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Статья посвящена анализу идей наиболее выдающегося римского папы ХХ века - Иоанна XXIII. Ему удалось не только удачно реформировать римско-католическую церковь организационно, но и приспособить ее к условиям быстро изменяющегося мира ХХ в. Также он выдвинул оригинальную программу социальных реформ, адресовав ее в первую очередь Италии, но не исключая ее применения в других развитых странах Запада. В статье исследуются наиболее важные энциклики папы Иоанна XXIII, прослеживается их связь с другими идейными течениями современности., The article analyzes the ideas of the most outstanding Pope of the twentieth century - John XXIII. Not only was he able to successfully reform the Roman Cath-olic Church organizationally, but also to adapt it to the rapidly changing world of the twentieth century he also put forward original program of social reform, sending it in the first place Italy, but not excluding its use in other developed countries of the West. The article examines the most important Encyclical of Pope John XXIII, traced their connection with other ideological currents of our time. In the crisis of the Catholic Church in the West (and the entire world of Christianity), the idea of the Pope that strengthened Katolicism after the two world wars сannot fail to be of interest., Запад, Восток и Россия: Вопросы всеобщей истории, Issue Вып. 19Исторический опыт межкультурного диалога, Pages 51-62

The object of the study is the structure element of self-sufficiency of a region, namely the socio-economic mechanism of population migration regulation, its formation and further influence on the development of the country and the region. The disadvantage of this item may be the complexity of its implementation, because it needs to be involved in almost all public authorities. To address this problem, the study identified the main reforms of the social and economic spheres that will allow to unlock the potential of the country. An analysis of costs was conducted for the implementation of the mechanism and revealed the effectiveness of the proposed transformations. Achievement is expected through increased investment and tax revenues, through the creation of new working places, internal and external re-emigration to the regions. Decentralization is based on the principle of subsidiarity that is the one of the founding principles of the European Union, according to which the community is resorting to any measures only if they are more effective measures at the lower levels. Therefore, the important problem is the using of socio-economic mechanism of migration regulation to increase tax revenues in the budget and further allocate grants for development of regional communities., Статья посвящена разработке социально-экономического механизма регулирования миграции населения в контексте самообеспечения региона, согласно морального развития территориальной общины. Рассматриваются системы самообеспечения региональных общин стран Европейского Союза. Приведен механизм регулирования миграции и проведена оценка его эффективности, предложены основные социальные и экономические реформы, которые можно использовать как основу миграционных преобразований., Стаття присвячена розробці соціально-економічного механізму регулювання міграції населення у контексті самозабезпечення регіону, згідно морального розвитку територіальної громади. Розглядаються системи самозабезпечення регіональних громад країн Європейського Союзу. Наведено механізм регулювання міграції та проведена оцінка його ефективності, запропоновані основні соціальні та економічні реформи, які можна використовувати як підґрунтя міграційних перетворень.

This paper aims to present some of the moments of one of the most notable leaders of the Costa Rican Comunist Party/Popular Vanguard Party during period of 1931-76. We refer to Professor Arnoldo Ferreto Segura. Obviously, one can not make a capricious separation of the leader's experiences with the very actions of the party apparatus as there is a dialectical relationship both in form and substance. Step by step, the leader Arnoldo Ferreto Segura takes us on the path that would mark the political line, both tactically and strategically, of the party in mention. In synthesis, this presents elements of a historical nature of a political figure that the Official History according to its own logic has kept hidden from the national political scene. Este artículo pretende dar a conocer, algunas de las vicisitudes de uno de los dirigentes más connotados del Partido Comunista de Costa Rica/Partido Vanguardia Popular, durante el período 1931-1976. Nos referiremos al Prof. Amoldo Ferreto Segura. Obvio, que no se puede hacer una separación antojadiza de las vivencias del dirigente estudiado ,con las acciones propias de la organización partidaria, pues existe una relación dialéctica tanto por las formas como por el contenido. Paso a paso, el dirigente Arnoldo Ferreto Segura, nos lleva por los senderos que iba marcando la línea política, tanto táctica como estratégica, del partido en mención. Se trata en síntesis, de aportar elementos de carácter histórico de un sujeto político que la Historia Oficial de acuerdo a su lógica han mantenido invisibilizados del escenario político nacional.

