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Este artículo presenta el resultado de una revisita teórica y empírica al concepto de centro-periferia a la luz del cambio climático, para ello se emplean datos y resultados de investigaciones empíricas desarrolladas en torno a dinámicas económicas y geográficas a escala global, esto permite la identificación de asimetrías importantes en términos de renta, vulnerabilidad climática, impactos económicos del cambio climático y la contribución de los países al calentamiento global, juntas van a permitir una formulación de un modelo centro-periferia del cambio climático, finalmente se discuten estos hallazgos en relación con la noción de sociedad de riesgo propuesta por el sociólogo Ulrich Beck.

En los países de América Latina y el Caribe (LAC), existe un crecimiento en la implementación de cultivos transgénicos, con el fin de potenciar sus economías y mejorar el rendimiento de sus plantaciones. Por ello, el objetivo de la presente investigación fue realizar un análisis de las perspectivas: agroecológica y jurídica de Ecuador, ante la posible siembra, producción y comercialización de cultivos transgénicos en el país, evaluando dos aspectos fundamentales: conflictos con relación a la temática y las posibles consecuencias que produciría a la agrobiodiversidad y la soberanía alimentaria. Por medio, una revisión bibliográfica narrativa y las leyes de Ecuador que regulan la temática. Del análisis realizado se indica que la posición jurídica del país prohíbe la implementación de organismos genéticamente modificados (GMOs), a excepción del mandado ejecutivo autorizado por el legislativo. Que su consumo no esté prohibido o normado causa pugnas jurídicas en este marco contextual. La agroecología así considera perniciosos a los GMOs a diferencia de la agroindustria que lo considera una alternativa para el futuro de la alimentación mundial. Se concluye que, aunque con la implementación de GMOs por transgénesis se obtiene mayor rentabilidad, siendo la población resiliente a su consumo en LAC. El mal manejo puede traer consecuencias adversas de manera directa o indirecta al ambiente y agrobiodiversidad, por ello se debería en el caso de implementar su siembra, producción y comercialización normar su uso para evitar la degradación de los ecosistemas.

Partiendo de experiencias de participación de actores de la sociedad civil, nos proponemos a desarrollar un diagnóstico de la relación sociedad-Estado en políticas de adaptación al cambio climático en Acapulco, Guerrero. La información fue recabada mediante entrevistas en profundidad semiestructuradas. La investigación se codificó y categorizó identificando uno o más pasajes de texto con un tema y relacionándolo con un código. Encontramos una fragmentación de agendas y mecanismos de acción pública de los actores civiles en un entorno político caracterizado por un autoritarismo subnacional que impide la construcción de agendas políticas disidentes, y una falta de conocimiento especializado sobre el problema del cambio climático por parte de los activistas locales. Para que la información de la ciencia climática sea asimilada, debe comunicarse activamente con el lenguaje apropiado, buscando mecanismos participativos que generen producción de datos confiables y transparentes, y que fortalezcan la emergencia de una agenda ambientalista común.

Este artículo postula que la activación y acción de las coaliciones son elementos relevantes para comprender los procesos de diseño e implementación de las políticas públicas; sin embargo, las coaliciones no siempre se activan ni toman la misma forma. De acuerdo con ese dilema analítico, la pregunta que orienta este artículo es: ¿cuáles son los factores que activan las coaliciones e inciden en el tipo de coalición configurada? Para llevar a cabo la investigación se realizaron veinte entrevistas a actores clave y se analizaron documentos públicos elaborados por organizaciones socioambientales, organismos de los estados provinciales y notas de medios de comunicación provinciales. A partir del estudio comparativo del diseño e implementación de una política ambiental en tres provincias argentinas, se sostiene que la activación de las coaliciones depende de un factor estructural-económico denominado disputa por los recursos naturales, mientras que el tipo de coalición depende del grado de apertura del sistema político.

