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La crisis económica que se vive en muchos países, especialmente aquellos en vías de desarrollo como México, constitu ye un reto para las instituciones de educación superior, a fin de formar personas más calificadas, con ciertas competencias que les permitan ingresar y responder a los retos del mercado actual, caracterizado por la falta de estabilidad laboral, la precariz ación e informalidad laboral (ANUIES, 2016). En este trabajo se presentan los resultados del análisis de las competencias profesionales de egresados universitarios, quienes concluyeron sus estudios entre 2013 y 2014, derivados de estudios de seguimiento de spués de tres años de su egreso en una universidad privada del municipio de Puebla, México. Ello con el fin de conocer cómo ha sido la transición de los egresados al ámbito laboral ante las condiciones presentes en el mercado de trabajo. The economic crisis in many countries, especially those in development such as Mexico, is a challenge for higher education institutions, in order to train more qualified people, with certain skills that allow them to enter and respond to the challenges of current market, characterized by lack of job stability, job insecurity and informality (ANUIES, 2016). This paper presents the results of the analysis of the professional competences of university graduates, who concluded their studies between 2013 and 2014, derived from follow - up studies after three years of graduation in a private university in the municipality of Puebla, Mexico. This in order to know how has been the tr ansition of graduates to the workplace in the face of the conditions present in the labor market.

La precariedad laboral habría que relacionarla con los modelos de desarrollo económico por los que ha atravesado México. Estos modelos van sometiendo a todas las actividades productivas y con ellas a la fuerza laboral a las necesidades de ganancia del capi tal. La precariedad laboral de los trabajadores docentes de educación básica, ya sea por las condiciones precarias de los planteles escolares, por las condiciones de ingreso y permanencia en el ámbito laboral, o por sus remuneraciones salariales, ha sido u na constante en los dos últimos modelos de desarrollo económico, el llamado desarrollo estabilizador y el neo - liberalismo . Sus condiciones precarias se van agudizar con el modelo neoliberal ya que se les van imponer los principios de competencia, eficiencia y despido. El nuevo gobierno, el de la cuarta transformación, anuló la reforma educativa del anterior gobierno neoliberal y, con nuevas leyes educativas, pretende, en todos los órdenes, terminar con la precariedad laboral docente. Labor precariousness should be related to the economic development models that Mexico has gone through. These models are subjecting all productive activities and with them to the workforce to the needs of capital gain. The precarious employment of teachers in b asic education, whether due to the precarious conditions of school sites, the conditions of entry and permanence in the workplace, or their salary remuneration, has been a constant in the last two models of economic development, the so - called stabilizing d evelopment and neo - liberalism. Its precarious conditions will be sharpened with the neoliberal model since the principles of competition, efficiency and dismissal will be imposed. The new government, that of the fourth transformation, annulled the educatio nal reform of the previous neoliberal government and, with new educational laws, intends, in all orders, to end teacher precariousness.

En este trabajo se realiza un análisis de la desigualdad salarial, su relación con los niveles de escolaridad y con el trabajo precario en la ciudad de Puebla durante el periodo 2005 - 2018, con base en las teorías de los mercados de trabajo segmentados y de la precarización del trabajo. Se identifica n las tendencias de las tres variables y su relación durante el periodo de estudio, señalando los impactos de la crisis de 2009. Los resultados revelan que la desigualdad salarial entre trabajadores calificados y no calificados se encuentra relacionada con diferentes grados de escolaridad y con diferentes porcentajes de trabajo precario; sin embargo, durante el periodo de estudio, se observan procesos contrastantes con la teoría de los mercados segmentados, ya que el deterioro de los salarios e incremento d el trabajo precario se dan junto con un incremento de los niveles de escolaridad tanto en los trabajos calificados como en los trabajos no calificados. In this work an analysis of the wage inequality, its relation with the levels of schooling and with the precarious work is carried out, in the city of Puebla, between the years 2005 - 2008, based on the segmented labor markets and the wor k precarization theories. The trends of the three variables and their relationship during the study period are identified, pointing out the impacts of the 2009 crisis. The results reveal that wage inequality between skilled and unskilled workers is related to different degrees of schooling and different percentages of precarious work; however, during the study period, contrasting processes are observed with the theory of segmented markets, due to the deterioration of salaries and increased precarious work, occurring together with an increase in schooling levels in both skilled and unskilled jobs.