NetajiSubhas Chandra Bose –the fiery Indian revolutionary has been in the news during 2015 and 2016 in connection with the declassification of files about his mysterious disappearance after 18th of August 1945. Of late, maximum research and writings on the leader have been about the mystery and associated theories connected with his disappearance, with the Indian Prime Minister himself taking a keen interest. It is largely History and to some extent Political Science, which as academic disciplines, has incorporated Subhas Chandra Bose as “Topic of Study/Research”. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had an in-depth knowledge of not only the Indian Society but also Japanese and European Society. He was a very keen observer of Indian Society and with his keen observation and constant interaction with a wide section of the general public during his constant travels, both within India and abroad, he was aware of various social problems particular to India and its magnitude. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose was also fully aware of the British Colonial interests (the cunning-oppressive Agenda) who did not want the total eradication of social problems,especially that of caste and communal rivalry. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose had practical experience in Indian Industrial Relations as an Outside Trade Union Leader of various major trade unions and President of the first Indian Trade Union Federation-The All India Trade Union Congress (AITUC). As the President of India’s most powerful political party, the Indian National Congress (INC), for two consecutive terms, Netaji’s contacts with Indian leaders belonging to different groups/associations including trade unionists, and general public those days was next only to Mahatma Gandhi. All these broadened his horizon and called for constant observation and study of Indian Society on a day to day basis. Netaji also donned the role of conciliator and arbitrator during industrial disputes. Thus his ideas and writings on these areas were a result of practical experience. Netaji Subhas Chandra Bose also tried his level best to ameliorate the social status of Indians and was particularly concerned about the plight of Indian labour and farmers. This Article focuses on the role of NetajiSubhas Chandra Bose in Social Reforms and Industrial Relations and aims at highlighting the fact that Bose can be an interesting ‘Topic of Research’ even in Sociology, especially Sociology of Indian Social Reforms, Sociology of Indian Industrial Relations and Military Sociology.

Law 39/2006 amounts to an episode of fundamental change in the social policy of long term care. This article advances the hypotheses that this legislation is the result both of a path dependency on socio-economic and institutional factors that have come about since the 1980s and of intense negotiating processes between the different social stakeholders involved by means of the setting up of advocacy coalitions. To prove these hypotheses, analysis is made of the role of those stakeholders in the development of the legislation, and a tentative assessment is offered of its results, challenges and uncertainties to date. To this end, 17 in-depth interviews were conducted with strategic social stakeholders between October 2007 and July 2008 on the basis of a semi-structured questionnaire and complemented by an analysis of secondary and documentary sources.La Ley 39/2006 supone un episodio de cambio fundamental en la política social de atención a la dependencia. En el texto se sostienen las hipótesis de que esta Ley es el resultado tanto de una senda acumulativa (path dependency) de factores socioeconómicos e institucionales acaecidos en la política social de atención a la dependencia desde los 80, como del resultado de intensos procesos de negociación entre los distintos actores sociales implicados mediante el establecimiento de “coaliciones de apoyo” (advocacy coalition) entre ellos. Para contrastar dichas hipótesis, se analiza el papel de los actores sociales en el desarrollo de la Ley y se realiza una valoración tentativa de sus resultados, retos e incertidumbres hasta la fecha. Con tal fin, se han realizado 17 entrevistas en profundidad a actores sociales estratégicos entre octubre de 2007 y julio 2008 partiendo de un cuestionario semiestructurado complementado con el análisis de fuentes secundarias y documentales.