The article addresses the need of an Ethical code for the mining worker as part of the environmental management the nickel industry carries out in Cuba. Environmental Ethics has a paramount role as a discipline of theoretical-practical knowledge in conception of a sustainable development. In the mining-metallurgical business field, perception is quite formed that legal regulations are adequate for good environmental practices, ignoring the paramount role of awareness, which, above all, it is based on moral and political aspects. In that way, it is appropriate to draft a deontological code for the mining worker that ensures, together with the legal aspects, the improvement in knowledge, skills, norms, principles and convictions that facilitate the ecological management of natural system linked with society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Revista de Economia e Sociologia Rural is the property of Sociedade Brasileira de Economia e Sociologia Rural and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Journal of Politics in Latin America is the property of Sage Publications Inc. and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Extractive activities constitute an essential strategic sector in the renewable transformation of the new energy model that the European Union is ambitiously promoting through numerous regulatory and strategic instruments in the last five years from the Paris Agreement until the recent approval of the proposed regulatory package "Fit for 55" and the European Climate Law, with the aim of achieving climate neutrality in 2050. To achieve this objective, the so-called critical mineral resources (CRM, critical raw materials) constitute a key element related to climate change and the development of renewable technologies of the new energy model, once again placing these activities at the center of the history of industrial and economic transformations, this time in the 21st century. Despite the impetus and attention from the European Union, through the EU Action Plan on minerals and raw materials essential for the development of strategic sectors and the promotion of their extraction, in Spain we continue in a regime of exceptionality and constitutional abnormality before the still pending Law of Bases of the Mining Regime (art. 149.1.25) that adapts the preconstitutional Law of 1973 to the organization and competences of the Autonomous State, and that dynamizes and promotes a new intelligent and environmentally climatic mining (Smart Mining) both with a current regulation in the granting of permits and concessions, as happens in the legislation of neighboring countries, as well as with the introduction of technologies that facilitate the search for resources with new prospecting methods and the resolution of mineral problems and improvement of the final products. However, maintaining a tradition of the Governments in Spain of the absence of regulatory predetermination and great discretion in their actions and decisions, paradoxically these activities have not received the slightest attention in the three pillars of our Strategic Framework for Energy and Climate, leaving a mere very punctual mention, and also in a prohibitive sense, in the recent Law on Climate Change and Energy Transition. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Knowledge on environmental disasters and legislation is limited. I narrow this knowledge gap by examining the relationship between environmental accidents and climate legislation in the People's Republic of China. I offer an account of local environmental accidents and local environmental legislation and focus on political centralization to understand bill submission and bill enactment in local climate legislation in China. I built a unique provincial panel dataset for the period of 1997–2014 (N = 527) for the data analysis and found that environmental accidents are correlated with local climate legislation. I also discuss how local government leaders make rational choices under the incentive system in the Chinese bureaucracy in the wake of environmental accidents. Related Articles: Brogan, Michael James. 2017. "Evaluating Risk and Natural Gas Pipeline Safety." Politics & Policy 45(4): 657–80. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12211 Liu, Zezhao, and Zhengwei Zhu. 2021. "China's Pathway to Domestic Emergency Management: Unpacking the Characteristics in System Evolution." Politics & Policy 49(3): 619–50. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12407 Neill, Katharine A., and John C. Morris. 2012. "A Tangled Web of Principals and Agents: Examining the Deepwater Horizon Oil Spill through a Principal–Agent Lens." Politics & Policy 40(4): 629–56. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2012.00371.x [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Land and Water Conservation Fund (LWCF), nicknamed "America's most successful conservation program," was permanently reauthorized during the polarized Trump administration period in 2019. This victory for conservation came during an unlikely moment. How did bipartisan conservation policy pass despite the polarization of Congress during the Trump years? In this article, I use the Multiple Streams Framework to provide insights into the LWCF's reauthorization. Focusing on the problem stream, this research identifies messaging that transcends the partisan divide and appeals to broad American values. Analysis of the messages of policy entrepreneurs found that, regardless of political party, shared messages focus on the enduring legacy of the LWCF, its economic impacts, its symbolic weight, and its use of private dollars. The wider significance of this research is better understanding decision‐making contexts with surprising common messaging in the problem stream between otherwise opposing sides of the partisan divide. Related Articles: Angervil, Gilvert. 2021. "A Comprehensive Application of Kingdon's Multiple Streams Framework: An Analysis of the Obama Administration's No Child Left Behind Waiver Policy." Politics & Policy 49(5): 980–1020. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12432 Gershtenson, Joseph, Brian W. Smith, and William R. Mangun. 2006. "Friends of the Earth? Partisanship, Party Control of Congress, and Environmental Legislation in Congress." Politics & Policy 34(1): 66–92. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2006.00004.x Rawat, Pragati, and John Charles Morris. 2016. "Kingdon's 'Streams' Model at Thirty: Still Relevant in the 21st Century?" Politics & Policy 44(4): 608–38. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12168 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Energy infrastructure is the foundation of any modern society, yet decisions on where and how to site this infrastructure can be contentious. This article argues that energy infrastructure siting is illustrative of policy scenarios involving instigators of a proposed policy and defenders of the status quo. Through analyzing natural gas pipelines, electricity transmission lines, solar power plants, and wind power plants, and leveraging a unique dataset of over 1000 newspaper articles on 16 selected cases, we extract discourse over the project life cycle across infrastructure types and conflict intensities. This article delineates policy scenarios involving two primary sets of actors—the proposal instigator (e.g., an energy corporation) and the defender of the status quo (e.g., a community). When higher levels of conflict exist, defenders represent more actors than instigators, as defenders have the advantage of mobilizing and recruiting around the status quo. The frames used by defenders are also more diverse than those used by instigators. Additionally, the balance of discourse is associated with the characteristics of the proposal and conflict intensity, as well as who wins or loses. Related Articles: Ash, John. 2010. "New Nuclear Energy, Risk, and Justice: Regulatory Strategies for an Era of Limited Trust." Politics & Policy 38(2): 255–84. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00237.x Khodr, Hiba, and Isabella Ruble. 2013. "Energy Policies and Domestic Politics in the MENA Region in the Aftermath of the Arab Upheavals: The Cases of Lebanon, Libya, and KSA." Politics & Policy 41(5): 656–89. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12033 Kilinç‐Pala, Pinar Buket. 2021. "Approaches in Energy Exclusive Security: Theories of Energy Security and the Dominance of Realism." Politics & Policy 49(3): 771–94. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12411 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Resumo: O artigo é um relato de experiência e tem como objetivo compreender as percepções que um grupo de professores da educação básica possui acerca do texto da Política Nacional de Educação Ambiental (Pnea) e apresentar uma metodologia aplicada à análise e discussão coletiva do texto da lei em um contexto de formação continuada de professores. O estudo fez parte de uma pesquisa de mestrado que investigou processos de construção de significados referentes à Pnea durante a elaboração de um projeto curricular de educação ambiental (EA) no contexto da escola. A metodologia empregada incluiu a leitura coletiva e reflexiva do texto da política, usando situações fictícias para suscitar o debate. A análise dos dados dialoga com referenciais teóricos da vertente crítica da EA. Como principais resultados, notamos que os participantes tendem a considerar a lei um documento acabado a ser implementado de modo direto na prática. Poucos professores emitiram posicionamentos críticos a respeito da Pnea. A forma de inserção da EA em contextos escolares, a formação de professores em EA, a fiscalização do cumprimento das orientações da Pnea e a participação ativa da sociedade nos problemas ambientais foram os temas que emergiram com maior intensidade nas discussões entre os professores.