El ciclo de festivales enaetéricos del Septerion, la Herois y la Carila que se celebraba en el santuario de Apolo en Delfos tuvo una enorme importancia para la evolución de la exper iencia religiosa en la Antigua Grecia. Los especialistas modernos los han relacionado con los ritos estacionales y de propiciación de la cosecha, los ritos de expiación y las «ceremonias de corte» ( incision ceremonies ), pero en los últimos años se han prod ucido grandes avances en varios campos (las relaciones entre el ritual y el mito, la arqueología, la arqueoastronomía) que favorecen una interpretación más integral, donde se preste mayor atención a los contextos sociales, políticos, topográficos y narrati vos. En este sentido, el ciclo de festivales del Septerion, la Herois y la Carila se encuentra en el centro del gran movimiento de reforma política y religiosa que se produjo en Delfos a finales del siglo VI a.C. y que tuvo como escenario de fondo e l enfre ntamiento entre los Alcmeónidas y los Pisistrátidas. En el ámbito religioso, el resultado de este movimiento fue la sustitución del Apolo Kerdoos de los tesalios por el Apolo Katharsios de los atenienses, del Apolo de la Ganancia , al Apolo de las Purificac iones. En el ámbito político, el desenlace fue la institución de la democracia y el declive de la tiranía. The cycle of the enneateric festivals of Septerion, Herois and C h aril l a that was celebrated in the sanctuary of Apollo at Delphi had an enormous importance for the evolution of the religious experience in Ancient Greece. Scholars have linked them to se asonal and harvesting rites, expiation rites and incision ceremonies , but in recent years there have been great advances in various fields (the relations between ritual and myth, archeology, archaeoastronomy) that favo u r a more comprehensive interpretatio n, where greater attention is given to social, political, topographic and narrative contexts. In this sense, the festival cycle of Septerion, Herois and C h aril l a is at the center of the great movement of political and religious reform that took place in De lphi at the end of the 6th century B.C. and that it had as background the conflict between Alcmaeonids and Pisistratids . In the religious sphere, the result of this movement was the replacement of the Apollo Kerdoos of the Thessalies by the Apollo Katharsi os of the Athenians, of the Apollo of the Gain to the Apollo of the Purifications. In the political sphere, the outcome was the institution of democracy and the decline of tyranny.

Promoting health and well-being, or planning the action and innovation of the responses that must be given to the population living in a specific area, cannot be done regardless of the capacity for action and governance that the administrations have. The framework of this article aims to repre- sent the effort that the Lazio Region has made and continues to make to ensure equity and appro- priateness in regional social policies. The regional law n. 11/2016, respecting the principle of sub- sidiarity, recognizes and facilitates the role of Third sector entities by promoting their active par- ticipation in the programming, planning and concerted implementation phases of social interven- tions, as well as in the evaluation of the quality of the services offered. The “Regional Social Plan” is the key instrument with which the Region implements these policies and in it we can find aware- ness and concreteness of action.

This article analyzes the informative component of the Macedonian public administration as an imminent part of the accession process towards the European Union. The interaction of the public administration with the citizens, NGO's, media, and other relevant "stakeholders" in the Macedonian society is an additional impetus for the acceleration and improvement of the integrative process. The main research methods which will be used in this paper are a descriptive method, a content analysis method, and a comparative method.

This study aims to explore the anatomy of the implementation of zakat and to reconstruct and to find an appropriate model law of zakat in Indonesia. Zakat can be optimized in improving and creating public welfare. The detailed analysis focused on the potentials of zakat that can be developed and manifested. The development of zakat was based on the existing of the Indonesian positive law and Islamic Law. Therefore, this study first identified and interpreted the divine values (Ilahiah values) that sourced from Qur'an and hadith. It elaborated on the legal resources from ijtihad, the fatwa from various theologians (Islamic Scholars). This study also applied normative legal research for addressing the issues related to the reconstruction of zakat norms. Meanwhile, empirical research was used to address and ascertain the societies' respond to the zakat changes. In normative legal research, this work used statutory, conceptual and case approaches. Thus, this work offers a good model of zakat management, such as zakat for a profession, zakat from fisheries products and other yields of the sea. This also reformed the model of collecting and distributing zakat.

Indonesia is a unitary state as asserted in the Article 1 paragraph (1) of the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia 1945. As a consequence of this, Indonesia dividing its territory into several regions. This study aims to analyze the form of regulation on financial relations among the central and regional governments, especially those that regulate balance funds to accelerate the equitable distribution of development. Types of normative research with legislative, conceptual, and philosophical approaches were used as the research method. In conclusion, the formulation of balancing funds between the central and regional governments prevailed so far has not yet reflected a sense of justice so that it can obstruct the occurrence of even distribution among regions.

In this paper, the Author analyses the reasons why the Christian roots of values of the Member States is at the base of democratic Europe. The hope of a united Europe can be identified in Chris- tian culture, which is conditio sine qua non of a new concept of common European citizenship. The condition to gain a ‘universal citizenship’ relies on the ‘civil religion’, which represents the transcendent human rights and values of a new political society based on peace, justice, solidarity and respect.

In this paper, the Author analyses the fundamental reasons for the disintegration of Europe. Mis- trust towards European institutions is a symptom of deeper problems, such as the economic and financial crisis, migration flows and terrorism. All themes that refer to the thesis of a ‘tired Europe’ announced by Edmund Husserl. However, the Author believes that opening up to the Mediterra- nean is not the problem of Europe, but a great opportunity for its recovery thanks to the contribu- tion of the ‘newcomers’.

This essay emphasizes the founding values of Mediterranean Europe understood as a demo- cratic community of persons. In particular, the Author moves from Jacques Maritain’s thought and from the idea of European federalism in order to point it out that Europe, thanks to the ‘human bridges’ of Giorgio La Pira, can be not only an economic union, but also and above all a human community founded upon the respect and dignity of the person. From these values derive true democracy and protection of human rights which represent the essential core of Mediterranean Europe.