O advento do discurso liberal-democrático no Brasil ocorreu no momento em que as forças oligárquicas reuniram elementos para contestar a preeminência da Coroa sobre as estruturas políticas imperiais. A promoção da abolição da escravatura pela Coroa, contudo, gerou um curto-circuito na forma como, até então, liberalismo e democracia vinham sendo articulados. Nesse sentido, o contraste entre as posturas de Rui Barbosa e de Joaquim Nabuco é exemplar. A partir de uma perspectiva universalista normativa, Rui Barbosa seguiu a cartilha doutrinária liberal, correndo o risco de entregar o poder às oligarquias, ao passo que, por meio de uma análise sociológica, Nabuco preconizou o "despotismo esclarecido" da Coroa, capaz, segundo ele, de quebrar o poder oligárquico e implementar as necessárias reformas sociais. No presente artigo, a partir do recurso direto à documentação primária, analisa-se tal debate, não tanto para esmiuçar as diferenças entre os dois políticos, considerados em suas personalidades individuais, mas para ilustrar uma questão mais ampla, que remonta ao percurso da construção da democracia brasileira. A comparação entre os discursos de Rui Barbosa e Joaquim Nabuco ilustra o dilema entre priorizar reformas políticas e priorizar reformas sociais, em um contexto em que elas pareciam claramente excludentes. O debate ajuda ainda a compreender os impasses da trajetória democrática no Brasil, premida entre o liberalismo oligárquico e a ampliação autoritária do espaço público. The advent of liberal-democratic discourse in Brazil occurred at the moment in which oligarchic forces brought together elements able to contest the Crown´s preeminence over imperial political structures. However, the crown's position on the abolition of slavery generated a short circuit in the way in which, until this moment, liberalism and democracy had been articulated. In this regard, the contrast between Rui Barbosa and Joaquim Nabuco´s positions is exemplary. Through a normative universalist position, Rui Barbosa followed liberal doctrine, running the risk of handing power over to the oligarchies, whereas Nabuco, through sociological analysis, advocated the Crown´s "illustrated despotism" which he believed would be capable of breaking up oligarchic power and implementing necessary social reforms. Our article, through direct recourse to primary sources of documentation, analyzes this debate. Its purposes are not primarily to produce a detailed discussion of the differences between the two politicians through consideration of their individual personalities but to illustrate a broader issue that deals with the trajectory of building democracy in Brazil. Comparison of the discourse of both politicians illustrates the dilemma of placing priority on political or social reform within a context in which the two seem to be clearly mutually exclusive. Furthermore, the debate enables us to understand the impasses that emerge in the trajectory of democracy in Brazil, squeezed between oligarchic liberalism and an authoritarian broadening of public space. L'avènement du discours libéro-démocratique au Brésil a eu lieu au moment où les forces oligarchiques réunissent assez d'éléments pour contester la prépondérance de la Couronne sur les structures politiques impériales. Cependant la promotion de l'abolition de l'esclavage par la Couronne a provoqué un court-circuit dans la manière dont le libéralisme et la démocratie étaient articulés. Dans ce sens, le contraste entre la conduite de Rui Barbosa et de Joaquim Nabuco sont remarquables. A partir d'une perspective universaliste normative, Rui Barbosa a suivi le manuel doctrinaire libéral au risque de rendre le pouvoir aux oligarchies, tandis que, suivant une analyse sociologique, Nabuco a prôné le « despotisme éclairé » de la Couronne, capable, selon lui, de briser le pouvoir oligarchique et mettre en oeuvre les réformes sociales nécessaires. Dans cet article, qui se sert directement de la documentation primaire, on analyse ce débat, moins pour explorer les différences entre les deux politiciens, considérés comme personnalités individuelles, que pour illustrer une question plus importante, qui remonte au parcours de construction de la démocratie brésilienne. La comparaison entre les discours de Rui Barbosa et Joaquim Nabuco illustre le dilemme entre rendre prioritaire des réformes politiques et rendre prioritaire des réformes sociales, dans un contexte dans lequel elles semblaient nettement s'opposer. Le débat aide à saisir les difficultés de la trajectoire démocratique au Brésil, coincée entre le libéralisme oligarchique et l'élargissement autoritaire de l'espace public.