Los embalses pueden tener un potencial para desarrollar actividades turísticas que beneficien a las comunidades locales, pero este debe tener una política ambiental que permita y regule su buen uso y aprovechamiento sin afectar a gran escala los elementos propios del territorio. Este documento permite identificar los principales ítems que deberían conformar la política ambiental de turismo del embalse Topocoro, o de cualquier otro embalse con potencial turístico. El estudio se realizó a manera de análisis documental, con una metodología de cinco fases: i) rastreo de la literatura disponible, ii) clasificación de los documentos, iii) selección de las fuentes pertinentes, iv) lectura y análisis, y v) análisis cruzado y comparativo sobre los documentos en cuestión. Mediante este proceso se derivó un análisis socioeconómico del embalse Topocoro, un análisis de perfil competitivo que estableció factores críticos de éxitos para el desarrollo del turismo en embalses y finalmente, unos lineamientos de política ambiental para regular la actividad turística

En este artículo se muestran algunos de los resultados de una investigación relacionada con las principales demandas en materia ambiental posicionadas en la agenda pública costarricense y las respuestas estatales durante el período de 1995-2015. Esta parte del estudio se realizó mediante la revisión de fuentes hemerográficas y de los Planes Nacionales de Desarrollo correspondientes al período indicado. Como principales resultados se identificaron ocho temáticas posicionadas en la discusión pública, asimismo, se presenta una fragmentación importante en las respuestas estatales en materia ambiental.

A criação de um Parque Nacional é um processo complexo, que envolve diferentes instâncias e múltiplos interesses. Compreender como se deu o processo de delimitação territorial e de criação do Parque Nacional da Chapada dos Veadeiros, em 1961, é o foco do presente artigo. A pesquisa trata de um tema ainda pouco explorado pela história ambiental brasileira: a história dos parques nacionais. Ela se baseia, sobretudo, em fontes primárias do período de 1858 a 1961, inexploradas ou pouco exploradas, acerca dos processos socioeconômicos e políticos implicados na criação do Parque Nacional da Chapada dos Veadeiros. A conclusão do artigo indica uma certa permeabilidade aos argumentos relacionados à criação de parques nacionais, quando do estabelecimento do Parque Nacional da Chapada dos Veadeiros, mas uma estrutura ainda muito incipiente para a sua implementação.

