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In general, Palestine solidarity activism—irrespective of how and where it happens—faces censorship and repression, whereby solidarity with Palestine as a (national) cause is stigmatized and considered toxic to any mainstream discussion of the politics of Palestine/Israel. Academia tends to follow this norm of stigmatization and toxification of Palestine solidarity and any recognition of the legitimacy of the Palestinian struggle for liberation is viewed as a violation of the norms of scientific (i.e. objective) knowledge production. More recently, the adoption of the International Holocaust Remembrance Alliance working definition of antisemitism has played a critical role in censuring and censoring individual scholars and scholarship deemed too supportive of the Palestinian struggle. In this article, however, I view this manner of repression as embedded in a political project that extends far beyond the working definition. Specifically, I argue that the academic repression of Palestine solidarity draws on the lasting discursive legacies of the Global War on Terror that sought to bifurcate the world into 'good' and 'evil.' Drawing on my personal experiences of repression where my work has been charged as being antisemitic, sympathetic to terrorism/terrorists and defending fundamentalism, I argue that lumping Palestinian solidarity with all things evil, abnormal, disruptive, negative, and inappropriate represents a continuation of the Global War on Terror as the Palestinian cause is toxified as nothing more than an extension of the 'Axis of Evil.' [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article is a collaborative commentary on the first volume of a two-part anthology of works by Hayden White, The Ethics of Narrative, edited by Robert Doran. Informed by the collection and inspired by the co-authors, in this paper we discuss White's writing. Herman Paul compares White's constructivism with that of Berger and Luckmann, and discusses the extent to which the tools of historical narrative criticism developed by White are expeditious in analyzing stories about the climate crisis. Kalle Pihlainen captures White's writing in a three-stage process of emancipatory politics of history, to further reconfigure it using the concept of fidelity. Jakub Muchowski writes about the relationship between the titular ethics and politics, asking to what extent White regarded them as separate spheres of practice, and whether in choosing the former White was apolitical. Ewa Domańska considers how White's critical approach to history might help to explore possibilities of bridging Indigenous and Western approaches to the past as well as reflects on White's attitude toward metaphysics. Finally, Miguel Valderrama considers the ways in which White uses the concept of event. The exchange closes with Robert Doran's response to all the commentaries. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this paper, I argue that lived time is anagrammatical. Anagrammatical time is a time that lands differently along race/gender/class lines. Its sens – its grammar – is rearranged by the context of its unfolding, at times effecting temporal harm while, at others, offering paths for temporal freedom. After introducing the notion of anagrammatical in part 1, in part 2, I turn to Merleau-Ponty's notions of Stiftung and virtuality to account for the "nestedness" of anagrammatical time. The past and present of anagrammatical time, I show, co-exist in the present diachronically. In part 3, I focus on temporal harm. I show how, in the context of the afterlife of slavery, the immemorial functions as a traumatic, compulsive-repetitive temporality, as a thief of time temporalizing with the felt necessity and determinacy of the future anterior. In part 4, I briefly turn to the temporal grammar of the "could have been" to think through temporal freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Evil is the result of moral conflicts between two selfaware people who have different moral values. A self-aware person always seeks to actualize his freedom. According to Hegel, the realization of freedom comes with evil. So, the purpose of this article is to explain the question of evil and examine its connection with the concept of freedom in the first place, it seems that evil is the negation of human freedom, while the existence of evil is necessary to achieve freedom as a human goal. Everyone, whenever he seeks to achieve freedom, should not pay attention to his inner institution to establish law in order to make himself known to others. Therefore, the purity of the heart preserves itself, in this way, it suffers hypocrisy, and the result of this hypocrisy is nothing but the appearance of evil. According to Hegel's thought, when choosing the beautiful soul or evil, everyone chooses the latter, in order to guide rationality to its ultimate goal, which is freedom. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