Somalis face a daunting development challenge to overcome the legacy of two decades of sustained conflict and fragility, but substantial progress is now being made. Since 1991 and the collapse of the Siad Barre regime, Somalia has experienced cycles of conflict and fragility that fragmented the country, undermined legitimate institutions, and created widespread vulnerability. The new government that emerged following the Transitional Federal Government and the Roadmap to End the Transition in 2012 inherited a dysfunctional economy facing high levels of poverty and inequality, a youth bulge, high unemployment, and large infrastructure gaps. Against a backdrop of political progress marked by the emergence of new Federal Member States (FMSs) within the new constitutional framework and continued insecurity, the Federal Government of Somalia (FGS) has embarked on a process of structural, legislative, and institutional reform. The economy is starting to respond: Somalis are returning from abroad to invest, shops are opening, and the property market is booming. This is the first economic update for Somalia since the 2005 World Bank country economic memorandum for Somalia. The long conflict made monitoring of economic and social data nearly impossible since the late 1980s. With the relative stability of the past few years, new data have become available. The update is divided into two parts. Part one presents information on the social, economic, and governance status of Somalia. Part two focuses on intergovernmental fiscal relations.

This paper aims to show that generations have made an implicit pact in order to maintain unchanged the employment system based on a labor market cleaved between insiders and outsiders. The former enjoy a high degree of protection, while the latter are a key element of the flexibility of the economy. Young people accept this unequal deal for three reasons. The first one is that the precarious phase is considered as a transitory one for those who are graduates. The second one is that most of young people think that in this way they will become insiders themselves. The third one is that these youngsters receive a substantial material and emotional support from their parents before they get a stable job. The actual losers of this compromise are young people who leave school without a diploma.; Un pacte implicite est noué entre les générations pour maintenir inchangé le système d' emploi fondé sur un marché du travail très clivé entre des adultes-insiders très protégés et des entrants qui supportent l' essentiel du poids de la flexibilité de l' économie. Les jeunes acceptent ce partage inégal pour trois raisons : ils savent que s'ils ont un diplôme, cette phase est transitoire ; cela les conforte dans leur aspiration à devenir eux-mêmes de futurs insiders ; durant la phase transitoire les jeunes adultes sont très soutenus par leurs parents, matériellement et affectivement. Les perdants de ce compromis sont les non-diplômés.

This paper aims to show that generations have made an implicit pact in order to maintain unchanged the employment system based on a labor market cleaved between insiders and outsiders. The former enjoy a high degree of protection, while the latter are a key element of the flexibility of the economy. Young people accept this unequal deal for three reasons. The first one is that the precarious phase is considered as a transitory one for those who are graduates. The second one is that most of young people think that in this way they will become insiders themselves. The third one is that these youngsters receive a substantial material and emotional support from their parents before they get a stable job. The actual losers of this compromise are young people who leave school without a diploma.; Un pacte implicite est noué entre les générations pour maintenir inchangé le système d' emploi fondé sur un marché du travail très clivé entre des adultes-insiders très protégés et des entrants qui supportent l' essentiel du poids de la flexibilité de l' économie. Les jeunes acceptent ce partage inégal pour trois raisons : ils savent que s'ils ont un diplôme, cette phase est transitoire ; cela les conforte dans leur aspiration à devenir eux-mêmes de futurs insiders ; durant la phase transitoire les jeunes adultes sont très soutenus par leurs parents, matériellement et affectivement. Les perdants de ce compromis sont les non-diplômés.