Belén de los Andaquíes, Caquetá, ubicado en el piedemonte amazónico, es reconocido como municipio verde de Colombia, por su riqueza hídrica y paisajística. Es una zona con experiencia y potencial en la instauración de pagos por servicios ambientales PSA, como instrumento económico para incentivar la conservación de bosques, en la zona de influencia directa a la quebrada la Mono, una de las fuentes hídricas de relevancia en el suministro de agua, para el consumo humano en la población. Se empleó el método de valoración contingente, para hallar la disponibilidad a pagar DAP de los habitantes del área urbana, por la conservación de los bosques, para la protección del servicio ecosistémico de regulación hídrica. La DAP fue positiva y esto evidencia que la comunidad puede experimentar aumentos en el bienestar económico, a raíz de una medida de protección ambiental. Existe viabilidad económica y relevancia social al implementar estos instrumentos de política ambiental, para proteger servicios ecosistémicos importantes, en la mitigación y en la adaptación al cambio climático.

El enfoque del paisaje representa una alternativa relevante para el diseño de políticas de manejo sustentable de los recursos naturales, particularmente para el sector forestal. Con base en investigación bibliográfica y documental se revisaron las principales nociones y los alcances teóricos del concepto; como caso de referencia práctico, se describe el diseño y la operación de este enfoque en la política ambiental francesa y, finalmente, se analiza el caso mexicano. La revisión proporciona evidencia de la debilidad institucional en el diseño y la aplicación de las políticas mexicanas basadas en este enfoque.

In view of the deterioration of the environment, mainly in coastal areas, caused mainly by the excessive actions of economic agents, a critical and descriptive vision is needed on the part of researchers. Within this framework, the environmental issue is present in the National Economic and Social Development Plan until 2030, which calls for economic mechanisms that have a positive impact on the environment. In line with this claim, the priority of creating an economic -financial mechanism for the environmental management of bays is recognized. Consequently, the objective of this paper was to socialize the theoretical references associated with the economic instruments of environmental policy, as well as the economic -financial mechanisms for the environmental management of bays. Theoretical and empirical methods were used for the documentary review and systematization of knowledge. Among the main results, the key role of environmental management was noted, highlighting the importance of establishing the theoretical references associated with economic-financial instruments and mechanisms, their components and structure and contributing to the integration of the economic dimension in environmental management and policy; as well as the use in Cuba of the economic instruments of environmental policy and the influence it has had at present at the national and international level, which allowed providing more effective solutions to the problems of the environment and its preservation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the 2010s, conservative leaderships dominated governments in many western democracies. During this wave, Jair Bolsonaro was elected President of Brazil in 2018. This paper aims to analyze some of the government's central strategies, especially the promotion of intensive neoextrativism as the main driver of economic growth and as a new form of alliance between conservatism and neoliberalism. The disruption of environmental policies in Brazil is a main feature of this model. This paper documents and develops descriptive statistical analysis to show how this strategy is practiced, underlining its most important consequences. Our research has identified and described four strategies adopted by Bolsonaro's government that heighten this situation: the dismantling of spaces for social participation, militarization of environmental agencies, institutional breakdown, and cuts in budget resources. Finally, we underscore the most severe consequences of this situation affecting Brazilians and the global capacity to face environmental challenges. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Dilemas Contemporáneos: Educación, Política y Valores is the property of Dilemas Contemporaneos: Educacion, Politica y Valores and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista de Ciencias Economicas is the property of Universidad Nacional del Litoral and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Revista Eletrônica em Gestão, Educação e Tecnologia Ambiental is the property of Revista Eletronica em Gestao, Educacao e Tecnologia Ambiental and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Recherches en Sciences de Gestion is the property of ISEOR and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

A composição e configuração das paisagens podem ser indicadoras de pressões antrópicas. Portanto, este artigo objetiva a caracterização dos principais tipos de áreas protegidas pelo Código Florestal e pelo Sistema Nacional de Unidades de Conservação, de modo a apontar as influências de sua estrutura nas funções legais. A partir da análise comparativa entre as legislações, constatou-se que nos onze tipos de áreas protegidas as funções principais são protecionistas e antrópicas; sua maioria é formada por manchas pequenas – com maiores influências da fragmentação – ou manchas grandes com poucas restrições de uso; e a conectividade entre fragmentos é incentivada apenas como recomendação, não como exigência.

Resumo: O Amapá é a unidade da federação que possui a menor participação percentual do setor primário na composição do seu PIB estadual. No período do então Território Federal do Amapá (1943-1988), o setor primário caracterizou-se pelo extrativismo e pela silvicultura. O estado possui uma área de cerrado de aproximadamente um milhão de hectares, dos quais, estima-se que 400 mil hectares podem ser considerados potencialmente propícios à agricultura. A partir de 2013, registrou-se o ingresso de produtores rurais, devido ao movimento de expansão da produção de soja na Amazônia. Decorridos oito anos do início desse processo, o ano de 2021 aparenta representar o de maior desafio para a continuação das atividades, em razão do aprofundamento do imbróglio fundiário e ambiental que envolve o setor, com desdobramentos administrativos, jurídicos e policiais. A grande maioria dos produtores rurais não possui licença ambiental que os autorize realizar os preparativos para o início do cultivo. Assim, a produção deste ano encontra-se seriamente comprometida. Observa-se um contexto de insegurança jurídica, que consolida o ambiente de incertezas prejudicial ao desenvolvimento da produção. Este artigo tem o objetivo de analisar as causas da situação de engessamento do setor, bem como prospectar possíveis cenários advindos deste contexto.