The work offers an examination of the Italian management of the migratory phenomenon, often emergency type, and characterized, at least in this phase, the affirmation of the supremacy of state sovereignty over the full realisation of migrant’s rights to freedom and social rights. In this way context, management of migration flows and reception of migrants. The contribution offered by religious confessions becomes more and more relevant, thanks to the availability of the confessional structures to welcome, without charge for the state, migrants saved at sea. In this sense, new per- spectives are emerging in relations between public authorities and religious denominations, over- coming the principle of bilaterality through multilateral protocols, between the State and multiple faith organizations aimed at ensuring the concrete realization of human rights.

The Author draws a wide-ranging picture of the discipline of social rights in the Italian Constitution. Particular attention is paid to the fundamental problem of the protection of these rights, whose effectiveness is guaranteed by the Italian Constitutional Court. In particular, the Author refers to some decisions of the Constitutional Court in defence of social rights, also with regard to the problems of liberalization processes known by the Italian legal system in recent decades.

The Author focuses on the issue of truth in civil trials and presents some excerpts from the debate between Guido Calogero and Piero Calamandrei, who compared the activity of the judge with that of the historian. Specific attention is given to the certainty of the res judicata, under the aspects of quaestio facti and questio iuris. The paper illustrates the mainstream thinking according to which the case law is considered as a source of law in the common law legal systems, as well as in the civil law ones. Finally, the Author outlines three critical assessments aimed at disproving this thesis.

This paper aims at breaking down the false beliefs concerning the human judgment. Specific at- tention is paid to demonstrating that men forget to share their human essence when they judge other men. This means that the judgment is often directed against the man who judges. Finally, the Author highlights that men often forget the pain they feel when they are judged by the others. This allows the Author to conclude that the similarity of all men in suffering demonstrates the worthlessness of judgment.

El debate en torno a la noción de hegemonía tiene ya una larga historia. Se trata de una problemática que, desde el marxismo pero también desde otra pluralidad de tradiciones de pensamiento, ha sido constantemente discutida y reelaborada. Dentro de ese amplio espectro de reflexión, en este texto, queremos desarrollar una interpretación crítica de algunas de las aristas de la reapropiación y reformulación del concepto gramsciano realizada por Ernesto Laclau. Esta pretensión tiene, como corolario, la idea de rediscutir los modos en que pensamos los mecanismos de constitución de identidades políticas. Debates on the concept of hegemony have a long historie. It is, indeed, a problematic that, from marxism but from others thinking traditions also, has been constantly discussed and reelaborated. Inside that wide reflexión spectre, in this text, we will develope an interpretation that tends to criticize Ernesto´s Laclau reformulation of the gramscian concept of hegemony. We pretend, as a conclusion, rediscuss the ways in which we think the mechanisms of political identities constitution.

En su ética fenomenológica, Max Scheler interpreta el significado de los valores vitales basándose en una conceptualización de la esencia de los fenómenos vitales opuesta al mecanicismo y al vitalismo. Por su parte, Hans Jonas también desarrolla su ética ecológica de la responsabilidad desde una cierta comprensión antimecanicista del ser vivo. Una vez expuestas en detalle las ideas de Scheler acerca de la esencia de la vida y del valor vital, veremos que las de Jonas difieren de ellas en aspectos fundamentales, más allá de todo parecido inicial. Lo cual, por su parte, conlleva disensiones éticas profundas entre ambos autores acerca del sentido de los valores vitales y de su puesto jerárquico frente a otras clases de valor In his phenomenological ethics, Max Scheler conceptualized the essence of vital values in accordance with his understanding of the essence of life itself, in opposition to mechanism and vitalism. On the other hand, Hans Jonas also developed his environmental ethics of responsibility according to his own antimechanist ideas on the living being. We will present in detail Scheler's conceptions of the essence of life and vital value and show that those of Jonas differ from them in certain crucial respects, despite their apparent similarity. Which also implies radical ethical dissensions between both philosophers, concerning the meaning of vital values and their hierarchical rank before other species of value

La identidad se convierte en una realidad amenazada o limitada con la llegada de nuevos planteamientos en metafísica a finales del siglo XIX y en el siglo XX. Pero esto no quiere decir que no pueda ser replanteada en otros términos que eliminen de ella su propensión a generar problemas y paradojas, in aras de producir una idea con la que puedan manejarse los movimientos emancipadores. Así, puede pensarse una noción de identidad como agencia que dependa de dos capacidades: la de narrar y la de imaginar. Agencia que depende de la condición artefactual y mutable de la realidad humana. Es así, que hemos de hablar de una identidad ciborg que dé pie a una oposición a una cultura y sociedad (la contemporánea) que limita las posibilidades de subjetivación de los colectivos oprimidos. Identity becomes a restricted or menaced reality with the emergence of new metaphysic’s approach at the end of 19th Century and in the 20th Century. Nonetheless, this does not imply that it could not be restated in other terms with the purpose of raising an applicable idea for the emancipation movements. Those terms can remove the tendency of the identity concept to produce problems and paradoxes. Thereby, it is possible to think an identity idea as agency that depends on two capabilities: that of narrating and that of imagining. Moreover, agency depends on the artifactual and mutable condition of human reality. Thus, we should talk about a cyborg identity which allows an opposition to a society and culture (the contemporaneous culture) that limits the subjectivation possibilities of oppressed groups.