As the last country to join the European Union, Croatia became the 28th Member State only in July 2013. Its legacy of different governing philosophies and systems influenced its political and social system of today, as well as a strong religious influence of the Roman Catholic Church. Although being a part of Yugoslavia, Croatia was very much influenced by Central European governing and political principles – Austro-Hungarian firstly. Germany was Croatian role-model for most reforms during the last three centuries, although the social system and its problems somewhat resemble Mediterranean countries such as Italy, Greece or Spain, as well as Central European transition economies such as Slovenia, Poland or Slovakia. Croatia started intensive economic and political cooperation with the EU one decade after most other countries from Central and Eastern Europe ; the transition period was therefore prolonged. In accordance with the constitutional definition, the Republic of Croatia is a “welfare state” and it should help and protect the vulnerable members of the society. The analysis points out that the existance of war, nation-building and humanitarian crisis factors strongly influenced the Croatian welfare system. Reluctantly bureaucratized state agencies, delayed transition and late ‘Europeanization’ contributed to the limiting reforms and uneven level of granting welfare privileges to specific segments of society.

The resumption of talks on the performance of the subjects in the final years of the Brazilian Empire has aroused the interest of researchers in several fields of study such as social sciences, history and education as well. A review of some theses, in particular about the placement of these individuals face the transformations of time, has opened space for dialogue among scholars and allowed new perspectives on the topic. Interested in this discussion, we focused on the relationship between intellectuals and the history of education, and the role of these in the process of modernization of society through educational bias. We propose the history of intellectuals as guiding this work, in the sense of finding out the ideas, trajectories and the social role assumed by intellectuals in the construction of the project of modernity. Particularly, we are interested in studying the role education played in the Joaquim Nabuco s political project, as a constitutional and fundamental national progress element. Based on this premise, we seek since then analyze his reformation projects and understand how it was conceived in order to civilize society and promote the sense of rational work. Therefore, we elected as a source for this study, the work of Joaquim Nabuco produced between 1879 and 1888, the initial and final years of his parliamentary career, conceiving it as a political agenda undertaken by Nabuco to Brazil. We take as our basic interpretation of Angela Alonso (2002), which suggests the existence of a reformist movement composed by the intellectuals generation of 1870, points the concepts of political opportunity structure, repertoire and community experience to support his argument. According to Alonso (2002), was from a structure of political opportunities and immersion into a community of experience that intellectuals generation in 1870 had appropriated the European repertoire in order to develop criticism to the imperial status quo. The productions of this generation configured a reform program for Imperial Brazil. It is in the light of the directions of Alonso (2002), that we situate the political project of Nabuco Joaquim for the Brazilian society in that period, seeing education as a basis for social (re)arrangement after the abolition, starting point, according to Nabuco, to the end of the moral backwardness and economic context in which the country was immersed. The education assume the transformational role and shaper of society that sought to be civilized, according to the European standard. The function that it assumed was to not only educate and train future workers, but also to educate a conscious subject, capable of forming an autonomous and consistent public opinion, basis of the exercise of citizenship. We understand yet, the existence of a network of sociability (Sirinelli, 2003) in which Nabuco was inserted and, thus, seek to situate the gestation of ideas this intellectual dialogue with their peers, which is consistent with his criticism of the decree Leôncio de Carvalho, one the most relevant documents of the late Empire. Coordenação de Aperfeiçoamento de Pessoal de Nível Superior A retomada das discussões sobre a atuação dos sujeitos nos anos finais do Império Brasileiro tem despertado o interesse de pesquisadores em diversas áreas de estudo como as ciências sociais, a história e também a educação. A revisão de algumas teses em especial, sobre o posicionamento desses sujeitos frente às transformações da época, tem aberto espaço para o diálogo entre os estudiosos e permitido novos olhares sobre o tema. Interessados nessa discussão, debruçamo-nos sobre a relação entre os intelectuais e a história da educação, e sobre a atuação destes no processo de modernização da sociedade, através do viés educativo. Propomos a história dos intelectuais como norteadora desse trabalho, no sentido de buscarmos as ideias, as trajetórias e também o papel social assumido pelos intelectuais na construção do projeto da modernidade. Particularmente, interessa-nos o estudo do lugar ocupado pela educação no projeto político de Joaquim Nabuco, enquanto elemento constituinte e basilar do progresso nacional. Com base nessa premissa, buscamos desde então analisar o seu projeto de reformas e compreender como ele foi pensado no sentido de civilizar a sociedade e promover o sentido do trabalho racional. Para tanto, elegemos como fonte para esse estudo, a obra de Joaquim Nabuco produzida entre 1879 e 1888, anos inicial e final de sua carreira parlamentar concebendo-a como a agenda política empreendida por Nabuco para o Brasil. Tomamos como basilar a interpretação de Ângela Alonso (2002) que, sugerindo a existência de um movimento reformista composto pela geração intelectual de 1870, aponta os conceitos de estrutura de oportunidades políticas, repertório e comunidade de experiência para fundamentar seu argumento. De acordo com Alonso (2002), foi a partir de uma estrutura de oportunidades políticas e da imersão em uma comunidade de experiência que os intelectuais da geração 1870 se apropriaram do repertório europeu, a fim de desenvolverem uma crítica ao status quo imperial. Suas produções configuravam um programa de reformas para o Brasil imperial. É à luz das indicações de Alonso (2002), que situamos o projeto político de Joaquim Nabuco para a sociedade brasileira do período, enxergando a educação como base para o (re) arranjo social posterior à abolição, ponto de partida, segundo Nabuco, para o fim do atraso moral e econômico no qual estava imerso o país. A educação assumiria o papel transformador e modelador da sociedade que se buscava civilizada, de acordo com o padrão europeu. A função que esta assumia era não apenas o de instruir e capacitar o futuro trabalhador, mas também o de educar um sujeito consciente, capaz de formar uma opinião pública autônoma e consistente, base do exercício da cidadania. Compreendemos ainda, a existência de uma rede de sociabilidades (Sirinelli, 2003) na qual Nabuco esteve inserido e assim, buscamos situar a gestação de ideias desse intelectual em diálogo com seus pares, o que coaduna com sua crítica ao Decreto Leôncio de Carvalho, um dos documentos mais relevantes do final do Império.