When offering constructions of political values, it is common to generally strive for unity, i.e., to aim at principled definitions and the reduction of normative conflict. In this article, by contrast, I argue that we should aim to construct broad and conflicting concepts of the central liberal democratic values of liberty and equality. Taking my cue from an under-appreciated debate between Ronald Dworkin and Bernard Williams, I suggest that the demand for unity derives its appeal from a juridical model of political value construction, which assumes the unified perspective of public decision-making. But while this model may be apt for constructing institutional rights, the construction of the political values liberty and equality had better operate according to a political model, which focuses on the perspective of citizens that live in a relationship of political opposition. Not only is there no demand for unity from that perspective, but there is a positive demand for political plurality: we need to draw on broad and conflicting concepts of liberty and equality if we are to respect the claims of fellow citizens with whom we have value-based political disagreements. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper mobilises a personal experience of participation in a population-based health screen to explore wider aspects of subjectivity, choice and freedom. The screen is a familiar feature of contemporary society and represents a broader 'health imperative'. It intrinsically enforces a binary choice and thus, within its own remit, produces two reductive modes of being its subject characterised, respectively, by assent and refusal. Merleau-Ponty's account of a 'conditioned freedom' operating within a primordial, embodied subjectivity, however, allows a recuperation of aspects of my enactment of choice that tend otherwise to be eclipsed within the screen's binary logic. The thinking of two more recent writers deepens my understanding of how this freedom might play out within experience. David Abram helps me grasp the extent to which I encounter the screen as an ageing animal. Meanwhile a contrast with a very different historical and inter-cultural confrontation explored by Eduardo De Castro raises far-reaching questions around the bindingness of decision and the self/other relation. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The balancing of freedom of contract against fundamental values seems to be a classic subject. It is commonly taught in contract law that fundamental principles may constitute a limit on freedom of contract, and justify infringement of the freedom of choice of the contracting party or, above all, of the freedom to determine the content of the contract. There are indeed a number of values that may justify infringement: the protection of the weaker party, but also other more contemporary issues such as environmental protection. It therefore appears that the heart of freedom of contract, the only intangible value that must be constitutionally protected, is the freedom to enter into or not to enter into a contract. In our view, however, the subject should also be taken in the other direction: certain fundamental values must in fact be protected because they are the very conditions under which freedom of contract is possible. In other words, certain limits on freedom of contract serve not only to protect fundamental values but also to protect freedom of contract itself. To forget this could lead to a reversal of that freedom and thus to a collapse of the legal framework necessary for the protection of constitutional values. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper is an exploration of possible journeys towards freedom from colonial states of mind. These inner worlds are the distorting forms of self‐observation brought about by living under oppressive conditions, and includes those associated with colonialism itself, and also coloniality, the enduring legacy left behind by colonial regimes. Fanon describes the effect of colonialism on subjectivity as creating "a zone of nonbeing" and suggests freedom from it requires internally "an authentic upheaval." This paper draws the parallels between Fanon's zone of nonbeing and states of mind untethered from the shackles of colonial definition. These states, akin to reverie are potentially the place from which the quest for a new authenticity of being might be found. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Humanity has never suffered so much from racial repression, social division and cultural domination as in the contemporary world. Freedom is under the severest attack the mankind has ever seen. Erno and Birk timely seize the issue of human freedom and contend that psychologists must turn their attention to it from a practical, political and interdisciplinary perspective, thereby opening up new avenues to human flourishing and self-actualization. And yet this proposal has given still insufficient heed to the cultural nature of freedom. It is the objective of this essay to argue for and sketch out a cultural-discursive approach that purports to provide not just a systematic and precise account of freedom but also a methodological framework for its research. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In the following article, we take a look into the contribution of Ernö and Birk (2024), "Rethinking Freedom for Contemporary Psychology". During that process, the central statements of their article are first highlighted and then challenged/re-elaborated. The goal is to underline the importance of their contribution to our current scientific stances and the context that we retrace in ourselves as researchers while questioning and extending certain stances. A crucial point of the following commentary is the exploration of a diverse potential behind the construct of freedom that is much more complex than being simply reduced to only social or individual layers. We may not be able to find that swiftly an answer to what freedom means, but we can gain with our current understanding central insights into how we use our daily life the vision of freedom, in its temporary and fluid characteristics. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