¿En qué consiste escribir una historia sobre las mujeres? ¿Cuál es la posición a asumir para escuchar a nuestras predecesoras? En este texto mostraremos la conexión entre testigo y testimonio —que activa un mecanismo de representación específico— y cómo esta representación del testigo, sus usos y su visibilidad, afecta la posición epistemológica, ética y ontológica del propio sujeto-testigo. Para llevar a cabo esta aproximación al problema de la representación, recogeremos la manera en que aborda Françoise Collin la cuestión de la historia de las mujeres. Con este objetivo analizaremos dos de las opciones metodológicas posibles por lo que a la historiografía sobre las mujeres atañe, cada una con su propio conjunto de problemas, y la posibilidad de la inserción de la figura del testigo tal y como la teoriza Giorgio Agamben como un primer paso hacia parte de una solución. How to write a history of women? From what position should we listen to our predecessors? In this paper we will explore the connection between witness and testimony —which puts into motion a specific representation mechanism in the shift from one to the other— and how this representation of the testimony, its uses and visibility, affect the epistemological, ethical, and ontological position of the witness-subject itself. In order to show an approximation to the problem of representation, we will focus our attention on Françoise Collin’s approach to a history of women, elaborating two of its possible historiographical methodological options, each with its own set of problems, and the possibility of the insertion of the witness figure as Giorgio Agamben theorizes it as a step towards part of a solution.

The article is devoted to a problem of social work in Ukraine – the European Union help to internally displaced persons as a special category of citizens which appeared in Ukraine because of military conflict on Donbas, which is provided through educational work with social workers in new social, economical and political conditions. The aim of the article is to represent a theoretical basis and methods of organization of educational work with social workers in the field of informative and explanatory work with internally displaced persons by the means of multidisciplinary brigades coming to the places of their compact residence. The authors of the article are the first ones to substantiate and explain scientific approaches to such kind of educational work (competent, family-centered, androgynous, activity, multidisciplinary, ‘help for self-help’) and taking it as basis explain content, forms, and methods of social workers.

En el presente ensayo pretendo ante todo comprender parte del núcleo de la lógica específica del pensamiento político de Chantal Mouffe en la medida en que aspira, a mi parecer con éxito, a superar el pensamiento de Schmitt, a pesar de aceptar sus argumentos contra el liberalismo político. La tesis que defiendo en este ensayo es que, en mi opinión, Chantal Mouffe ofrece un planteamiento que es decisivo para reconstruir la tradición republicana y democrática en el presente. En este sentido, su obra evitaría a la vez la oferta neoliberal de gobernanza cosmopolita, la oferta democrático-liberal propia del racionalismo liberal de Rawls, Habermas y Giddens; y la oferta comunista de Zizek. Sin embargo, a pesar de la cercanía en la que se mueve respecto al pensamiento de Ernesto Laclau, y de la aceptación de importantes elementos comunes ya construidos en Hegemonía y Estrategia socialista, también ofrece elementos que la distancian del pensamiento expuesto en La razón populista. Sin identificar todos estos elementos no estaremos en condiciones de comprender la específica propuesta de la autora. In the present essay, I intend above all to understand part of the core of the specific logic of Chantal Mouffe's political thought insofar as it aspires, in my opinion, to overcome Schmitt's thought, despite accepting his arguments against liberalism politician. The thesis I defend in this essay is that, in my opinion, Chantal Mouffe offers an approach that is decisive in reconstructing the republican and democratic tradition in the present. In this sense, his work would avoid at the same time the neoliberal offer of cosmopolitan governance, the liberal-democratic offer of Rawls's liberal rationalism, Habermas and Giddens; and the communist offer of Zizek. Nevertheless, in spite of the closeness in which he moves with respect to the thought of Ernesto Laclau, and of the acceptance of important common elements already constructed in Hegemony and Socialist Strategy, he also offers elements that distance him from the thought exposed in The Populist Reason. Without identifying all these elements we will not be able to understand the specific proposal of the author

Durante las últimas décadas, se ha podido observar cómo ha emergido un discurso sobre la necesidad de realizar una intervención de manera conjunta y global para garantizar la sostenibilidad del medio ambiente como una cuestión que va más allá de la política y que necesita ser dirigida por expertos científicos y técnicos. Este ensayo tiene como objetivo demostrar por qué si es política, entendida como contingencia de los fundamentos del conocimiento y disputa por la fijación de sentido. Por lo que este discurso estaría desplazando a la naturaleza hacia la esfera de la pospolítica, haciendo que esta sea abordada desde una perspectiva administrativa. Para superar esta pospolitización se propone un marco que reconozca la influencia de las prácticas sociales en el conocimiento y por tanto asuma el proceso de coproducción en el que intervienen ciencia y política.

