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The concept of political correctness is essencial for the modern Western political process. The aim of the article is to find out its role and place in the political discourse of modern right-wing political organizations. The case of the British right-wing radical political party «Britain First» can be explained, firstly, by the popularity of the ideas of political correctness in UK, and, secondly, by the importance of criticism of the semantic content and symbolic nature of political correctness for ideologists the British far-right. The results of the study show that criticism of the ideas of political correctness occupies one of the central places in the ideological discourse of the right-wing radical party in UK, as well as in the rhetoric of both major British politicians and public perception. To sum up, it is worth noting that modern right-wing radical political parties, of which «Britain First» can rightfully be considered a vivid example, which actively, instrumentally and competently highlights this issues in their discourse. They realize the importance of transformation of their ideology and complementing its nationalistic the core of the agenda, which, in one way or another, affects the social, cultural and political processes in modern European states.

This article is meant to be a contribution to the study of the multifaceted nature of taboo and euphemism that represent those linguistic mechanisms that are created by the working of both overt and covert social and psychological factors. And so, the process of sense derogation goes hand in hand with euphemisation, the process of using a new word to refer to an item or concept that for various reasons language users hesitate to talk about straightforwardly. Once a euphemism is accepted, the original term that has been subject to replacement tends to become even less acceptable, undergoing the process of accelerated pejoration. Above the individual level, the use of a particular lexical item may be interdicted by the rules imposed by a given society or a certain sphere within a given society. The mechanisms of taboo and euphemism affect lexical items relatable to various levels of the Great Chain of Being, starting with the suprahuman layer where there is the sphere of gods that has been universally subject to taboo, but also animal world where hunting taboos must ultimately be treated as a verbal tactic to obscure the hunter’s intentions; the usage rules are motivated by the fear that the hunted animals may understand the hunters’ speech and intentions.

Using a case study approach, this article explores the phenomenon of political correctness from the point of view of its implementation in the UK and US media discourse. After a brief discussion of the history and definition of the term PC, the article describes the very concept of political correctness, its effectiveness, as well as its methods into various spheres of society. Based on articles by British and American media (2015–2021) modern trends in political correctness have been studied and systematized. Considerable attention is paid to the analysis of politically correct language units used to prevent different forms of discrimination: physical and mental disabilities, racial discrimination, gender inequality, socio-political discrimination. The analysis reveals that the phenomenon of politically correct language is not only linguistic, and it is important to take into consideration its cultural aspect as well. The article concludes by stating that the very concept of PC belongs to the little-developed linguistic categories, requiring the most thorough consideration.

Целью данной статьи является анализ лексико-грамматических приёмов речевого манипулирования в политических англоязычных текстах и выявление наиболее часто и наименее часто использующихся. Пропаганда, рассматриваемая в поле политического дискурса, направлена на изменение отношения людей к обществу, в котором они живут, к его главным ценностям и приоритетам. Речевые манипуляции в политике реализуются не только в выступлениях политиков, немаловажную роль в этом процессе играют СМИ и интернет. В политических текстах языковые манипуляции представлены весьма широко – а именно, совокупностью приёмов, и имеют несколько целей – сформировать и навязать аудитории определённые взгляды, а также – побудить её к действиям, желательным для манипуляторов.