A partir de la implementación de un programa de conservación de bosques en comunidades nativas, analizo cómo población indígena entiende al Estado como institución rectora ambiental y cómo se desempeña como usuaria de política pública. Los resultados de este estudio etnográfico sugieren que la implementación del esquema de incentivos económicos para la conservación genera una débil conexión estatal como institución ambiental, pero refuerza su papel como proveedor de oportunidades de desarrollo. Con este programa, la población indígena ha construido interpretaciones alternativas a la conservación de bosques como un activo para atraer futuras oportunidades de desarrollo y de los incentivos económicos como recompensas y propinas. Finalmente, estas desviaciones sobre la conciencia ambiental del programa se entienden por el fuerte componente administrativo sobre la rendición de cuentas que las comunidades hacen al Estado. De hecho, el principal efecto de estado del programa es la burocratización de las comunidades, con el fin de que puedan adaptarse al ideal estatal de instalar la cultura de la auditoría.

How do social identities contribute to the formation of coalitions in a policy subsystem? Social identities help to understand the bundling of resources and common strategies for action. Thus, we argue that identification with a group and across groups discursively results in the formulation of shared and competing storylines. As coalitions are characterized by some kind of sameness of their actors which results in shared storylines, we thereby postulate that the link between storylines and social identities provides added value to the explanation of coalition formation. We test whether shared storylines can be traced back to social identities in the different discursive periods of traffic development on a local level in Germany. A media analysis of 110 articles and 14 interviews shows that the assignment of certain group characteristics is discursively confirmed, renegotiated, or rejected. Social identities, therefore, matter for coalition formation. Related Articles: Chang, Katherine T., and Elizabeth A. Koebele. 2020. "What Drives Coalitions' Narrative Strategy? Exploring Policy Narratives around School Choice." Politics & Policy 48 (4): 618‐657. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12367 Shanahan, Elizabeth A., Mark K. McBeth, and Paul L. Hathaway. 2011. "Narrative Policy Framework: The Influence of Media Policy Narrative on Public Opinion." Politics & Policy 39 (3): 373‐400. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2011.00295.x Vercesi, Michelangelo. 2016. "Coalition Politics and Inter‐Party Conflict Management: A Theoretical Framework." Politics & Policy 44 (2): 168‐219. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12154 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Based on experiences of participation by civil society actors, we propose to develop a diagnosis of the relationship between society and the State in policies of adaptation to climate change in Acapulco, Guerrero. The information was collected through semi-structured in-depth interviews. The information was coded and categorized by identifying one or more text passages with a theme and relating it to a code. We found a fragmentation of agendas and mechanisms for public action by civil actors in a political environment characterized by a sub-national authoritarianism that prevents the construction of dissident political agendas, and a lack of specialized knowledge about the problem of climate change by local activists. For climate science information to be assimilated, it must actively communicate in the appropriate language, seeking participatory mechanisms that generate reliable and transparent data production, and that strengthen the emergence of a common environmentalist agenda. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Presents data about the emergence and consolidation of the public policy creation of protected areas between 1940 and 2000 in the territory of the state of Espírito Santo. Methodologically, this is a case study. It aimed to analyze processes involving collective action strategies from the perspective of social conflicts. The paper presents considerations about the civil society participation in the transition between a personalized model -- more susceptible to individual wills (government actions) -- and another based on public debates, institutionalized (state policy). [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Networks are an important part of the environmental policy process as they influence the ability of actors to synthesize information and learn to manage complex risks. According to the Advocacy Coalition Framework, the dynamics of policy network formation lead to structures exhibiting belief‐oriented segregation—that is, a high correspondence between shared beliefs and policy‐relevant interactions. These structures may be produced through at least two pathways: belief homophily, where actors actively seek out connections with others sharing their belief system, and policy‐oriented learning, where connected actors become more similar in their beliefs. The cross‐sectional design of much policy research does not allow an examination of these potentially complementary forces that shape belief systems and networks. These dynamics are studied using data on policy beliefs and networking in the U.S. environmental risk policy subsystem across two time periods, 1985 and 2000 (N = 223). Results indicate strong homophily effects, but relatively weak learning effects in the evolution of this policy network. This study helps pave the way for additional research on the dynamics shaping policy networks and beliefs, and helps to clarify the differences between individual versus organizational contributions to policy network evolution. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Se realiza un análisis de la política de Ordenamiento Territorial en la ciudad de Manizales a partir de 2003, a raíz del cambio de la norma para el uso del suelo en La Aurora, área colindante a la Reserva Forestal de Río Blanco. Mediante un método de investigación cualitativa y usando el marco de análisis y desarrollo institucional (ADI) se establece que si bien las reglas constitucionales determinan la formulación de los planes de ordenamiento territorial (POT) estas desencadenan un espacio de interacción, en el que los actores locales desarrollan estrategias para modificar dichas reglas. Se concluye que en este proceso los participantes desarrollan un aprendizaje incremental en el que logran modificar las reglas, unas veces desde una perspectiva de corto plazo y en favor de intereses particulares o reducidos, y otras veces con una visión de más largo plazo con arreglo a valores y en beneficio de la naturaleza y de las generaciones futuras. En cada caso la capacidad de la acción colectiva es determinante.