Arrival, la película de Denis Villeneuve del 2016, narra la historia de Louise Banks, una lingüista con la tarea de aprender un lenguaje extraterrestre. A medida que domina este nuevo lenguaje, la protagonista experimenta un cambio drástico en su forma de percibir el mundo, específicamente en lo referido al tiempo. Las reflexiones acerca de la injerencia que el lenguaje posee en la percepción parte de la ficción y atraviesa los postulados de G. Lakoff y M. Johnson en su libro Metáforas de la vida cotidiana, donde el lenguaje y sus estructuras impactan en la percepción del mundo. Se presenta un trabajo que rescate las implicaciones epistemológicas del lenguaje, partiendo de la narración y reflexionando sobre la realidad humana. Arrival is a Denis Villeneuve's movie from 2016. This film tells us the story of Louise Bank. She is a very skilled linguist recruited by the army to be part of an interdisciplinary team in order to crack an alien language. When she does crack this alien language also change her perception of time. From this movie, I present reflexions about the language implications in human perception, going through Lakoff and Johnson's postulation in their book Metaphor we live by. I present a paper that focuses on the epistemological implication of languages. This work reflects on both the film and the human reality.

Este trabajo trata la cuestión de lo político y su distinción de la política en su disputa entre neoliberalismo, hegemonía y biopolítica. Planteamos lo político como principio que establece los fundamentos del funcionamiento de lo social y la política como formas concretas de su realización. Exploramos estas nociones en las corrientes del neoliberalismo, la hegemonía y la biopolítica. Lo político para el neoliberalismo se puede identificar con la libertad individual y su realización en el mercado. Para la teoría de la hegemonía lo político se vincula con el antagonismo y la articulación. Para la biopolítica la vida es el objeto de lo político. Por su lado la política para el neoliberalismo es lo que se opone a la libertad individual y está en contra de cualquier intervención del Estado sin embargo requiere y utiliza los instrumentos del gobierno para su expansión y mantenimiento. La política para el populismo es la capacidad de establecer una noción de sentido compartida y aceptada que permita presentar una particularidad bajo la forma de una totalidad mediante una relación singular entre distintos movimientos sociales y la figura del líder para la reivindicación de demandas populares. El autonomismo propone una política emancipatoria a través de la multitud como forma de existencia común que permite preservar las singularidades individuales This work deals with the distinction between politics and politics in their dispute between neoliberalism, hegemony and biopolitics. We differentiate the political as a principle that establishes the foundations of the functioning of the social of politics as concrete forms of its realization. We explore these notions in these currents. The political for neoliberalism can be identified with individual freedom and its realization in the market. For the theory of hegemony, politics is linked to antagonism and articulation. For biopolitics, life is the object of politics. For its part, the policy for neoliberalism is what opposes individual freedom and is against any intervention by the State; however, it requires and uses the instruments of government for its expansion and maintenance. The politics for populism is the ability to establish a shared and accepted notion of meaning that allows presenting a particularity in the form of a totality through a singular relationship between different social movements and the figure of the leader for the demand of popular demands. Autonomy proposes an emancipatory politics through the crowd as a common form of existence that allows preservation of individual singularities

En este trabajo se proponen algunos elementos de reflexión sobre la naturaleza, el objeto y los presupuestos epistemológicos de la noción de “crítica” en el pensamiento de Jacques Rancière. Para ello, se toma como punto de referencia y horizonte polémico la serie de objeciones que Rancière dirige al paradigma de la “crítica de la representación”, del que el pensamiento de Guy Debord constituye un caso ejemplar. Se concluye estableciendo algunos paralelismos entre la definición de la crítica por Rancière como manifestación del disenso y la que llevan a cabo los teóricos de la hegemonía, concretamente Chantal Mouffe. This work proposes some elements of reflection on the nature, object and epistemological presuppositions of the notion of "critique" in Jacques Rancière’s philosophy. To this end, the objections directed by Rancière to the paradigm of the "critique of representation", of which Guy Debord's thought constitute an exemplary case, are taken as a point of reference and polemical horizon. The paper concludes by establishing some parallels between Rancière’s definition of critique as a manifestation of dissensus and that carried out by theorists of hegemony, specifically Chantal Mouffe.

En este artículo ilustraré la filosofía de la matemática de Proclo de acuerdo a los enfoques constructivistas contemporáneos, principalmente los del intuicionismo. Presentándolo como un autor pre-intuicionista, intentaré contribuir a la discusión actual analizando algunas posturas de la filosofía antigua. Tengo la esperanza de cubrir esta laguna con una re-exposición de su filosofía de la matemática. Exploraré los orígenes de su teoría constructivista de la mente en la filosofía antigua y tardo-antigua (Aristóteles, Plotino y los estoicos) así como las fuentes de su posición en la controversia Académica sobre la naturaleza de los teoremas y los problemas entre Menecmo y Espeusipo In this paper I will illustrate Proclus’ philosophy of mathematics following contemporary constructivist approaches, mainly those of mathematical intuitionism. Presenting him as a pre-intuitionist author, I will attempt to contribute to the current discussion by analyzing certain claims of ancient philosophy in this field. It is my hope to fill this gap by a comprehensive reevaluation of Proclus’ philosophy of mathematics. I will explore the origins of Proclus’ theory of the constructivist mind in ancient and late ancient philosophy (Aristotle, Plotinus and the Stoics) as well as the sources of Proclus’ position in the Academic controversy between Menaechmus and Speusippus concerning the nature of theorems and problems.