The purpose of this book is to propose a new way of looking at the family and family policy in the context of a society that is in the process of globalization. It aims above all at challenging the prevailing way in which family public policy is understood and practiced worldwide today, that is what Donati calls the lib-lab configuration. Empirical research has shown that family policies today are involved in a number of vicious cycles that generate more problems than they solve and in some cases lead to total policy failure. The book presents alternatives to the ways in which the family is considered and treated today. It seeks to review the relations between families and public policies from the viewpoint of relational sociology. This viewpoint is 'differential’, that is it highlights what makes a difference in building family relations in one way or another. The originality of this volume rests in its analysis of the present situation, its challenge to current public policies and the proposals of new directions towards a relational configuration that Donati calls societal, plural and subsidiary family policies. Approaching the topic from the family’s point of view, the book operates through employing relational distinctions, highlighting the differences, that are hidden in the field observed, often unexpressed in the face of a colonizing assumption that the family is the mere product of society.

The purpose of this bachelor's thesis in social work has been to examine whether society's perception of poverty and poor people has changed over the more than 160 years have passed since the first national Poor regulation was enacted in Sweden. With a social constructionist approach and inspired by the critical discourse analysis we have conducted two studies to find answers to what differences and similarities between the concepts of scanty care (1847) and standards of living (2002). A study based on previous research was conducted to examine how society's perception of poverty has changed and designed in a historical perspective. We also conducted a textual analysis of relevant legal texts and legislative history to show how these texts reflect the society's official view of poverty based interventions targeted to poor people. The two sub-studies show that the concepts at different times in history has been crucial for the community support poor people were entitled to. Our overall conclusion is that despite today's advanced social policy there are many obvious similarities between the concepts of scanty care and standards of living. For example, there are similarities in the conjecture-driven individuals for warranted to support and which counterclaims society put on the individuals who are in need of society's ultimate financial safety net.