O presente trabalho problematiza a inserção da gestão ambiental local na lógica do ICMS Ecológico adotado no Estado do Pará. Considerando o ICMS Ecológico como uma política voltada à implementação do direito ao meio ambiente, o trabalho busca compreender e analisar criticamente, sob a ótica da autonomia municipal, como o Pará valoriza e remunera, dentro da referida política de incentivo financeiro, o engajamento municipal quanto à gestão ambiental. O estudo realiza abordagem original pautada em análise bibliográfica, normativa e de dados secundários obtidos em fontes oficiais, de modo a comparar as informações sobre o engajamento dos Municípios paraenses na gestão ambiental e seus efeitos para a distribuição de recursos do ICMS com base em tal critério, tendo em conta a conceituação e evolução normativa daquele instituto. A análise conduz à identificação de um dilema entre a necessidade de se respeitar a autonomia municipal na gestão ambiental e a quebra de equidade resultante na forma de aferição de tal critério para fins de repartição dos recursos de ICMS pertencente aos Municípios, ofertando sugestões para a otimização de tal aplicação.

A água é indispensável para a vida humana, mas a degradação desse recurso vem acontecendo desenfreadamente, sendo imprescindível a formulação de políticas públicas ambientais que proporcionem um planejamento do uso das bacias hidrográficas nas escalas regionais. Somente por meio da governança regional será possível a integração de políticas públicas que priorizem o desenvolvimento econômico de uma sociedade e a proteção ambiental. O presente trabalho avaliou as lacunas associadas aos planos de bacia hidrográfica e planos diretores dos municípios pertencentes à Bacia Hidrográfica do Ribeirão do Feijão, a partir do levantamento do uso e cobertura da terra de 1998, 2008 e 2018. Verificou-se a expansão de áreas antropizadas, que ocasionam uma deterioração das áreas naturais e, consequentemente, dos serviços ecossistêmicos. Dessa forma, a efetuação de um planejamento ambiental estratégico em nível regional auxiliará o desenvolvimento sustentável dos municípios inseridos na bacia hidrográfica.

The current article is an investigation that constitutes a theoretical advance on a doctoral research related to entrepreneurship in the Venezuelan agricultural sector, in this way, allows to conceive a first approach to the state of the art, which will gradually build the theoretical framework of output , which must converge towards the social - scientific contribution. Methodologically it was approached from a type of documentary research, among the main conclusions is that current public policies are limited to the promotion of the commune as productive space, it is necessary to conduct research in this segment in order to scientifically know the development, scope, benefits, weaknesses, in order to strengthen or take corrective measures that allow the commune to consolidate entrepreneurship as a lifestyle that contributes to transcending the economic model of oil rent in a productive economy from the endogenous.

Ante las alarmas mundiales por pérdida de biodiversidad, Colombia lanzó la Política Nacional para la Gestión Integral de la biodiversidad y los Servicios Ecosistémicos (PNGIBSE) para atender las causas y motores de pérdida y transformación de biodiversidad y sus servicios ecosistémicos. A partir de ésta se formula el Plan de Acción en Biodiversidad (PAB) como instrumento de gestión. A través de la recopilación de información nacional entre 1990 y 2018, y según los seis ejes del PAB, el presente trabajo evalúa la concordancia de sus metas a 2020, con los Objetivos de Desarrollo Sostenible (ODS) y las Metas Aichi sin contemplar avances a la fecha. Se identificaron correspondencias directas y evidentes, indagando sobre procesos y acciones en el marco de las metas relacionadas con la conservación y gestión participativa. Por ejemplo, las Metas Aichi 1, 2 y 4, relacionadas con causas de la pérdida de biodiversidad, están alineadas con más de cuatro metas del PAB; y para el ODS 5 se halló baja asociación con las metas, entre otros ODS. Se presenta una reflexión sobre la concordancia de metas específicas y una discusión sobre el aporte de éstas al cumplimiento de las obligaciones internacionales, donde aún con las diferentes temporalidades de los instrumentos aquí integrados, se detecta concordancia, así como puntos de integración en 104 oportunidades con las Metas Aichi y 129 con los ODS. Este trabajo presenta una visión de coherencia entre metas planteadas a nivel nacional, mostrando la necesidad de crear mecanismo de seguimiento y alerta temprana a través de procesos discursivos, académicos y jurídicos, buscando establecer aquellas metas que no fueron alcanzadas bajo las dinámicas de transformación del país.