The article delves into language criticism in Austrian daily newspapers, specifically examining letters to the editor that express negative views on linguistic changes. It focuses on arguments surrounding natural and imposed language changes like anglicisms, teutonisms, gender-fair language, and political correctness. The analysis uncovers common themes such as language destruction, majority opposition, and the belief that gender-fair language is not a priority. Variations in these themes across newspapers highlight prevalent negative attitudes towards language changes in the letters studied. The study suggests the need for further exploration of positive perspectives on language change and the impact of gender in language criticism. [Extracted from the article]

The predictions in George Orwell's Nineteen Eighty-Four are unfolding in the realms of Feminism--evident in Political Correctness and the Woke. Like Big Brother in the novel, a feminist Big Sister now defines the terms. Perhaps Orwell is suggesting that when it comes to a certain style of controlling and suppressing both truth and sexuality, the feminine may be specially implicated. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Terms such as "woke," "social justice," "cancel culture," "identity politics," "politically correct," "critical race theory," and "DEI" have been increasingly misused by political parties in recent years. This paper will identify and explain how the Hebrew Bible addresses social justice, compassion, inclusion, the indigent, and many other terms, currently fueling divisiveness. The authors assert that the ancient prophets - the true social justice warriors - would be alarmed by such discourse. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

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Copyright of Revista de Filosofía UIS is the property of Universidad Industrial de Santander and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Annals of Social Sciences / Roczniki Nauk Społecznych is the property of Towarzystwo Naukowe KUL & Katolicki Uniwersytet Lubelski Jana Pawla II and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Bulletin of Ablai Khan KazUIRandWL: Series 'Philological sciences' is the property of Kazakh Ablai Khan University of International Relations & World Languages and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In the context of an expanding societal awareness of social injustice and inequality, stand-up comedy is frequently caught in the crosshairs of discourses on free speech and political correctness. This study examines the evolving relationship between comedic critique and contemporary discourses on the boundaries of humour. Drawing on the thesis of the repoliticisation of humour, we analyse stand-up comedy's reflexivity towards "wokeness" and "cancel culture" through the case of Flemish stand-up comedian Michael Van Peel. Our findings suggest that the complexity of the current political climate leaves Van Peel and his contemporaries disoriented in their attempts to surpass the boundaries of comedic critique. As a result, we argue for a reimagining of comedy's political potential beyond traditional interpretations as subversive critique, towards a view of stand-up comedy as a site of democratic resistance. Expanding views on the public role of comedians in response to contemporary socio-political issues can enhance the understanding of complex sociocultural dynamics and enable critical engagement with discourses on social justice and comedic free speech. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dixi is the property of Universidad Cooperativa de Colombia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Since the 2010s, popular YouTube channels have used derogatory humour at the expense of gendered and racialised others. Founded upon the perception of an influx of 'wokeness' in comedy, these videos mock the mythologised 'unfunny, angry SJW' and teach the audience to laugh at enemies of the alt-right. Although empirical research has analysed the algorithmic radicalisation of viewers, few have addressed the role of cultural discourses in disseminating alt-right ideology through online media. Here, the right-wing 'pipeline' is understood as a tool of radicalisation that weaponises laughter as a tool of regulations and oppression. This paper analyzes the production of derogatory laughter by studying a network of North American content creators including Russell Peters, Lilly Singh, Jordan Peterson, Steven Crowder, and Matt Walsh, using critical tools from psychoanalysis, social psychology, and critical humour studies. Contrary to the alt-right rhetoric that 'edgy' humour is harmless, this paper posits derogatory humour as a tool of marginalisation and domination that reinforces white supremacist and cisnormative patriarchal value systems. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

An examination of toxic leadership typically that reveals more than one lone organizational bully wreaks havoc on an institution. A look into elements of toxic leadership and a closer investigation of toxic followers or inner circles provide insights into the persistent staying power of toxic leaders, even in today's society of transparent social awareness and political correctness. Further, organizations must highlight ways to rid themselves of these abusive individuals and their willing entourages who inflict pain and suffering on individuals and organizations. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article offers an overview and theoretical analysis of the practical applications of the Futures Triangle framework, drawing insights from multiple case studies. It commences with the case study of "The Equal Crossing Initiative," which resulted in the installation of a female pedestrian light symbol at the intersection of Flinders and Swanston Streets in Melbourne on March 9, 2017. The analysis of public opinions on this initiative reveals a diversity of views, with many expressing strong opinions. Major Australian newspapers, non-scientific surveys, and social media platforms reflected a spectrum of reactions, ranging from enthusiastic endorsement ("how cool is this?") to critical perspectives that deemed it overly politically correct, questioned the allocation of funds, the necessity of gendered symbols, and even the attire of the female figure. Building upon this case study of community conflict, the article then explores the application of the Futures Triangle framework to better comprehend resistance to progressive social initiatives and to address the challenges inherent in social change efforts. It posits that the Futures Triangle offers a valuable tool for conflict resolution, fostering a deeper understanding of backlash dynamics, and enhancing the likelihood of successful implementation of innovative initiatives. Finally, it emphasizes the significant connections between change agents and change progression scenarios method, as elucidated in previously published texts. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have expounded in diverse ways the rise of former US president Donald Trump. One proposition has been that his appeal to white middle-class people was successful. This concept connects to whitelash--the idea that there was a backlash against political liberalism, inclusiveness, and progressive politics from white people. However, this article demonstrates that whitelash does not provide an adequate explanatory framework to understand Trump's electoral victory. Rather, whitelash is merely one phenomenon leveraged by appealing to voters' whiteness through what is more accurately identified as right-wing populism. Moreover, relying on the concept of whitelash to explain the rise of former US president Donald Trump tends to ignore other issues regarding American democracy and the presidential elections of 2016. These include Trump's upper hand in election strategies, the poor record of the Clinton family, voter turnout, and wider critiques of democracy itself. While there is some value in using the concepts of whitelash and whiteness to assess Trump's presidency, replacing whitelash with different interpretive approaches extends a more robust and broader understanding of Trump's electoral victory. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A potentially biased expert transmits information about a binary state to a decision maker over two periods. The expert is imperfectly informed and is concerned about her reputation for unbiasedness. The decision maker wants his action to match the state in every period, but the true state is never observed. So, he updates his belief about the state by considering both the expert's report and her reputation. The expert now faces two competing incentives - to improve her reputation by disavowing potential bias, and to shift the decision maker's future belief about the state. The game has several novel equilibria. I show that a biased expert may never be disciplined to be honest, while both unbiased and biased experts may lie to signal unbiasedness. A report that disavows a bias is typically seen as conforming to norms, but here it could also arise from reputational incentives to be contrarian. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper analyzes the discourse on migration from the official Twitter accounts of 5 political parties in Spain (PSOE, PP, Podemos, Ciudadanos and Vox), during the so-called «migration crisis» that took place in Ceuta in May 2021. The methodology followed allows us to describe the activity of the different political party accounts, the centrality of the migration issue in them, the topics and discursive strategies contained in the publications and their engagement. The findings of the work carried out point to the existence of a hardening of the political discourse on immigration in the context studied, accompanied by a loss of «political correctness» -characteristic of previous times- to address migration issues, which only alerts us to the normalization of racist hate speech in the network considered. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The present research reports three studies investigating the possibility that Political Correctness (PC) is associated with the tendency to claim racism in ambiguous interactions involving Black and White individuals, despite plausible alternative explanations. In Study 1, PC was significantly related to claiming racism in ambiguous scenarios. In Study 2, these results were replicated with open-ended and prompted scenarios. In Study 3, exposure to PC did not impact claims of racism, indicating the stability of trait PC. In all three studies, White Guilt mediated the relationship between PC and claiming racism, among Whites. Additionally, confidence in the accuracy of open-ended responses (Study 2) was much higher in PC participants, indicating heuristic thinking. Finally, PC predicted claiming racism beyond many related variables. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article aims to unpack global citizenship education (GCE) as a concept, arguing that a certain moving forward is needed in the scholarship to allow true engagement of educators and thus students with the topic. It suggests that the contemporary research directions are entangled with strong trends of political correctness and a contrariness agenda, de facto nullifying school-based praxis. It also notes several assumptions in the GCE literature that may benefit from re-examination to critically engage with criticisms of GCE. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Scholars have expounded in diverse ways the rise of former US president Donald Trump. One proposition has been that his appeal to white middle-class people was successful. This concept connects to whitelash—the idea that there was a backlash against political liberalism, inclusiveness, and progressive politics from white people. However, this article demonstrates that whitelash does not provide an adequate explanatory framework to understand Trump’s electoral victory. Rather, whitelash is merely one phenomenon leveraged by appealing to voters’ whiteness through what is more accurately identified as right-wing populism. Moreover, relying on the concept of whitelash to explain the rise of former US president Donald Trump tends to ignore other issues regarding American democracy and the presidential elections of 2016. These include Trump’s upper hand in election strategies, the poor record of the Clinton family, voter turnout, and wider critiques of democracy itself. While there is some value in using the concepts of whitelash and whiteness to assess Trump’s presidency, replacing whitelash with different interpretive approaches extends a more robust and broader understanding of Trump’s electoral victory.