A growing number of studies test key cultural constructs used in comparative political research for invariance across countries, only to declare these constructs incomparable if the invariance tests fail. The assumption underlying this kind of conclusion is that between-country differences in within-country factor solutions reflect cross-cultural inequivalence of the respective survey items. Using a Bayesian approach, we explore variation in measurement quality across countries focusing on sexual emancipation. We find that between-country differences in factor solutions reflect little more than imbalances in within-country dispersions of the construct items. As we demonstrate, discrete and bounded response scales used in standard surveys enforce a mathematical relationship between extreme country means, low within-country dispersions, and weak factor solutions. We formalize this insight by introducing a between–within model of cultural variation. Our contribution calls into question the practice of declaring constructs to be incomparable based on failed invariance tests. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The paper contributes to the debate of the Swedish welfare state by re‐examining the view of freedom underlying the design of this welfare model. The point of departure is two interpretations by Bo Rothstein and Henrik Berggren and Lars Trägårdh, which both describe advancement of individual autonomy as the ultimate point of the model. The paper argues that these readings are overly liberal in the sense that they exaggerate the importance of individualism and autonomy. The view of freedom that shaped the Swedish welfare state was not liberal, and individual autonomy was not the overriding goal for the founders of the model. Instead, the view is best described as quasi‐republican and nondomination based. It was mostly a result of semi‐Marxist ideas about capitalist power and exploitation that lingered on in the ideology of the Swedish social democratic party, the SAP, in the 1930s and 1940s. During the first decades of the 1900s, the SAP gradually revised these ideas in a domination‐based direction. It was the outcome of this process that more than anything else gave the impetus to the design of the Swedish welfare state. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This paper presents a new switchable variable stiffness mechanism (SVSM) aimed at reducing reaction forces in robotic assembly tasks. The introduced switchable variable stiffness device (SVSD) exceeds existing variable stiffness mechanisms (VSMs) by providing a three-degree of freedom. Additionally, it features adaptable switchable springs suitable for various working environments, designed to be lightweight and easily manufacturable using 3D printing materials. A theoretical model of the SVSM was developed, with its accuracy validated through simulations and experimental trials. Furthermore, standard process models for two different assembly task scenarios were also developed and implemented, showcasing the improved assembly performance of the SVSM. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Secure children's homes are locked institutions that deprive children of their liberty. The government are investing significantly in these homes, yet there remains a lack of clarity about their nature and purpose. Drawing on data generated through a substantial ethnography in one secure children's home in England, this paper uses Goffman's (1961) theorising as a conceptual lens to view the institution. It concludes that ambiguity and confusion about what these institutions are, and what they seek to achieve, impacts negatively on the experience of everyday life within. Clarity is needed urgently to improve experiences and to enable the assessment of outcomes. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I adopt the psychoanalytic notion of fantasy to challenge mainstream conceptualisations of the desire for social change. Recent anti-neoliberal uprisings across the world have been interpreted as expressions of the vitalist force of bodies beyond symbolic mediation. This obfuscates the ambivalent unconscious dynamics in the identification with emancipatory events. To counter this, I develop a psychoanalytic conceptualisation of the desire for change. I show the benefits of my approach through an empirical interpretation of the fantasmatic organisation of this desire in the context of the 2019 Chile revolt. By questioning the alleged straightforwardness of the desire for change, my study contributes to a more nuanced approach to emancipatory events. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this article, I select a number of Enlightenment figures and suggest that, despite inevitable contradictions, they should still serve as exemplars for a modern age of a series of values such as freedom, tolerance, and social justice. I believe, however, that The Enlightenment is, nevertheless, a work in progress. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article presents perspectives on the characterisation of the American Revolution as a civil war. Topics discussed include the neo-imperial turn interpretation of the revolutionary era, community perspective of the revolution, revolution as acts of violence and terror in the campaign for independence according to historian Holder Hoock and terror, violence and civil disorder in Brendan McConville's "The Brethren," an account of a plot to assassinate North Carolina's revolutionary leadership.

Copyright of Dinbilimleri Journal is the property of Dinbilimleri Journal and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In January 1945, the Red Army began its Vistula-Oder offensive forcing the German army to abandon many territories that it occupied west of the Vistula River. The offensive also resulted in the westward evacuation of thousands of ethnic Germans, including Mennonites, seeking refuge in the shrinking Third Reich. This paper examines the evacuation strategies and experiences of Mennonites from Deutsch Wymyschle and Gąbin, Poland during this chaotic time. It also investigates the Red Army's brutal treatment of Mennonites following their capture and during the journey back to their villages in Poland. Finally, the paper discusses the way in which Nazi authorities exploited this mass evacuation not only for their own administrative and military purposes, but also to slow down the advancing Red Army. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The Appreciative Paradigm, as any paradigm in social sciences, has an original and distinctive way of valuing (Axiology) what is most important in human beings and the social and natural world in which we live. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Copyright of Electronic Turkish Studies is the property of Electronic Turkish Studies and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