No Brasil, o licenciamento ambiental de alta complexidade apresenta-se como instrumento da política ambiental, capaz de contribuir com o desenvolvimento de territórios singulares submetidos a impactos significativos das atividades econômicas. Referida hipótese, entretanto, não se sustenta sem o fortalecimento de vínculos programáticos entre o licenciamento, o zoneamento e a avaliação ambiental estratégica. Este artigo discorre sobre a complementaridade desses instrumentos e sua aplicação para territórios singulares, que apresentam áreas protegidas e incipientes atividades econômicas passíveis de gerarem significativos impactos, como no caso do Amapá, estado localizado ao Norte da Amazônia brasileira.

Analisamos as relações entre desordem institucional da política ambiental e ordenamento territorial capitalista, por meio de um estudo de caso qualitativo e exploratório-descritivo em Goiás (Brasil). Destacando o papel do Estado e apoiados na premissa de ocupação capitalista contraditória do território, procuramos pensar a política ambiental estadual como uma expressão da dialética ordem-desordem. O declínio orçamentário, a instabilidade e a retração institucional da política ambiental deram-se em um momento de expressiva expansão econômica e prolongado domínio político de uma frente de centro-direita e direita e pouco sensível às demandas ambientais. Enquanto expressão de relações de forças históricas, a política ambiental, embora marginal e errática, ganha relevância político-institucional ao viabilizar e legitimar a apropriação dos recursos naturais e a externalização de impactos e custos socioambientais segundo formas particulares de ordenamento capitalista.

Resumen Numerosas reacciones y polémicas ha generado el discurso del papa Francisco en el campo de la política ambiental, en especial desde la aparición en 2015 de la encíclica “Alabado Seas: sobre el Cuidado de la Casa Común” (Laudato Si´). En ese marco, el presente artículo, en primer lugar, identifica las principales lógicas o gramáticas que han intervenido en las discusiones político-ideológicas en torno a la causa ambiental en las últimas décadas, a escala latinoamericana y mundial. En segundo lugar, ubica y caracteriza al discurso del papa Francisco en tal contexto. El enfoque utilizado es el del análisis político del discurso. Fundado en el reconocimiento del carácter constitutivamente antagónico de las sociedades, este se orienta a la comprensión crítica de las prácticas sociodiscursivas, enfatizando en sus instancias políticas o momentos fundacionales. El argumento central del artículo es que el posicionamiento de Francisco, mientras se distingue de la lógica desarrollista, es antagónico respecto de las posturas neomalthusiana y neoliberal. Al mismo tiempo, se aproxima a la ecología crítica, modulándola tanto en relación con el rol de las corporaciones transnacionales como con la crítica al paradigma tecnocrático y la incorporación de la noción de pueblo. Abstract Pope Francis’ discourse in the field of environmental policy has recently generated numerous reactions and controversies, especially since the appearance in 2015 of the Encyclical “(Praise be to you - On Care for Our Common Home” (Laudato Si '). In that framework, this article firstly identifies the main logics or grammars that have intervened in the political-ideological discussions around the environmental cause in recent decades, on a Latin American and world scale. In the second place, the discourse of Pope Francis is located and characterized in that context. The approach in which this work is inscribed is the analysis of political discourse. Based in the recognition of the constitutively antagonistic character of societies, it is oriented to the critical understanding of socio-discursive practices, emphasizing in their political instances or foundational moments. The central argument of the article is that Francisco's positioning, while differing from the developmentalist logic, is antagonistic to neo-Malthusian and neoliberal positions. At the same time, it approaches critical ecology, modulating it both in relation to the role of transnational corporations and in criticizing the technocratic paradigm and incorporating the notion of the people.