Despite the well-documented harmful effects of Native-themed mascots, Native-themed mascots have many supporters who decry the politically correct efforts to remove these mascots. Although ostensibly unrelated to race/racism, we reasoned that invoking anti-PC attitudes allow prejudiced people to indirectly support Native-themed mascots while minimizing the appearance of being biased. Three studies (N = 587) found that anti-Native bias predicted anti-PC attitudes and, in turn, Native-themed mascot support. In Studies 2 and 3, participants varying in anti-PC attitudes considered a university changing their Native-themed mascot for PC or non-PC reasons. Anti-PC attitudes predicted opposition to changing Native-themed mascots in both conditions. However, the effect of anti-PC attitudes was stronger in the PC condition where social justice norms were salient. These results suggest that, for many, anti-PC attitudes reflect more than just opposition to political correctness and are used by prejudiced people to indirectly defend controversial mascots without appearing prejudiced. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article investigates the connections between Victor Pelevin's recent work and neoreactionary (NRx) discourse, especially the writings of accelerationist philosopher Nick Land and right‐wing "neocameralist" blogger Mencius Moldbug (aka Curtis Yarvin). Though the linguistic and cultural spaces they occupy are seemingly disjoint, the Russian postmodernist and Anglo‐American NRx in fact share intellectual and aesthetic positions. Pelevin's engagement with NRx thought is at once extremely serious—in the sense of being well researched and relatively faithful to the movement's terminology and conceptual apparatus—and apparently parodic. A longtime expert in trolling the reader even before the practice was "radicalized online," as it were, Pelevin has updated his technique to lambaste common far‐right bugaboos like "political correctness" and "feminism." As was the case with late‐Soviet stiob, whose mantle he inherits and adapts to the digital era, Pelevin's mockery manages to eviscerate his targets while allowing room for reasonable doubt as to their precise identity. His possibly mocking, possibly genuine appropriation of far‐right ideology is the latest manifestation of a years‐long critique of discursive and political power that began with the skewering of Soviet authority and spoofs of post‐Soviet neoliberal virtuality, and now continues with attacks on the "blue‐pilled" doyens of Western‐style cultural norms. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The significant rise in the number of populist radical right (PRR) parties has not been accompanied by a parallel interest in the consequences that these parties may have on public opinion. The limited range of attitudes that the literature has considered so far can be broadened to include political correctness (PC), given the increasing attacks on this concept made by PRR parties. To address the effects of such attacks, we examine the Spanish case, where the presence of a new PRR party makes anti-PC messages a recent, quite exogenous stimulus. Using panel data to address potential non-recursive relationships and time-variant effects, we find that individuals are indeed more prone to lowering their levels of PC after finding Vox an attractive electoral option. Our results inform the debates on the effects that 'cultural wars', anti-woke and anti-PC rhetorics may have on public opinion, which could lead ultimately to harmful consequences for minority groups and social cohesion. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Millennials and centennials are two generations highly involved with social issues at a political and technological level. This interest has been raised in many of these individuals, some members of «woke» communities, a search for politically correct language both in networks and contemporary audiovisual fiction usually consumed on streaming platforms. This study aimed to analyze the psychosocial feeling of political efficacy millennials and centennials have as streaming platform users in Spain and Mexico to determine their predisposition and justification to prioritize their points of view in the face of content censorship and cancellation. The results reveal that centennials have a greater sense of efficacy than millennials, the latter being the most concerned about censorship and freedom of expression when receiving a story. