gives an overview of the three different political systems which have succeeded each other in Ethiopia since the late 19th century: Haile Selassie's feudalist monarchy (until 1974), the Dergue's centralist republic (1974-1991), and the present ethno-regional federal republic, and examines to what extent these different types of governance have had a transformative impact on traditional forms of local leadership. He argues that southern Ethiopian local administration has always been characterized by an uneasy alliance of two types of leaders: imported highland rulers and local, indigenous 'chiefs' or ritual leaders ('komoru'). The Surma 'komoru' have generally remained outside the political arena. Bibliogr., notes, ref., sum. in French and Italian

This bibliography on Ethiopia and Eritrea is a sequel to 'Ethiopian society and history: a bibliography of Ethiopian studies 1957-1990' (1990). The present volume, which covers the period 1990-1995, contains c. 2000 items. Books, journal articles, and articles from collective volumes have been included. The entries are arranged under the following headings: Bibliographies; History and development of Eritreo-Ethiopian studies; Manuscripts, documents, sources, library studies; Travellers and foreigners; History; Cultural geography, ecology, demography; Politics and law before 1974; Politics, law and revolutionary development after 1974; Politics and law after 1991; Peasantry and the rural sector after 1974; The urban sector; Modernization, communications, industry and 'development'; Economics, economic policy, banking; Social structure, social change and gender; Drought and famine, refugees and resettlement; International relations; Ethno-regional conflicts; Education; Health and health care; Ethnomedicine and indigenous knowledge; Folklore, magic, oral traditions; Music; Material culture, architecture, arts and crafts; Christian and hagiographical literature; Religion and missions; Ethnology and anthropology. The last section is subdivided according to ethno-cultural groups. A list of collective volumes and an index of authors' names have been included

This article examines how violent interaction between ethnic and social groups in Ethiopia has shaped the contours of contemporary society. It focuses on the so-called Red Terror period of the late 1970s, which marks a decisive stage in the transformation of violence and politics in Ethiopia. The intense physical and psychological violence of the Red Terror period had a lasting effect on the collective mind and on social relations among Ethiopians. Because of its violation of central sociocultural ideals and codes in Ethiopian society, it decisively undermined any idea of 'social contract' or 'trust' between the State and the population. This breakdown of trust led to a dissociation of civilians from national policy and power structures, and to a serious weakening of overall social cohesion.

Ethiopië lijkt een fase van 'deconstructie en reconstructie' door te maken sinds de val van het regime Mengistu in mei 1991. Het land is in een proces van politieke herstructurering verwikkeld en poogt een basis te leggen voor een meer open, democratische samenleving. Als gevolg van bijna vier jaar overgangsbeleid is Ethiopië reeds aanzienlijk veranderd: er bestaat vrede en relatieve rust; er is veel meer sociale en politieke vrijheid; er is een opener, markt-georiënteerde economie, met betere voorwaarden voor economische activiteit; het bewind is erin geslaagd etniciteit of 'nationaliteit' een alom tegenwoordig punt te maken onder de bevolking; decentralisatie en 'etnisering' van de regio's zijn vergevorderd, ofschoon de feitelijke controle nog steeds bij de centrale regering ligt. Een probleem vormt de dominantie van het EPRDF (Ethiopian Peoples' Revolutionary Democratic Front) en de TGE (Transitional Government of Ethiopia) en de relatie tussen de zittende machthebbers en de oppositie. De verkiezingen van juni 1994 en mei 1995 leidden tot een versterking van de positie van de zittende regering, maar losten de problemen van representativiteit en legitimiteit van deze regering niet op. Het dilemma van etnisering en/of representatieve democratie blijft voorlopig nog bestaan. Noten, samenvatting in het Engels (p. 624)

This chapter describes responses to the ecological crisis and political changes in Ethiopia in the early 1990s among the Suri, an agropastoral group in K„fa Region, southern Ethiopia. Data are derived from fieldwork carried out in the area after the change of regime in 1991. Attention is paid to environmental conditions and the Suri subsistence system, relations between the Suri and neighbouring ethnic groups, drought and famine in the area, in particular in the 1980s, and the Suri attitude towards the interventions of outside agencies, interethnic conflict in the period 1984-1993, Suri recovery and adaptation in the early 1990s, and the effects of drought, famine, and political upheaval on Suri socioeconomic organization, local political relations, and ethnic identities and interethnic relations. Bibliogr., notes, ref

This essay deals with the relation between ritual behaviour and environmental conditions in an African rural society, that of the South-East Surmic (Nilo-Saharan)-speaking Me'en people, a group of 'tribal' cultivators in Käfa region, Ethiopia. The study attempts to integrate 'ideational' and material-environmental elements, in order to explain how meaning in ritual is constituted in the dialectic between human action and environmental conditions. For this purpose, a text of the 'mósit', a central ritual of the Me'en, is presented and discussed. The author looks at the significance of environmental referents in the ritual acts and words, and at how the language and the context of the 'mósit' reflect social and reproductive relations within Me'en society. The aim is an explanatory account of the 'mósit' as a religious ritual system. The unifying theoretical perspective which informs this analysis is derived from the theory of E.T. Lawson and R.N. MacCauley (1990), which advocates a 'competence'-approach to religious ritual behaviour.