Al comienzo del segundo tratado de la Genealogía de la moral, Nietzsche introdujo una reflexión a propósito de la relación entre humanidad y promesa. La posibilidad de una filosofía no metafísica quedó entonces vinculada a una relectura del significado de la promesa una vez ha muerto Dios. En este artículo esbozamos la propuesta de Jacques Derrida. At the beginning of the second treatise of On the Genealogy of Morality, Nietzsche introduced a reflection on the relationship between humanity and promise. The possibility of a non-metaphysical philosophy was there linked to a rereading of the meaning of the promise once God has died. In this article we outline the proposal of Jacques Derrida.

En este trabajo, estudiaremos, desde diversos puntos de vista el reciente fenómeno poético de masas surgido en las redes sociales, al que denominaremos «poesía 2.0». Aunque oponía severa resistencia frente a la democratización exigida por el gran público, el discurso poético acicateado por las redes sociales, finalmente, ha sucumbido puesto que en las sociedades líquidas todo es susceptible de ser convertido en objeto de consumo. Son varias las preguntas que nos asaltan y que trataremos de responder: ¿qué relación existe entre poesía-internet-mercado?, ¿estamos ante un caso de poesía best- seller?, ¿cuáles han sido los resortes necesarios para que nazca la poesía 2.0?, ¿qué lugar ocupa esta manifestación poética en el campo literario y en el imaginario colectivo? In this paper, we will study the recent poetic mass phenomenon that emerged in social networks; “poetry 2.0”. Although it resisted to the democratization demanded by the public, the poetic discourse spurred by social networks has finally succumbed. Since in liquid societies everything is prone to be converted into a consumption item, there are several questions that assail us and we will try to answer them: what is the relationship between poetry-internet-market? Are we facing a case of best-selling poetry? What has been the necessary impulse for the birth of «poetry 2.0»? What place does this poetic manifestation occupy in the literary field and in the collective worldview?

En el presente trabajo vamos a llevar a cabo una lectura de la polarización amigoenemigo tal como aparece en Carl Schmitt en su obra el Concepto de lo Político, con la idea de subvertir su planteamiento, aparentemente sumergido en una óptica de enemistad especular, y mostrar la presencia oculta de una divinidad veterotestamentaria, y en todo caso pre-católica, que produce no sólo un quiebre en la situación sin salida de la dialéctica de la hostilidad, sino a la vez merma la fe en la teodicea clásica, para introducirnos en un mundo de dioses hostiles y envidiosos In the present work we will proceed to reading the friend-enemy polarization as it appears in Carl Schmitt’s essay on The Concept of the Political, with the idea of subverting such an approach, apparently submerged in a specular optic, and show the hidden presence of an Old Testament-divinity, pre-catholic in any case, that produces not only a crack in the dead-end situation of the dialectic of enmity, but at the same time shakes the faith in classic theodicy, to lead us in a world of envious and hostiles Gods.

By engaging with the historiography of German constitutionalism after 1949, this article reconstructs a profound change of the meaning of the concept of constitution. The constitution evolved from a rather formal and provisional instrument of government to the just value order of politics, which scholars worldwide have celebrated as the value model of constitutionalism. The article critically examines the democratic consequences of this justicization of politics and disentangles the relationship between law and politics within German constitutional thinking by tracing its traditions and transformations back to scholarly debates and early Constitutional Court’s landmark decisions.

This paper aims to analyze the position of the Judicial Commission in the constitutional system according to the Constitution of the Republic of Indonesia from 1945. This research is normative, legal research, with historical and philosophical approaches. The research results showed that the position of the Judicial Commission in the Indonesian constitutional system is a state institution that has the same position as other high institutions. The existence of the Judicial Commission in the judicial authority system is an auxiliary and supporting body that promotes the implementation of the judicial power to uphold the law and justice carried out by the Judicial Commission and the Supreme Court. Thus, the Judicial Commission is not an institution that runs judicial power, but a state institution that assists the implementation of judicial power by the Supreme Court and the Constitutional Court of Indonesia.

This paper evaluates the United Nations' (UN) involvement and efforts in Western Sahara, and assesses its perceived effectiveness in settling this conflict in the post - Cold War international order. The dispute in Western Sahara is the most protracted conflict in the history of the UN. Its settlement would provide a crucial platform for the progress of other unresolved conflicts under UN auspices. As a mediator and an intervening party, the UN has played a major role in the dispute, especially since the establishment of the UN Mission for Western Sahara, MINURSO. After outlining the history of the Western Sahara conflict, this paper elucidates the stages the UN has managed therein, and clarifies the reasons and motives behind the deadlock in the Sahara. The UN's efforts are evaluated, and the negotiating perspectives of the concerned parties in the conflict and role of Algeria, which considers itself not formally part of the conflict despite its role in preserving the current impasse, analyzed.

The aim of this research is to show how the reconstruction of the existing Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia influences the promotion of a responsive legal culture in the bureaucratic system. The research methods are normative and empirical, along with the philosophical approach, statute approach, conceptual approach, and direct interview in the field. Concluding the reconstruction of the Ombudsman of the Republic Indonesia to be more ideal through the review of the Law Number 37 from 2008 regarding the Ombudsman of the Republic of Indonesia including the relation to its institutional authority, and the legal force of the Ombudsman’s recommendations that should be final and binding, so the recommendations have an executorial power.