In this partial precis of my recent book (Determined: A Science of Life Without Free Will, 2023), I argue against the existence of free will, based on the clarity with which we are nothing more than the sum of the densely intertwined biology, over which we had no control, and its interactions with the environment over which we also had no control. Despite this, the vast majority people, including philosophers and psychologists, believe that free will is compatible with our materialist world. I suggest that this arises from, (a) the intense intuitive feeling of agency experienced when we form an intent and act upon it; (b) the examples of people who effortfully rise above their circumstances (or, conversely, who squander their opportunities) are so powerful and compelling that we decide that tenacity and willpower are not made of biology; (c) misinterpretation of the recent revolutions of chaoticism, emergent complexity, and quantum indeterminacy; and (d) difficulty in reconciling that the future is both deterministic and unpredictable. Finally, I suggest that a rejection of free will, rather than leading to an array of societal and existential ills, would be profoundly liberating. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In an otherwise amiable review of a book by Peter Boettke, McCloskey observes that the neo-institutionalism of North, Acemoglu, and Boettke is statist, top-down, centralizing, constructivist, and therefore inconsistent with Austrian liberalism. One source of the inconsistency and liberalism is a too-wide definition of "freedom." [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article discusses the book "The Classical Liberal Case for Israel" by Walter E. Block and Alan G. Futerman, which argues that Israel's success can be attributed to its commitment to private property and embrace of capitalism. However, the authors overlook the importance of democracy and liberalism in Zionist thinking, particularly the contributions of Socialist Zionism and David Ben-Gurion. The article also highlights the role of the Bible in shaping Israeli democracy and the connection between Judaism and democracy. It suggests that a fuller understanding of Israel and Zionism requires a broader perspective that includes the influence of millennia of Biblical Democracy and Lockean Talmudism. The Hebrew revival had a significant impact on various aspects of European society, including literature, science, theology, philosophy, and politics. The influence of Hebraist texts on European political thought pushed it towards modernity. The article also discusses the history of Socialist Zionism in Israel and its transformation into a liberal and democratic movement. It highlights the commitment to individual freedom and dignity among Zionists, as well as the influence of the United States and the Soviet Union in saving Socialist Zionism. The article emphasizes the democratic nature of Israel and its commitment to individual rights, despite the ongoing conflicts with its neighbors. It also explores the political development of Israel's founding Prime Minister, David Ben-Gurion, and his commitment to both socialism and individualism. The article concludes by discussing Israel's economic growth and its transition from socialism to capitalism, while maintaining democratic principles. [Extracted from the article]

The article titled "The Revisionist Zionism Origins of Classical Liberalism in Israel" by Ran Baratz provides a comprehensive examination of the historical role of Ze'ev Jabotinsky, the founder of Revisionist Zionism, in shaping Israel's transition from a socialist state to a more classical liberal one. The author addresses accusations of fascism against Jabotinsky, highlighting his leadership qualities and refuting claims of a "cult of leadership." The article also discusses Jabotinsky's views on race, emphasizing that his utilization of race was innocent and insignificant in the context of his overall ideology. Furthermore, the author examines Jabotinsky's associations with individuals holding dubious ideologies, arguing that these connections were pragmatic efforts to advance the Zionist cause rather than endorsements of any specific ideology. Finally, the article acknowledges Jabotinsky's belief in the necessity of violent conflict to obtain the land of Israel but emphasizes his pragmatic and realistic analysis of the situation. [Extracted from the article]

Copyright of Revista Foco (Interdisciplinary Studies Journal) is the property of Revista Foco and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

Copyright of Kant-Studien is the property of De Gruyter and its content may not be copied or emailed to multiple sites or posted to a listserv without the copyright holder's express written permission. However, users may print, download, or email articles for individual use. This abstract may be abridged. No warranty is given about the accuracy of the copy. Users should refer to the original published version of the material for the full abstract. (Copyright applies to all Abstracts.)

This research identified college students' definitions of independence as well as topics they wish parents had discussed with them prior to college. Applying the theory of emerging adulthood to understand college students' construal of independence, participants included 117 emerging adults, aged 18–25. Utilizing inductive coding to categorize participants' open-ended responses from an online questionnaire, most emerging adults conceptualized independence in terms of self-reliance or freedom, and this was examined through the lens of social construction theory. The majority reported they felt their parents communicated what was necessary regarding independence with them before college. For those who did not, however, life skills and expectations were two of the topics students most wished parents would have communicated prior to college. Implications and suggestions are provided. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

We present a conceptual exploration of armed love as a component of liberatory pedagogy. We ground our work in community cultural wealth theory (CCW) that centers social capital often found in non-dominant communities under pressure. We argue that recognizing and working against exploitation using the community's social, cultural, and historical assets are central to liberatory pedagogy. Explicating the connections between armed love and CCW is a novel contribution to the field, as it has not been done before and it highlights how asset-based pedagogies that are grounded in love can act as a protective factor for students in a racist society. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