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Over the period from the heyday of McCarthyism to the present, the percentage of the American people not feeling free to express their views has tripled. In 2020, more than four in ten people engaged in self-censorship. Our analyses of over-time and cross-sectional variability suggest that, first, self-censorship is connected to affective polarization among the mass public, with greater polarization associated with more self-censorship. Second, levels of mass opposition to full civil liberties bear no relationship to self-censorship. Third, those who perceive a more repressive government are slightly more likely to self-censor. Fourth, conservatives report engaging in more self-censorship than liberals (but this is not true when comparing Republicans with Democrats). Together, these findings suggest that one's larger macro-environment may have little to do with self-censorship. Instead, micro-environment sentiments, such as worrying that expressing unpopular views will isolate and alienate people from their friends, family, and neighbors, may be the driver of self-censorship. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Trump's crusade against PC played a key role in his political rhetoric and resonated well among his supporters, yet his notion of PC differed greatly in meaning from earlier uses of the term and was used to denounce a much wider range of socio-political behaviors. Based on a systematic analysis of Trump's use of this notion, I identified five main normative propositions organizing Trump's anti-PC rhetoric. Viewed together, these propositions add up to a rehabilitation of White working-class culture but also outline an emerging late-modern version of the authenticity ethic, whose power extends far beyond the working class. This ethic (as manifested in Trump's anti-PC rhetoric) transforms the role of morality and the sacred in political drama and in symbolic struggles over social worth. Rather than presenting his commitment to moral values, ideals, and allegedly-universal rules, Trump used anti-PC rhetoric to expose and criticize the symbolic self-interests of others who speak on behalf of these values, rules, and ideals to claim superiority (and thus ironically mimicked the sociological critique of symbolic violence to legitimize bigotry). Yet, the sacred is not completely banished from political drama: authenticity as a principle of worth guiding moral evaluation and argumentation is revealed as a sacred in denial. The case of Trump's anti-PC rhetoric thus allows theorizing the implications of the authenticity ethic for the dynamics of social struggles over recognized worth and for the role of ideals in the presentation of self in politics and beyond. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This study investigated political correctness/incorrectness and the cancel culture attitudes in relation to sectarian language that has been prevalent on Arabic media since the onset of the Arab Spring in 2011, based on an examination of expressions describing religious sects such as Sunni, Shiites, Salafists, Muslim Brothers, Jihadists, Alawites, Houthis, Hamas, Hezbollah and Wahabis; the new lexical coinages introduced by Arab media that reflect hate speech and hostile sentiments against the religious sects that users oppose; Arab college students and instructors' attitudes towards the different religious sects. The data analysis was based on a sample of sectarian expressions collected and surveys with a sample of students and faculty to find out their religious sectarian sentiments and whether they are tolerant or hostile. The data were analyzed according to the definition of "political correctness/incorrectness" and the "cancel culture" concept. Results showed political incorrectness in the language used by some mainstream media, and social media users, which offends particular religious sects in the Arab society, or treats them differently. The political incorrectness that has prevailed since the Arab Spring reflects discord, tensions, and internal divisions in some Arab societies. It is threatening equality, citizenship, and domestic peace. It is creating conflicts and friction among people supporting and those opposing them. The descriptions yielded by the sample of college students and faculty are characterized by prejudice, hatred, hostility, intolerance, and contempt of the religious sect(s) they oppose. The data collected from the media also shows cancel-culture attitudes as some members of certain religious sects, such as the Muslim Brothers, have been subject to detention, estrangement, animosity, banning from political activities, or forced displacement. Some have immigrated to other countries such as Turkey, Qatar, and Europe. Recommendations for abolishing political incorrectness and the cancel culture attitudes, creating conformity and carefully avoiding forms of expression or actions that exclude, marginalize, or insult people belonging to certain religious sects are given. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article examines speeches delivered by Volodymyr Zelenskyy and focuses on analysis of rhetorical strategies implemented by the current Ukrainian President in the aftermath of Russia's full-scale military invasion of Ukraine. The authors drew attention to the usage of political correctness and political incor-rectness as tools of rhetorical argumentation identified in speeches of Ukrainian President. To illuminate this area, they made an attempt to assess the efficiency of Volodymyr Zelenskyy's „going public" strategy in terms of the rhetoric efficiency in order to state and promote official position of Ukrainian authorities on the international arena. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Culture & Communication / Kültür ve İletişim is the property of Imge Publishing House and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Previous research has demonstrated that conservative individuals (relative to liberal individuals) were less likely to adhere to COVID‐19 guidelines (e.g., social distancing). We argue that because adherence to COVID‐19 guidelines was largely characterized as "politically correct" behavior, individuals opposed to political correctness (PC) norms would follow COVID‐19 guidelines less, controlling for political conservatism and other relevant demographic variables. In two correlational studies and one preregistered experiment, we tested whether opposition to political correctness (OPC) predicts less adherence to COVID‐19 guidelines. Study 1 showed that OPC correlates negatively with mask‐wearing and social distancing, controlling for conservatism, gender, age, and religious identity. Study 2 replicated and extended these effects, demonstrating that seeing mask‐wearing as a common good (i.e., as a beneficial COVID‐19 mitigation strategy) mediated the relationship between OPC and mask‐wearing, social distancing, handwashing, and vaccination intentions. Study 3 experimentally manipulated feelings toward PC. Inconsistent with our preregistered hypothesis but consistent with previous research, participants induced to have positive feelings toward PC adhered to COVID‐19 guidelines the most and had the most positive feelings toward wearing masks. We discuss how moralization of health guidelines can predict individuals' likelihood of adhering to these guidelines. We also discuss how best to persuade individuals who see adherence to health guidelines as "politically correct," as well as future research directions to address this concern. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Political correctness is one of the key values of the American society that characterizes the distinguishing features of the national mentality. The ideas of political correctness are quite vividly represented in American English at the lexical, syntactic and communicative levels. The authors attempt to study the language implementation of the “People First” trend that emerged in the United States in the early 1990s, using the example of transformations in the fi eld of medical terminology. Eliminating discrimination against people with physical and mental disabilities, rejecting expressions backed by negative stereotypes, are the main goals of the “People First” trend. The authors have analysed the background and history of this trend, and also described the lexical and syntactic features of euphemisms, which are the main tool of political correctness. An analysis of the materials of the meetings of the Commission on the Psychological Problems of Disability of the American Psychological Association made it possible to determine the list of the most “challenging” wordings and their “desirable” variants and to determine the peculiarities of lexical euphemization and complementary syntactic modifi cations. The study of political correctness as a social, cultural and linguistic phenomenon is relevant for modern linguistics and cultural linguistics, as it allows to get an idea of the English speakers’ mentality and world representation. The purpose of the paper is to describe linguistic features of euphemisms within the framework of medical terminology that appeared with the development of the “People First” trend, taking into account the recommendations of activists, doctors and psychologists. The use of methods of structural-syntactic, contextual, component, lexico-semantic analysis, as well as the method of continuous and cluster sampling made it possible to identify the special features of the implementation of the studied trend in language, culture and modern communication.

Taboo words usually reflect nonverbal taboos of cultural, religious or social realities. Speakers tend to avoid them and replace them by using euphemistic phrases or idioms. The present paper describes the evolutionary stages of a specific meaning for German notions related to madness and idiocy. It also focuses other aspects of language use for political correctness and for purposes of detabooisation.