La confrontación que Heidegger realiza con la metafísica en tanto historia del primer comienzo tiene como punto clave el pensamiento en torno al nihilismo. Éste es la frontera que Heidegger aborda en términos históricos y que lo lleva a desarrollar una filosofía del tránsito. El nihilismo se traduce como desarraigo, caracterizado como una época donde domina la maquinación, se establece una vivencia que se asienta en el rehuso del ser. The discussion that Heidegger commences on metaphysics as the history of the first beginning leads him to develop the transitional philosophy of the another Beginning. In this we find various problems among which is the question of inhabiting. The German author claims that we live in times of absolute uprooting. This should not be understood in the meaning of a given geographical location but in historical terms. The uprooting reveals that the end of metaphysics is but one more historical era, the era of the lack of thinking, of machination and particularly the rejection of the meaning of Being.

La tesis general y central de este trabajo es la siguiente: La aspiración a lo absoluto e incondicionado busca realizarse de dos formas, o bien, en el campo de lo suprasensible desde la razón, piénsese en Kant, o bien, en el campo de lo sensible a través a la irresistibibilidad e imperiosidad del poder. Es decir, o bien como determinación de los supremos objetos de la razón, poseedores de una necesidad irrestricta, tal y como lo pensó Kant al hablar de la facultad de la razón en la Dialéctica Trascendental, o bien, como dominio incondicionado del conjunto de los entes desde la voluntad de voluntad, tal y como lo pensó Heidegger. Ambos movimientos de determinación de la totalidad y de lo incondicionado corresponden a la estructura misma de la subjetividad moderna y su pretensión es el logro de una incondicionada y máxima plenitud llamada poder. Heidegger leerá la búsqueda de una máxima plenitud como ausencia de indigencia. The main and general thesis of this work is as follows: the aspiration toward the absolute and unconditioned seeks to be realized in two ways, either in the field of the supersensible through reason -as Kant claimed- or in the field of the sensible through power’s invasiveness and ‘compellingness’. In other words, either as a determination of the supreme objects of rea-son, being owners of an unrestricted necessity as Kant stated on the faculty of reason in the Transcendental Dialectic, or as the group of beings in the will of will just as Heidegger claimed. Both movements as the determination of totality and ‘unconditionedness’ amount to modern subjectivity’s structure itself, whose ambition is the achievement of an unrestricted and high fullness also known as power. Heidegger will read the search for this unrestricted fullness as a lack of indigence.

El presente número especial monográfico “Heidegger revolucionario. Crítica al capitalismo, Arte y Políticas del ser” busca contribuir a la tarea de interpretar y discutir problemas contemporáneos a la luz del legado del pensador de la Selva Negra. Esta tarea se vuelve especialmente necesaria tras la reciente publicación de diversos manuscritos y cuadernos póstumos, que lanzan una nueva luz sobre su obra y también dejan ver nuevos claroscuros, de modo que llaman a un cuidadoso trabajo de interpretación que apenas inicia. Entre estos textos encontramos los Cuadernos negros, unas libretas con anotaciones reflexivas variopintas de Heidegger escritas a lo largo de casi cuatro décadas con distinto ritmo de escritura. Se trata de decenas de cuadernos que contienen principalmente críticas del contexto contemporáneo, dando muestra de una sostenida confrontación con la modernidad desde el pensamiento del ser, además de reflexiones sobre su propia obra, autocríticas y esbozos para la redacción de grandes proyectos de pensamiento

Since September 2015 and the Russian military intervention in the country, the interests in Syria have been numerous and of great importance for the actors involved in this conflict. The interests in Syria are numerous and of great importance for the actors involved in this conflict. Russia, like the Allies and opponents of the Bashar Al-Assad regime, is fighting for geopolitical, geo-economic, or ideological reasons. The Middle East region finds itself shaken by the sharp resurgence of a confrontation between actors allied to the United States, other allies of Russia, and this Syrian crisis thus impacts the geopolitical configuration of the region. This paper presents an analysis of the Russian intervention strategy in Syria. We argue that Russia intervened in Syria to strengthen the already existing Russian-Syrian alliance, to curb extremist proliferation, and to take advantage of Syria's strategic position. The objective is to determine the reasons for the Russian military intervention in Syria related to energy and geo-economic interests. The Russian intervention in Syria was an ideal opportunity to draw closer to several powerful states in the region and a way to benefit from positive spin-offs on its arms market and hydrocarbon road plans. Despite the risks and costs associated with defending the Syrian regime, Moscow has secured its political and economic power in the Middle East.

The paper focuses on the relationship between nature and eth- ics, particularly by considering nature as a convention, the result of a so- cial agreement, which is based on the criterion of social utility. In order to analyse this relationship, my assumption takes into consideration three pathways: evolutionary ethics, with reference to Paul Rée; error theo- ry, with reference to John Mackie; and the concept of commodification, with reference to Ralph W. Emerson. I try to connect these perspectives in order to re-define the concepts of judgment and objectivity, showing that both can be viewed as standard or criteria of evaluation according to specific context and needs. My final aim is to show that Emerson’s concept of commodification corroborates the interpretation of nature in relation with the concept of social utility.

The intense and dichotomous relationship between Orientalism and Classicism that has been created over the last decades of the XX century, reaches new dimensions through the rapid scientific growth, the discoveries of new historical sources and artefacts, and, most importantly, through the paradigms change in many scientific disciplines. This development is also influenced by the rapid and multifaceted societal transformations in the intensively globalizing world of the new millennium. In this context, the paper explores the new understandings of these two important conceptions in the research of the past, and their redefined scope and relation in the light of the globalisation theories and through the paradigm of the ancient globalisation.