A mineração, importante atividade econômica no estado de Minas Gerais, gera uma grande quantidade de rejeitos. Atualmente, existem diversas tecnologias de disposição desses rejeitos, mas a disposição em barragens continua sendo a mais usada, apesar do histórico de rompimentos dessas estruturas. O processo de licenciamento ambiental de atividades minerárias demanda a elaboração de estudos de alternativas tecnológicas de projeto, de modo a selecionar aquela de melhor viabilidade ambiental. Objetivou-se avaliar a abordagem das alternativas tecnológicas de disposição de rejeitos de empreendimentos minerários licenciados no estado de Minas Gerais. Para isto, foram selecionados 13 projetos cujas licenças ambientais foram aprovadas entre 2017 e 2019. Foram verificados se os Estudos de Impacto Ambiental atenderam a critérios legais e de boas práticas ambientais na seleção das alternativas. Observou-se que apenas quatro projetos abordaram estudos de alternativas tecnológicas, mas nenhum deles atendeu a todos os critérios analisados. Enviesamento na proposição de alternativas, falta de embasamento e referenciamento de dados no processo de escolha, prevalência de aspectos econômicos sobre os ambientais e falta de justificativa na seleção da tecnologia foram verificados na maioria dos casos. A disposição de rejeitos por empilhamento a seco, considerada uma técnica ambientalmente viável, foi selecionada por sete projetos. Entretanto, cinco projetos ainda decidiram pela disposição em barragens. Em geral, os estudos analisados se limitaram em descrever a tecnologia que se desejava licenciar. Somente com uma abordagem estratégica o processo de seleção de alternativas seria adequadamente tratado, propondo assim soluções antes que cada projeto individual seja apresentado para licenciamento ambiental.

This article describes the birth of air pollutant regulation and its transformation, which, formerly under state control, moved on to a regime based on market instruments. The author shows the gradual commercialization of the approach to air pollution problems, whose origins can be traced to the United States, summarized in three different historic moments: the Emission Trading Program (1982), the Average between Refineries (1985), and the Acid Rain Program (1995). These experiments, in a framework of the command and control environmental regulatory regime, led to the creation of the first atmospheric contaminant emissions market in world history and opened up the road to the new "cap and trade" environmental regulatory regime. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The circular economy paradigm represents a space for innovation and for the greening of the productive model that can bring not only environmental but also social and economic benefits. Spain has recently approved its first Circular Economy Action Plan, which, in the absence of an updated Waste and Contaminated Land Law in line with European regulations, is the first concrete expression of the Spanish Circular Economy Strategy 2030. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Aletheia is the property of Aletheia and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This study assesses how globalization modulates the effect of governance on carbon dioxide (CO2) emissions in sub-Saharan African countries. The empirical evidence is based on Generalized Method of Moments. The minimum level (or negative threshold) of Foreign Direct Investment required for it to interact with political stability and contribute toward the green economy is 45 percent of gross domestic product (GDP), while 90 percent of GDP is the maximum level (or positive threshold) required for trade to complement "voice and accountability" in mitigating CO2 emissions. Seventy-six percent of GDP and 80 percent of GDP are, respectively, negative trade thresholds for government effectiveness and economic governance. The corresponding negative trade thresholds for the rule of law, corruption-control, and institutional governance are, respectively, 230 percent of GDP, 63.5 percent of GDP, and 106.5 percent of GDP. Actionable openness policy thresholds are provided to inform policy makers on how governance interacts with globalization to promote the green economy. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Studies on renewable energy (RE) policies and policy making have generally focused on the Global North. This article homes in on how trust, an underexamined concept in the multi‐level governance literature, affects RE trajectories in Malaysia and Indonesia. Through comparative analysis, we find that different levels of trust result in similar degrees of RE policy support, but dissimilar degrees of engagement between state and societal actors in RE policy making. Negative expectations of the social grievances engendered by RE transitions contribute to reluctant, though legitimized, pursuits of clean energy production and consumption. Meanwhile, trust in actors' nationalism—that is, in opposing a Global North environmental agenda and demonstrating constitutionally aligned resource management in Malaysia and Indonesia, respectively—facilitates more inclusive policy making. Due to greater nationalism, Indonesia's state‐society engagement in RE governance is stronger and leads to a civil RE movement that outpaces Malaysia's overall. Related Articles: Ash, John. 2010. "New Nuclear Energy, Risk, and Justice: Regulatory Strategies for an era of Limited Trust." Politics & Policy 38 (2): 225‐284. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2010.00237.x Khodr, Hiba, and Isabella Ruble. 2013. "Energy Policies and Domestic Politics in the MENA Region in the Aftermath of the Arab Upheavals: The Cases of Lebanon, Libya, and KSA." Politics & Policy 41 (5): 656‐689. https://doi.org/10.1111/polp.12033 Wood, Steve. 2009. "Energy Security, Normative Dilemmas, and Institutional Camouflage: Europe's Pragmatism." Politics & Policy 37 (3): 611‐635. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1747‐1346.2009.00187.x [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Confluenze. Rivista di Studi Iberoamericani is the property of Universita di Bologna, Dipartimento di Lingue, Letterature e Culture Moderne and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)