This article analyzes the conditions that allowed for expansive rights revolutions in Costa Rica and Colombia. My research suggests that many of the preconditions for rights revolutions in other regions of the world are also central to understanding Latin American cases. Of particular relevance is judicial system design including the high courts’ operating rules concerning access, standing, and judicial formality. These factors can and do mitigate the need for extensive resources and support structures necessary in other non-Latin American countries in which rights revolutions have occurred.

This article analyzes the conditions that allowed for expansive rights revolutions in Costa Rica and Colombia. My research suggests that many of the preconditions for rights revolutions in other regions of the world are also central to understanding Latin American cases. Of particular relevance is judicial system design including the high courts' operating rules concerning access, standing, and judicial formality. These factors can and do mitigate the need for extensive resources and support structures necessary in other non-Latin American countries in which rights revolutions have occurred., Este artículo analiza las condiciones que facilitaron el surgimientode revoluciones para promover los derechos en Costa Rica y Colombia. Mi investigación sugiere que muchas de las precondiciones para lasrevoluciones de derechos en otras regiones del mundo también son centralespara entender los casos latinoamericanos. De particular relevancia es eldiseño del sistema judicial, incluyendo las reglas de funcionamiento los detribunales supremos con respecto a acceso, rango y formalidad judicial. Estos factores pueden disminuir la necesidad de recursos extensivos yestructuras de apoyo necesarios en otros paises no latinoamericanos en loscuales revoluciones de derechos han ocurrido.

This paper analyzes economic-social interaction in China in connection with the country’s change of economic system. I define an economic system in terms of a multidimensional vector of broad institutional characteristics, and I emphasize that important features of the social development are closely related to specific changes in these various dimensions. I classify China’s options for future social improvements into three broad categories: policies that improve the stability and distribution of factor income; government-created wedges between factor income and disposable income; and improvements in the quantity, quality and distribution of human services, such as education and health care.

El artículo analiza el caso del proceso de elaboración de políticas de salud reproductiva en el Perú, en el contexto de las reformas de las políticas sociales implementadas durante los últimos 15 años. Las reformas en el sector de la salud sólo han reparado en forma parcial el acceso desigual de las mujeres a la planificación familiar, a los derechos reproductivos y a la atención materna. Las fuentes principales de desigualdad están relacionadas con la naturaleza segmentada del sistema de la atención de la salud que ocasiona, entre otros temas, que la mayoría de las mujeres sin seguro provenientes de las clases populares dependan de qué y cómo sean provistos los servicios públicos de la atención médica. Por otra parte, el continuo papel de sectores conservadores en los debates sobre políticas de salud reproductiva sigue teniendo un impacto sobre los servicios públicamente disponibles de planificación familiar. The article analyzes the case of reproductive health policy-making in Peru in the context of recent social policy reforms. Health-sector reforms have only partially redressed Peruvian women's unequal access to family planning, reproductive rights and maternal care. The main sources of inequalities are related to the segmented character of the health-care system, with the highest burden placed on the public sector. The majority of women from popular classes, who are not protected by an insurance plan, are dependent upon what and how public services are provided. Simultaneously, the continuing role of conservative sectors in public debates about reproductive health policy has a strong impact on public family planning services and other reproductive rights.