This article explains why it is so difficult to achieve peace in Nagorno-Karabakh and what factors prevent the peaceful resolution of the conflict. This conflict is very difficult to resolve because the conflicting parties have contradictory geopolitical interests and cannot achieve consensus during negotiations. We have to take into account Russia’s geopolitical interests in South Caucasus that Kremlin is interested in freezing this conflict to weaken both states, Azerbaijan and Armenia, and bring them back to Russia’s orbit. Moscow aims to establish firm control over South Caucasus which was viewed in the past as a ‘Russian backyard’. Russia still views South Caucasus as its zone of influence and tries to bring this region back into Russia’s orbit.

The worldwide pandemic caused by the coronavirus has disturbed the pure conception of the separation of powers. States forced by the newly established situation, declared a state of emergency, thus the Republic of North Macedonia was not an exception. This paper will focus on the divergences from the separation of powers in the countries from the Western Balkans and across Europe whose departure in the well-established system of checks and balances intrigued the media. The case of North Macedonia was maybe the most interesting because in time of declaring the state of emergency by the President of the Republic, the legislative branch of power – the Assembly was dissolute which meant that the already difficult situation became more complicated to establish a balance between the branches of power to function in protecting the general health of the citizens and the fundamental human rights and freedoms.

The general international standards are being discussed in this article, as well as more relevant ones concerned with the problem of sexual exploitation and child abuse. Further, the article discusses a growing understanding of children’s exposure to violence, strengthened commitments to secure their safety and protection, and significant international implementation efforts to mobilize support for prevention and response and to help change attitudes and behavior which condone violence against children. With the fast development of the internet and online social networks, the article ends with a conclusion in identifying criminal law benchmarks based on the previously identified general international standards.

There have been tectonic shifts in the Indo-Pacific region, impacting relations among international actors, including traditionally close partners like Vietnam and India. By using the approach of realism and constructivism in international relations, this paper discusses Vietnam and India’s approach to the Indo-Pacific region to expand their substantive strategic relationship. The paper finds out that geopolitical changes in the Indo-Pacific directly influence the bilateral relation and create challenges as well as opportunities. By using the SWOT model, the paper analyzes driving factors and challenges to the Vietnam- India relations. Through the findings, it suggests both countries need to take advantages of the regional cooperation to further Vietnam-India’s strategic comprehensive partnership.

The construction of a positive international image is profoundly correlated with advancing one’s national interests abroad. Influencing foreign audiences and creating multisided links with countries of interest, is the main objective of public diplomacy. In the highly interconnected XXI century, countries have increasingly invested in that practice, assisted by major technological advancements. China is not an exception. The current paper will examine in which ways the latter conducts public diplomacy and through which actors. The study will also try to showcase the evolution and challenges that took place in this domain. Afterward, the case study of Greece will be considered, presenting the Chinese actors engaging in the country, the practices they use, and how the bilateral relationship has been affected. The essay will conclude with estimating the total effectiveness of the practices, possible challenges that exist, and several insights for future reference.

In this article I explore the use of the term vulnerability in the work of two leading feminist theorists, Adriana Cavarero and Judith Butler. Approaching their work with the ‘politics of philosophy’ method I show how Cavarero’s and Butler’s usage of the term 'vulnerability' in relation to other terms in their texts testifies for differences in their relation to the academic tradition of philosophy. I argue that Cavarero’s usage of the term shows that she engages with the basic questions of the phenomenological-existential tradition of Husserl and Heidegger through the notion of the human, while arguing for the view of singular human existent as vulnerable and relational. In contrast, Butler’s usage of the term 'vulnerability' expresses distancing from the basic questions of the same tradition of the abstracted and transcendentalized human. Instead, Butler’s systematic connecting of vulnerability to social norms and infrastructures which are contingent and historically changing points towards the antifoundational challenge that she presents in relation to this particular tradition of philosophy.

The paper discusses the intricate power systems working within the current EU migration regime. It analyzes how constructions of sovereignty and vulnerability become both racialized and gendered to dehumanize the ‘migrant other.’ In a first step, Foucault’s study on biopower and the birth of modern sovereignty as the 'right to make live and let die' is compared to Mbembe’s notion of 'necropolitics', shifting the focus from the management of (migrant) life to the management of (migrant) death. As sovereignty works through constructions of impermeability, the paper shows, in a second step, how Butler deconstructs sovereignty as a narcissistic fantasy and reconceptualizes vulnerability as empowering sharedness, not victimhood and passivity. Consequently, resistance might rise from vulnerability to fight those necro- and biopolitics that render racialized and gendered populations less 'grievable'. Discussing grievability via visualizations of migrant drowning, humanitarian affectivity, and moral economies are complicit with the EU migration regime. Its politics of drowning leave racialized and gendered populations in the Mediterranean to die to maintain Europe’s putative sovereignty by which ‘Europe,’ eventually, becomes undone. From these fragmented leftovers, the paper concludes, the sharedness of vulnerability discloses and opens leeway for protest and a new beginning.