The article explains the three dimensions of Marx's philosophy of work: work as production, work as subjectivation, and work as integration. From this, the article defends the following thesis: while Marx allows us to shed much light on exploitation (social pathology of work as production) and alienation (social pathology of work as subjectivation), in particular in capitalism, nonetheless, he lacks an understanding of the ins and outs of emancipation as it is effectively deployed in our wage societies, far from the radicalism of his communist utopia. JEL Classification: B14, B40, B52 [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

In this narrative autoethnography, I reflect on living in Post-Academia. First, I discuss how universities have become more managerial and less collegial. Then, I consider my own move from being an academic to becoming a post-academic (even verging on the post-humous). Finally, I look at the possibilities of living a sort of flourishing life in post-academia, enjoying a new sense of liberty, and accepting, despite increasing decrepitude, enough happiness to see me through. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

This article addresses singleness as a state of being and not a transition for childfree, never-married single women of color. As the characterization of adult romantic relationships has evolved, the meaning of singleness has also gone through a transformation. My research applies the theoretical framework of feminist standpoint theory through an intersectional lens to explain how women of color experience love and relationships in a non-traditional way and how they create a singular corridor that allows them to exist on the boundaries of heteronormative marriage and romantic love. I examine the research question: How do childfree, never-married single women of color experience and feel about romantic love, singleness, sex, and attachments in society? My study utilized a qualitative research methodology with an inductive inquiry approach. I conducted forty semi-structured interviews with women between 36 and 61. I argue that these women have a unique positionality in society. They are women who have remained free from the heteronormative obligations to a husband or children, and they are also women who have not had the privileges of some of their white counterparts. Therefore, they have a group-based experience and knowledge rooted in group oppression. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Objective This cadaveric study aims to illustrate the lateral transorbital (LTO), transantral transpterygoid (TATP), and endoscopic endonasal approaches (EEA) to Meckel's cave (MC), defining their surgical freedom, area of exposure, and advantages and limitations; thus, refining their respective indications. Design Cadaveric study. Setting The Anatomical Laboratory for Visuospatial Innovations in Otolaryngology and Neurosurgery (ALT-VISION) at the Ohio State University, Wexner Medical Center. Participants Bilateral dissections of five injected cadavers (10 sides). Main Outcome Measures Distance to targets, surgical freedom, and area of exposure provided by the EEA, TATP, and LTO approaches. Results The TATP approach provides superior surgical freedom to foramen rotundum (167.70 ± 29.762 mm). However, surgical freedom to foramen ovale was best when using the LTO approach (75.01 ± 15.773 mm). The EEA provides a superior exposure of the medial MC (mean area of 587.69 ± 38.59 mm 2). The LTO and TATP approaches provide equivalent access to the lateral MC (ranging from 468.90 ± 26.98 mm 2 for TATP to 650.11 ± 35.76 mm 2 for the LTO approach). Combining approaches increases the area of exposure significantly (1,237.79 ± 48.41 mm 2 and 1,056.59 ± 48.12 mm 2 for EEA and LTO vs. EEA and TATP). Conclusion This study thoroughly emphasizes the pros and cons of the aforementioned approaches. Each approach may be applied in selected cases as a single or as part of a combined technique. However, conventional approaches are still indicated according to extent and pathology. Level of Evidence : V. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]

Background: The prevalence of vaping among young people is a public health crisis. Social norms can contribute to the problem, but also to the solution. Objective: The current study examined young adults' responses to anti-vaping messages that varied on two features: social norms and behavioral framing. Methods: College students (N = 270) were randomly assigned to one of five conditions in a 2 (social norm: dynamic norm, static norm) X 2 (behavioral framing: vaping, not vaping) between-subjects factorial design with a no message control condition (n range = 49–58 in each condition). Results: Independent samples t-test, univariate analysis of variance, and structural equation modeling were used to test hypotheses and answer research questions. Results showed main effects of social norm, such that the dynamic (vs. static) norm message led to higher preconformity (p <.001) and self-efficacy (p =.012), and lower freedom threat (p =.040) and reactance (p <.001). There was also an indirect effect of dynamic norm on attitude as mediated by self-efficacy (p =.040). No main effect of behavioral framing was observed. Few interactions between social norm and behavioral framing were observed on preconformity (p <.001), anger (p <.001), and negative cognitions (p =.003). Conclusion: Overall, findings suggest a persuasive advantage for a dynamic norm relative to a static norm. Theoretically, these findings add to the literature suggesting the persuasiveness of dynamic norms. Practically, these results imply anti-vaping campaigns targeting young populations should communicate the changing (dynamic) norms in regard to (not) vaping. [ABSTRACT FROM AUTHOR]