U prvom dijelu ovoga rada autor raspravlja o prirodi socijalnih prava, razlikama između socijalnih, građanskih i političkih prava, o aktualnom osporavanju socijalnih prava, kao i o značenju socijalnih prava u održivom socijalnom razvoju. U drugom je dijelu riječ o evoluciji socijalnih prava u Hrvatskoj od predindustrijskog vremena do stjecanja državne nezavisnosti Hrvatske početkom devedesetih godina. U trećem dijelu raspravlja se o socijalnom razvoju i socijalnim pravima u Hrvatskoj od stjecanja neovisnosti do našeg vremena. Autor pritom razlikuje razdoblje ratnog solidarizma 1991.-1995., poratno razdoblje 1996.-1999. godine, kada je hrvatsko društvo bilo pozornica snažnih socijalnih frustracija i konflikata, i kada počinju prve značajnije socijalne reforme, te posljednje četverogodišnje razdoblje (2000.–2003.) kada su nastavljene socijalne reforme radi prilagodbe procesima globalizacije i nadnacionalne integracije te tehnološkim, gospodarskim i društvenim promjenama. Na kraju autor upozorava na tri moguća pravca evolucije socijalnih prava u Hrvatskoj. Prvi je djelomična privatizacija u sustavima socijalne sigurnosti; drugi je uspostavljanje temeljnih, univerzalnih prava kao i socijalnozaštitne mreže; treći je «individualizacija socijalnih prava», odnosno uključivanje marginaliziranih pojedinaca i skupina u društvo, što podrazumijeva prilagodbu socijalne intervencije na specifične potrebe korisnika., In the first part of this paper, the author discusses the nature of social rights, the differences between social, civil and political rights, current questioning of social rights, as well as the meaning of social rights in a sustainable social development. The subject of the second part is the evolution of social rights in Croatia from the preindustrial times until gaining the state independence in the beginning of the 1990s. The third part discusses the social development and social rights in Croatia from the gaining of independence until today. The author thereby distinguishes between the period of wartime solidarity from 1991 until 1995, post-war period from 1996 until 1999, when the Croatian society was the scene of powerful social frustrations and conflicts and when the first more significant social reforms started, and the last period of four years (2000 – 2003) in which social reforms were continued in order to adjust to the processes of globalization, transnational integration, as well as to technological, economic and social changes. In the conclusion the author warns about three possible directions of the evolution of social rights in Croatia. The first one is partial privatization of the social security systems, the second one is the establishment of basic universal rights, as well as of the social protection net, while the third one is the ‘individualisation of social rights’ i.e. the inclusion of the marginalized individuals and groups into society, which means the adjustment of social intervention to the specific needs of the user.

Im vorliegenden Beitrag wird von einem ökonomischen Standpunkt aus theoretischer Sicht untersucht, ob durch eine Lockerung des Kündigungsschutzes in Zeiten hoher Arbeitslosigkeit die Beschäftigung gesteigert werden kann, wenn die Antizipation eines hohen Kündigungsschutzes durch die Arbeitgeber ex ante zu einem geringen Beschäftigungsniveau führt, da Entlassungen ex post zu teuer werden bzw. nur schwer möglich sind. Eine Diskussion der kritischen Modellannahmen zeigt, dass die Lockerung des Kündigungsschutzes nur unter bestimmten Umständen einen Beitrag zu mehr Beschäftigung leisten kann. Eine notwendige Bedingung hierfür ist die gleichzeitige Stimulierung der gesamtwirtschaftlichen Dynamik durch geeignete Maßnahmen. Die Interpretation der Modellergebnisse in einem größeren Kontext führt zu Einsichten in das allgemeinere Problem von Sozialreformen. This paper theoretically analyses from an economic point of view whether relaxing dismissal protection may lead to more occupation when unemployment is high, if ex ante anticipation of draconic dismissal protection by employers causes low occupation because actual dismissals will be too expensive or rather hardly feasible ex post. Discussing the critical assumptions underlying the model shows that relaxing dismissal protection can make contribution to decrease unemployment under certain circumstances only. A necessary condition therefor is to simultaneously stimulate macroeconomic dynamics by appropriate actions. Interpretation of the results, within the setting proposed, in a broader context provides insights into the more general problem of social reforms.

La Asamblea nacional es mucho mas que una simple reforma politica y un ajuste de variables del sistema politico.